Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'German Bundesrat'

Le domande retoriche (DR) sono parte integrante delle sedute plenarie nel Bundestag e vengono qui analizzate dal punto di vista prosodico. Il corpus comprende 40 DR in senso stretto e 60 domande topic-setting (DTS). L’analisi prosodica è stata svolta con il software PRAAT e si concentra principalmente sugli accenti nucleari, sui toni di confine e sui contorni nucleari. A seguito di un’analisi percettiva preliminare, la successiva analisi acustica si è concentrata sulla misurazione e l’osservazione delle variazioni di F0 e intensità in relazione ai contorni nucleari e prenucleari. I risultati mostrano che le DR sono realizzate in modo quasi esclusivo con contorni discendenti e si è osservata anche la presenza di numerosi toni nucleari con downstep. Un altro elemento caratteristico è la presenza di due o più accenti enfatici in posizione prenucleare che rompono la regolarità dello schema intonativo del tedesco. Sono stati inoltre osservati accenti sul pronome interrogativo, picchi di F0 sui deittici e realizzazioni contrastive (o verum focus) e tutti sono stati associati a una funzione di persuasione e mantenimento dell’attenzione. Nelle DTS sono stati osservati in gran parte gli stessi schemi. A differenza delle DR, tuttavia, circa un quarto delle DTS presenta un contorno ascendente o ascendente-progrediente. Tale contorno contribuisce a marcare le domande come espediente narrativo e come parte di un più ampio contesto prosodico.
Rhetorical questions (RQs) are an integral part of the plenary sessions of the Bundestag and are here analysed in their prosodic realisations. The corpus comprises 40 RQs and 60 topic-setting questions (TSQs). The prosodic analysis has been carried out using the software PRAAT and focuses on nuclear accents, boundary tones and nuclear contours. After a preliminary perceptive analysis, the following acoustic analysis was aimed at measuring and observing the variations of F0 and intensity in relation to nuclear and pre-nuclear contours. The results show that RQs are almost exclusively produced with a falling contour and a widespread use of downstepped nuclear tones was also observed. Another key feature was the occurrence of two or more emphatic accents in prenuclear position which break the regular pattern of German intonation. Other prosodic patterns such as accents on the wh-word, F0 peaks on deictics and the use of contrastive realisations – or verum focus – were observed and their function associated to persuasion and maintaining attention. TSQs largely presented the same patterns, but differently from RQs, one-fourth of TSQs presented a rising or rising-progredient contour. This contour contributes to marking the question as a narrative device and as part of a broader prosodic context.

Should Turkey become a member of the EU? This is one of the most controversial issues in German European politics now. While the Social Democrats and the Green Party seem to be in favour, the Christian Democrats strongly oppose it.
This paper demonstrates that both sides - their contrary political preferences notwithstanding- share one central belief: Turkey does not fit into the EU for cultural reasons. Through a close reading of parliamentary debates on EUenlargement the article reconstructs how Turkey is made Europe’s other.

Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2006 u.d.T.: Wirtschaftspopulismus : die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Bundestagswahlkämpfen. Eine Analyse der Bundestagswahlkämpfe 1994, 1998 und 2002 am Beispiel des Themas Arbeitslosigkeit.
Literaturverz. S. 165 - 172

In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design. The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians. Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.

This thesis presents a new approach to the long-standing question of how electoral rules influence the behaviour of legislators. It begins with the argument that fresh empirical advances can be made by moving beyond the pervasive but rigid assumption that all legislators want to be re-elected and, by extension, that every incumbent values this goal to the same degree. Rather, I propose that individual Members of Parliament (MPs) vary in the extent to which they personally desire or depend upon re-election. Following the principles of a difference-in-differences design, this observation allows me to devise a theoretical framework capable of testing whether MPs' vote-seeking behaviour differs within parliaments in a way that varies predictably across countries. Specifically, I propose that in electoral systems where party-centric behaviour increases re-election chances, MPs particularly invested in the goal of re-election should cater to the party to an even greater extent than their colleagues. Conversely, in systems where a personal vote can generate electoral gains, MPs most ambitious for re-election should engage in this type of vote-winning strategy to the greatest extent. I test this prediction across the UK House of Commons and the German Bundestag, and within Germany's mixed-member system. Newly-collected biographical data on over 1700 MPs is used to conduct the first systematic MP-level operationalisation of re-election ambition based on legislators' career backgrounds. Career politicians are thereby identified as those most ambitious for re-election. Using voting behaviour from 1.8 million vote choices in legislative roll-calls as a proxy for the degree to which an MP caters to the party or to his or her personal reputation, the quantitative multilevel analysis reveals strong evidence for the proposed behavioural pattern. The contribution made by this study is two-fold. First, it uncovers the interaction between electoral rules and individual re-election ambition as a new explanation for MP-level variation in legislative behaviour. Second, its research design overcomes shortcomings in previous empirical tests for the existing theory on how electoral rules impact MP behaviour (e.g. Carey and Shugart 1995), producing more robust evidence in support of this influential framework.

Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentation
This thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation
Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren

Cette thèse explore la continuité entre le Reichstag de Weimar et le Bundestag de Bonn à travers les itinéraires de 34 élus ayant siégé dans les deux chambres. L’élaboration du portrait socio-politique du groupe considéré aboutit au constat d’une diversité fondamentale, mais aussi à l’identification de milieux socio-moraux structurant la vie politique de l’Allemagne impériale. Ces acteurs vécurent différemment leur passage au Reichstag avant 1933, suivant leur parti, leur genre, la date et circonscription de leur élection ou les fonctions qu’ils exercèrent au parlement. La mise au pas du Reichstag et l’effondrement de la République marquèrent un tournant dans leur existence. La recherche des causes de l’échec weimarien les accompagna toute leur vie. Les personnalités étudiées réagirent différemment à la dictature nazie. Si leurs situations varient considérablement entre 1933 et 1945, ces années se résument globalement à une expérience de la perte. Les anciens du Reichstag furent les cibles privilégiées de persécutions visant à briser toute opposition au nazisme. L’expérience de l’oppression les mua en démocrates attentifs et favorisa leur retour en politique dès 1945. La plupart participèrent à la refondation institutionnelle de l’Allemagne de l’Ouest entre 1945 et 1949. Leurs retrouvailles avec le parlement à partir de 1949 furent difficiles dans la mesure où ils percevaient le Bundestag à travers le filtre de leur souvenir du Reichstag. Au Bundestag, ils mirent à profit leur connaissance du travail parlementaire, contribuant ainsi à stabiliser le nouvel État. Certains y perpétuèrent une culture politique forgée avant 1933 qui peut être qualifiée d’« esprit de Weimar »
This PhD thesis studies the continuity between the Weimar Reichstag and the Bundestag in Bonn from the perspective of 34 representatives who were elected in both chambers. Constructing the socio-political portrait of this group reveals an essential diversity while at the same time leading to the identification of the socio-moral backgrounds that structured political life in imperial Germany. These men and women experienced their time in the Reichstag differently, depending on their party, gender, constituency, the period in question, and the place they occupied in parliament.The neutralisation of the Reichstag and the fall of the Republic marked a turning point in their lives. The question of why the Weimar Republic had failed would follow them for the rest of their lives. The members of this group reacted differently to the Nazi dictatorship. If their situations varied considerably between 1933 and 1945, the period was generally marked by the experience of loss. The former members of the Reichstag were the main targets of Nazi persecutions aimed at opponents of the regime. Living through oppression turned them into considerate democrats and encouraged their return to politics. Most took part in the institutional reconstruction of West Germany between 1945 and 1949. Their reunion with the parliament from 1949 onward was difficult, since they perceived the Bundestag through the prism of their past experience in the Reichstag. In the Bundestag, they built on their knowledge of parliamentary work, thereby contributing to stabilising the new state. Some of them perpetuated a political culture that had been shaped before 1933 and which can be described as “the Weimar spirit”

Discourse pervades all areas of human activity. Beyond the use of verbal communication, discourse also extends to non-verbal elements such as body language, facial expressions, intonation and laughter. Despite the wide range of studies that examine the structures and nature of political discourse, very few have looked at the ways in which politicians use non-verbal elements and, in particular, laughter as part of their discourse strategies. This study looks at the use of laughter in the German Bundestag by analysing 16,000 observations of laughter taken from the transcripts of 847 plenary sessions spanning four electoral terms. The study finds that laughter can be used by politicians as a non-verbal means of expressing opinion and making a statement without breaking the stringent rules of conduct. The use of laughter in parliament can provide information on party alliances, both current and traditional, as well as the general ‘mood’ of the electoral period. Due to the changing nature of political debates and the increasing rejection of ‘traditional’ means of doing politics, fascinating changes are taking place in the political landscape.:1 Introduction 2 Discourse analysis 2.1 Political discourse analysis 2.2 Parliamentary debates 2.2.1 According to Klein 2.2.2 Parliamentary discourse as monologue, dialogue or trialogue? 2.2.3 Interjections as parliamentary discourse 2.3 Non-verbal communication 3 Humour 3.1 Humour in politics 3.2 The study of humour in politics 4 Background 4.1 The German Bundestag 4.2 Stenographic reports 4.2.1 Written or spoken language? 4.2.2 The difference between Lachen and Heiterkeit 4.3 Electoral term specifics 5 Data 5.1 Hypotheses 5.2 Description of the analysis 6 Results 7 Discussion 7.1 Reflections 7.2 Outlook 8 Conclusion References

Die Forschungsarbeit „Ich sehe nur, wie sich die Menschen plagen“: Gesundheitsvorstellungen, -risiken und -verhalten von Berufspolitikern – Eine empirische Analyse befasst sich aus medizinsoziologischer Perspektive mit potentiellen Gesundheitsvorstellungen, -risiken sowie gesundheitsförderlichen bzw. -riskanten Verhaltensweisen deutscher Berufspolitiker. Der Einfluss gesundheitsrelevanter persönlicher Erfahrungen auf gesundheitspolitische Entscheidungen auf Bundesebene stellt einen ergänzenden Fokus dar. Grundlage der Forschungsarbeit ist die subjektiv zunehmende krankheits- und krisenbedingte (medial vermittelte) Belastung der Mandatsträger in der Öffentlichkeit. Die Arbeit stützt sich u.a. auf die Modelle der Salutogenese nach Antonovsky, der Gratifikationskrise nach Siegrist, auf das Anforderungs-Kontroll-Modell nach Karasek sowie die kognitiv-transaktionale Stresstheorie nach Lazarus. Weitere Basis ist das biopsychosoziale Krankheitsmodell. Das empirische Vorgehen der qualitativ angelegten Studie wurde an die Grounded Theory angelehnt. Eine teilnehmende Beobachtung, die Durchführung und Auswertung von 21 Interviews samt sich anschließender Typenbildung wurde angestrebt und vollzogen. Das Interviewsample setzte sich aus Berufspolitikern aller in der 17. Wahlperiode des deutschen Bundestages vertretenen Parteien (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Bündnis 90/die Grünen, Die Linke) zusammen. In der Ergebnisdarstellung werden besonderer Wert auf die individuellen Gesundheitsvorstellungen der einzelnen Politiker gelegt, zudem gesundheitsförderliche Verhaltensweisen eruiert. So scheint Gesundheit durch persönliche Prioritätensetzung und zurückliegende Erfahrungen geprägt. Es können hierzu 14 Themenbereiche und drei zentrale Phänomene ermittelt werden. Krankheitsbilder und Krisenerfahrungen des Interviewsamples werden samt ihrer Einbettung in den sozialen Kontext dargestellt. So werden offensichtliche und allgemeingehaltene Krankheitsbilder durch die Mandatsträger oft am eigenen Beispiel geschildert, lebensbedrohliche im Gegenzug fast ausnahmslos an Kollegen illustriert. Deutlich werden krisen- und krankheitsbedingte Auswirkungen auf politische Akzente. Es können sechs klar voneinander abgrenzbare Typen der Berufspolitiker bezüglich ihres Gesundheitsverhaltens im beruflichen Alltag eruiert werden (Extrempole: Das Opfer vs. Der Abgesicherte). Weiterhin werden besondere Risikofaktoren des arbeitsreichen Mandats illustriert, im Gegenzug Optimierungsmöglichkeiten aufgezeigt. Es zeigt sich ein berufsbedingtes Ungleichgewicht zwischen Risiko- und Schutzfaktoren zulasten der Ressourcen. Hier sind Ansätze zur (Verhaltens-/Verhältnis)Prävention und Gesundheitsförderung zu finden. Der Link zwischen Gesundheitspolitik im Allgemeinen sowie Gesundheitsverhalten im Speziellen wird geschaffen. Abschließend erfolgt eine Kategorisierung der zentralen Themen der Studie. Hierbei werden der Grounded Theory und dem offenen, axialen und selektiven Kodieren folgend Kategorien, Subkategorien sowie eine Kernkategorie ermittelt. Es zeigt sich eine Schwerpunktverlagerung bezüglich In- und Output der Leitfadenthemen (Stigmatisierbarkeit, Tabuisierung). Abschließend werden weiterführende Forschungsperspektiven aufgezeigt.