Relevant bibliographies by topics / German Bundesrat

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'German Bundesrat'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "German Bundesrat"

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Niedobitek, Matthias. "The German Bundesrat and Executive Federalism." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0023.

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Abstract The German Basic Law constitutes federalism as a unique political system which is characterised by intertwined decision-making of the Federation (Bund) and the component units (Länder). The executives of the two federal tiers and the Länder executives within the Bundesrat play a major role in making joint decisions. They are forced to make decisions in the ‘joint-decision mode’ (Politikverflechtung) which is detrimental to accountability. Reform efforts were made to unbundle competences and to reduce the number of bills which require the Bundesrat’s consent. Due to the dominance of the executives and the distribution of powers between the federal tiers (legislation is dominated by the Bund, execution is dominated by the Länder), German federalism is rightly called ‘executive federalism’. German federalism can even be regarded as an embodiment of that concept since it covers all possible aspects of ‘executive federalism’. The Bundesrat has an important share in that classification.
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Suszycka-Jasch, Magdalena, and Hans-Christian Jasch. "The Participation of the German Länder in Formulating German EU-policy." German Law Journal 10, no. 9 (September 1, 2009): 1215–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018113.

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On the 30 June 2009 the German Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, FCC) has passed its long-awaited decision on the compatibility of the Act approving the Treaty of Lisbon and the accompanying legislation with the Basic law (Grundgesetz). The FCC's decision according to which the ratification law is compatible with the Basic law was greeted with relief by many German and European policy makers. It has removed another obstacle for the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon in the European Union (EU), which still has to be ratified by Ireland, Poland and the Czech Republic, though. But also Germany's ratification still depends on the amendment of the accompanying “Act Extending and Strengthening the Rights of the Bundestag and the Bundesrat in European Union Matters” (“Extending Act”) which the FCC has declared incompatible with the Basic law insofar as the legislature, Bundestag and Bundesrat, have not been accorded sufficient rights of participation in European law-making and treaty amendment procedures. The FCC has therefore ruled that the Federal Republic of Germany's instrument of ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon may not be deposited as long as the constitutionally required legal elaboration of the parliamentary rights of participation has not entered into force. This puts pressure on German law-makers to amend the accompanying “Extending Act” possibly before the referendum in Ireland and before German elections in autumn 2009.
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Gunlicks, Arthur. "German Federalism Reform: Part One." German Law Journal 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005447.

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In October 2005 the German Law Journal published my article which reviewed the major characteristics of German federalism, some common criticisms, and efforts to reform the system in recent decades. These efforts culminated in a Federalism Commission (Kommission von Bundestag und Bundesrat zur Modernisierung der bundesstaatlichen Ordnung [KOMBO]) that was formed in the fall of 2003 and met until December 2004, when the co-chairs announced that the Commission was unable to reach agreement on several issues, in particular the respective roles of the federal and Land (state) governments in higher education policy. The failure of federalism reform was lamented by most observers, and many regretted especially the fact that the Commission had agreed on far more issues than those on which it had disagreed.
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Lachner, Constantin M., and Rafael von Heppe. "The Introduction of Real Estate Investment Trusts [REITs] in Germany." German Law Journal 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005459.

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The German Real Estate Investment Trust – or, G-REIT – is in the centre of interest in Germany these days and expected to be introduced in Germany in the beginning of 2007. After a preparation phase initiated in 2003 by a lobbying group (“IFD”) under the former German government, the new government has most recently drafted a bill with respect to the introduction of G-REITs (“bill”). This bill remains to be subject to parliamentary discussion and is likely to be partially modified before its final adoption: in addition to its passage in the Bundestag (Federal Parliament), it requires the approval of the Bundesrat (German Federal Council). Following its first reading it will be committed to the Financial Committee, which will conduct hearings. However, the legislator intends to pass the bill in the first quarter of 2007 to take retroactive effect as of 1 January 2007. This essay intends to outline fundamental corporate, capital market, and tax related G-REIT parameters provided for by the G-REIT Act in its present form.
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Bachmann, Gregor. "Introductory Editorial: Renovating the German Private Limited Company - Special Issue on the Reform of the GmbH." German Law Journal 9, no. 9 (September 1, 2008): 1063–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200000316.

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On 28 June 2008, the German Bundestag (Federal Parliament) passed a bill on the reform of German corporate law. Known as the Gesetz zur Modernisierung des GmbH-Rechts und zur Bekämpfung von Missbräuchen (MoMiG – Law for the Modernization of the GmbH and to Stop its Misuse) the bill is a milestone, the single most important reform of the most commonly used German corporate form. The reform will bring about major changes. Among other things the reform will make it possible to establish a GmbH with a share capital of nothing more than € 1 EURO (previously, € 25,000 had been required) and to establish a GmbH that has no active business in Germany but solely operates abroad. Although the bill still has to be approved by the Bundesrat (Federal Council of the States), which will probably vote on this matter on 19 September, experts have little doubt that the reform easily will pass this last hurdle and enter into force as soon as 1 November.
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Koggel, Claus. "The Mediation Committee of the Bundestag and Bundesrat: A Special Institution of German Constitutional Law." International Journal of Legal Information 44, no. 1 (March 2016): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jli.2016.5.

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AbstractThe Mediation Committee of the Bundestag and Bundesrat – is it “one of the most felicitous innovations in our constitutional activities”, “the most positive institution in the entire Basic Law” or, as some critics assert “a substitute and superordinate parliament” or indeed the “mysterious darkroom of the legislative process”? This article seeks to provide answers to these questions. It is however clear that the Mediation Committee has become an important instrument for attaining political compromises in Germany's legislative procedure. The Committee's purpose is to find a balance between the differing opinions of the Bundestag and Bundesrat concerning the content of legislation, and, through political mediation and mutual concessions, to find solutions that are acceptable to both sides. Thanks to this approach, the Mediation Committee has helped save countless important pieces of legislation from failure since it was established over 65 years ago, thus making a vital contribution to ensure the legislative process works efficiently. The lecture will address the Mediation Committee's status and role within the German legislative process. It will explain the composition of this body as well as its most important procedural principles also against the backdrop of current case law from the Federal Constitutional Court. Finally, the lecture will consider how particular constellations of political power impact on the Mediation Committee's work.
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Becker, Florian. "The Decision of the German Constitutional Court on the Immigration Act." German Law Journal 4, no. 2 (February 1, 2003): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015789.

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Even experienced scholars will have to think for quite a while when asked to remember whether a similar situation has ever occurred: A tiny constitutional provision in the organisational part of the Grundgesetz (GG – Basic Law), not exactly neglected by learned writers but definitely never seen as a source of major problems, became the starting point of one of the most emotional outbursts German politics has ever experienced. The said provision, Article 51.3(2) of the Basic Law, dealing with the voting procedure in the Bundesrat innocently says that the votes of one Land's representatives “can” (“können”) be cast only unanimously. In order to understand the causes for the earthquake that struck the German political and constitutional system in the 774th session of the Bundesrat on 22 March 2002 it is essential to shed light on the structure and the constitutional role of the Bundesrat.
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Niedobitek, Matthias. "The Lisbon Case of 30 June 2009 - A Comment from the European Law Perspective." German Law Journal 10, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200001607.

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In its 30 June 2009 judgment on the Treaty of Lisbon, the German Federal Constitutional Court stated that “there are no decisive constitutional objections to the Act Approving the Treaty of Lisbon,” but only as long as “the provisos that are specified in the grounds” are taken into account. Thus, in conformity with the terms of the judgment, the Court has made the constitutionality of the Act Approving the Lisbon Treaty dependent on an amendment of the Act Extending and Strengthening the Rights of the Bundestag (German Federal Parliament) and the Bundesrat (German Federal Council of States) in European Union Matters. One could also put it another way: The Act Approving the Lisbon Treaty is unconstitutional as long as the constitutional concerns specified in the judgment are not met.
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Al-Najjar, Sherzad Ahmad Ameen, and Dlawar Osman Majed. "The Constitutional Position of the Federal Council (Bundesrat) in the German Political System." Journal of Legal and Political Studies 7, no. 2 (December 22, 2019): 502–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17656/jlps.10166.

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Helms, Ludger. "Is there Life after Kohl? The CDU Crisis and the Future of Party Democracy in Germany." Government and Opposition 35, no. 4 (October 2000): 419–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00039.

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There are few Chapters of the Federal Republic'S History that could be written without a prominent reference to the Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Since 1949 Christian Democratic chancellors have led German governments for no less than 37 years. Even when in opposition, the Christian Democrats - composed at the national level of the CDU and the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU)1 - constituted more often than not the strongest parliamentary party group (Fraktion) in the Bundestag, such as after the federal elections of 1969, 1976 and 1980. Also at state level and in the Bundesrat, which represents the individual states (L-nder) in the national decision-making process, the Christian Democrats quite often held a dominant position justifying occasional remarks of a ‘CDU/CSU bias’ within the German party system.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "German Bundesrat"

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Swenden, Wilfried. "Federalism and second chambers : regional representation in parliamentary federations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322975.

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Drange, Günter. "Publizität im Verhältnis von Bundesrechnungshof und Bundestag /." Hamburg : Verlag Dr. Kovač, 2007. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-2844-4.htm.

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Solomon, Stephan Marc [Verfasser], and Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] König. "Listen Carefully - Public Hearings in the German Bundestag / Stephan Marc Solomon. Betreuer: Thomas König." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1082205400/34.

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DAMIAZZI, VINCENZO. "ANALISI PROSODICA DELLE DOMANDE RETORICHE NEL BUNDESTAG." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/97590.

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Le domande retoriche (DR) sono parte integrante delle sedute plenarie nel Bundestag e vengono qui analizzate dal punto di vista prosodico. Il corpus comprende 40 DR in senso stretto e 60 domande topic-setting (DTS). L’analisi prosodica è stata svolta con il software PRAAT e si concentra principalmente sugli accenti nucleari, sui toni di confine e sui contorni nucleari. A seguito di un’analisi percettiva preliminare, la successiva analisi acustica si è concentrata sulla misurazione e l’osservazione delle variazioni di F0 e intensità in relazione ai contorni nucleari e prenucleari. I risultati mostrano che le DR sono realizzate in modo quasi esclusivo con contorni discendenti e si è osservata anche la presenza di numerosi toni nucleari con downstep. Un altro elemento caratteristico è la presenza di due o più accenti enfatici in posizione prenucleare che rompono la regolarità dello schema intonativo del tedesco. Sono stati inoltre osservati accenti sul pronome interrogativo, picchi di F0 sui deittici e realizzazioni contrastive (o verum focus) e tutti sono stati associati a una funzione di persuasione e mantenimento dell’attenzione. Nelle DTS sono stati osservati in gran parte gli stessi schemi. A differenza delle DR, tuttavia, circa un quarto delle DTS presenta un contorno ascendente o ascendente-progrediente. Tale contorno contribuisce a marcare le domande come espediente narrativo e come parte di un più ampio contesto prosodico.
Rhetorical questions (RQs) are an integral part of the plenary sessions of the Bundestag and are here analysed in their prosodic realisations. The corpus comprises 40 RQs and 60 topic-setting questions (TSQs). The prosodic analysis has been carried out using the software PRAAT and focuses on nuclear accents, boundary tones and nuclear contours. After a preliminary perceptive analysis, the following acoustic analysis was aimed at measuring and observing the variations of F0 and intensity in relation to nuclear and pre-nuclear contours. The results show that RQs are almost exclusively produced with a falling contour and a widespread use of downstepped nuclear tones was also observed. Another key feature was the occurrence of two or more emphatic accents in prenuclear position which break the regular pattern of German intonation. Other prosodic patterns such as accents on the wh-word, F0 peaks on deictics and the use of contrastive realisations – or verum focus – were observed and their function associated to persuasion and maintaining attention. TSQs largely presented the same patterns, but differently from RQs, one-fourth of TSQs presented a rising or rising-progredient contour. This contour contributes to marking the question as a narrative device and as part of a broader prosodic context.
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Hülsse, Rainer. "When culture determines politics : wie der Deutsche Bundestag die Türkei von der EU fernhält." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/971/.

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Should Turkey become a member of the EU? This is one of the most controversial issues in German European politics now. While the Social Democrats and the Green Party seem to be in favour, the Christian Democrats strongly oppose it.
This paper demonstrates that both sides - their contrary political preferences notwithstanding- share one central belief: Turkey does not fit into the EU for cultural reasons. Through a close reading of parliamentary debates on EUenlargement the article reconstructs how Turkey is made Europe’s other.
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Bachmeier, Andreas. "Wirtschaftspopulismus die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Wahlkämpfen." Wiesbaden VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2833704&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2006 u.d.T.: Wirtschaftspopulismus : die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Bundestagswahlkämpfen. Eine Analyse der Bundestagswahlkämpfe 1994, 1998 und 2002 am Beispiel des Themas Arbeitslosigkeit.
Literaturverz. S. 165 - 172
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Altuglu, Murat. "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565.

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In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design. The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians. Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.
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Heuwieser, Raphael J. "Electoral rules and legislative behaviour : cross-national micro-level evidence from the Bundestag and the UK House of Commons, 2005-2015." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c11962d9-3f1d-4f87-9c2a-b970ff5043bf.

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This thesis presents a new approach to the long-standing question of how electoral rules influence the behaviour of legislators. It begins with the argument that fresh empirical advances can be made by moving beyond the pervasive but rigid assumption that all legislators want to be re-elected and, by extension, that every incumbent values this goal to the same degree. Rather, I propose that individual Members of Parliament (MPs) vary in the extent to which they personally desire or depend upon re-election. Following the principles of a difference-in-differences design, this observation allows me to devise a theoretical framework capable of testing whether MPs' vote-seeking behaviour differs within parliaments in a way that varies predictably across countries. Specifically, I propose that in electoral systems where party-centric behaviour increases re-election chances, MPs particularly invested in the goal of re-election should cater to the party to an even greater extent than their colleagues. Conversely, in systems where a personal vote can generate electoral gains, MPs most ambitious for re-election should engage in this type of vote-winning strategy to the greatest extent. I test this prediction across the UK House of Commons and the German Bundestag, and within Germany's mixed-member system. Newly-collected biographical data on over 1700 MPs is used to conduct the first systematic MP-level operationalisation of re-election ambition based on legislators' career backgrounds. Career politicians are thereby identified as those most ambitious for re-election. Using voting behaviour from 1.8 million vote choices in legislative roll-calls as a proxy for the degree to which an MP caters to the party or to his or her personal reputation, the quantitative multilevel analysis reveals strong evidence for the proposed behavioural pattern. The contribution made by this study is two-fold. First, it uncovers the interaction between electoral rules and individual re-election ambition as a new explanation for MP-level variation in legislative behaviour. Second, its research design overcomes shortcomings in previous empirical tests for the existing theory on how electoral rules impact MP behaviour (e.g. Carey and Shugart 1995), producing more robust evidence in support of this influential framework.
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Focke, Sandra. ""Politik-Marketing" : die Marketing-Strategien der beiden großen Volksparteien (CDU, SPD) im Bundestagswahlkampf 2002 mit Schwerpunkt auf Materialien der CDU." Frankfurt, M. [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016230761&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Baloge, Martin. "Démêler l'écheveau de la représentation politique : l’impôt sur la fortune à l’Assemblée nationale et au Bundestag." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01D090.

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Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentation
This thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation
Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren
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Books on the topic "German Bundesrat"

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Thaysen, Uwe. The Bundesrat, the Länder and German federalism. Washington, D.C: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, 1994.

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Reuter, Konrad. Praxishandbuch Bundesrat: Verfassungsrechtliche Grundlagen : Kommentar zur Geschäftsordnung : Praxis des Bundesrates. Heidelberg: C.F. Müller, 1991.

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Reuter, Konrad. Praxishandbuch Bundesrat: Verfassungsrechtliche Grundlagen : Kommentar zur Geschäftsordnung : Praxis des Bundesrates. 2nd ed. Heidelberg: C.F. Müller, 2007.

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Ziller, Gebhard. Der Bundesrat. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1998.

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Ziller, Gebhard. Der Bundesrat. 9th ed. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1993.

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Der Bundesrat. 8th ed. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1989.

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Zwoch, Gerhard. The German Bundestag. Bonn: German Bundestag, 1988.

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Reuter, Konrad. Bundesrat und Bundesstaat: Der Bundesrat der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 6th ed. Bonn: Direktor des Bundesrates, 1989.

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Bundesrat und Europäische Union: Die Beteiligung des Bundesrates nach dem neuen Artikel 23 des Grundgesetzes. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1994.

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Le gouvernement parlementaire en allemagne: Contribution à une théorie générale. Paris: L.G.D.J., 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "German Bundesrat"

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Behnke, Nathalie, and Sabine Kropp. "Administrative Federalism." In Public Administration in Germany, 35–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_3.

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AbstractThe German federal architecture is shaped by a peculiar mix of strong decentralisation and high autonomy at lower levels of government coupled with an administrative culture of uniformity, solidarity and coordination. This system has been described as ‘administrative federalism’ to emphasise the prominent role of executives and administrations in policymaking and policy implementation. The federal level relies on the Länder for executing its tasks; in turn, the Länder executives possess rights of co-decision in federal legislation via the Bundesrat. While formal jurisdictions are strongly decentralised, a dense web of interlocking powers and processes, as well as institutions of coordination, creates incentives for territorial governments to closely cooperate with each other. The German-style administrative federalism has been successful, but is requiring adaptation and developments caused by trends like the upward shift of tasks from the Länder to the federal level and increasing party-system fragmentation.
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von Knobloch, Hans-Heinrich. "The Federal Administration of Interior Affairs." In Public Administration in Germany, 81–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_6.

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AbstractAccording to the Basic Law, the Länder are in principle responsible for public administration, regardless of whether state or federal law is being enforced.The Basic Law has set a narrow framework for the federal administration. The obligations and options of the federal administration are defined in full. However, superior federal authorities responsible for the entire federal territory may be established by law passed with the consent of the Bundesrat for matters for which the Federation has the power to legislate. Intermediate and lower authorities may also be established if urgently needed. The chapter demonstrates this setting by the prominent example of the Federal Ministry of the Interior , Building and Community (BMI).
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Tangian, Andranik. "Analysis of the 2013 German Bundestag Election." In Studies in Choice and Welfare, 527–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39691-6_13.

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Tremmel, Joerg Chet, and Patrick Wegner. "German Bundestag Survey on Intergenerational Justice in the Labour Market." In A Young Generation Under Pressure?, 77–105. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-03483-1_5.

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Wiesel, Elie. "Address to the German Bundestag: Holocaust Remembrance Day (Berlin, 27 January, 2000)." In As the Witnesses Fall Silent: 21st Century Holocaust Education in Curriculum, Policy and Practice, 19–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15419-0_2.

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Schwanholz, Julia. "How to Be a Good MP? The Case of the German Bundestag." In Parliamentarians’ Professional Development, 155–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24181-4_9.

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Picard, Walter. "Berlin Through the Eyes of a Longtime Member of the German Parliament (Bundestag)." In Views of Berlin, 37–43. Boston, MA: Birkhäuser Boston, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-6715-2_4.

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Goderbauer, Sebastian. "Political Districting for Elections to the German Bundestag: An Optimization-Based Multi-stage Heuristic Respecting Administrative Boundaries." In Operations Research Proceedings, 181–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28697-6_26.

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Riese, Dorothee. "Secrecy and the preservation of the democratic state – the concept of raison d’état in the German Bundestag." In Transparency and Secrecy in European Democracies, 159–74. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429026003-12.

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Hohendorf, Lukas, Thomas Saalfeld, and Ulrich Sieberer. "Oppositional Strategies Between Cooperation and Conflict: An Analysis of Opposition Party Voting in the German Bundestag, 1949–2013." In Continuity and Change of Party Democracies in Europe, 309–42. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-28988-1_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "German Bundesrat"

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Zirn, Cäcilia. "Analyzing Positions and Topics in Political Discussions of the German Bundestag." In Proceedings of the ACL 2014 Student Research Workshop. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/v1/p14-3004.

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