Academic literature on the topic 'Geostrategia del mare'

Limits, both individual and collective, will be tested in 2023, whether it be inflation, food security, the energy crisis, rising pressure on global supply chains and geopolitical competition, international security and governance systems breaking down, and the collective capacity to respond to it all. The impacts of this permacrisis contribute directly to worsening household living conditions, which translate into rising social unrest and citizen protests, which will only increase. Cracks are widening and deepening – geopolitical, social and in the access to basic goods. The war in Ukraine has made it clear that the more risks are associated with a geostrategic confrontation, the more obsolete the collective security frameworks built to deal with them appear. The mismatch between means, challenges and deterrence instruments worsens.

ABSTRACT Bangladesh is a small state in South Asia, but its pivotal geostrategic location on the contested Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and being one of the world’s fastest growing economies with 160 million population helps overshadow the small territorial size of the country. Soon after independence, in 1975 with Chinese recognition, the tug-of-war for hegemonic influence in Bangladesh began between India & China. This paper wants to test the conventional wisdom whether ‘Great power rivalries make smaller nations vulnerable.’ The paper also endeavours to predict the future relationship between the two giants in Asia amid all tensions regarding their association in regional forums like ASEAN, BIMSTEC and initiatives like BRI. The research wants to identify the strategic options in foreign policy for Dhaka and whether they have been successful in turning the neighbour’s rivalry into billions of dollars in investment. RESUMEN Bangladesh es un pequeño estado del sur de Asia, pero su ubicación geoestratégica fundamental en la disputada región del Océano Índico (IOR) y el hecho de ser una de las economías de más rápido crecimiento del mundo, con 160 millones de habitantes, ayudan a eclipsar el pequeño tamaño territorial del país. Poco después de la independencia, en 1975, con el reconocimiento de China, comenzó el tira y afloja por la influencia hegemónica en Bangladesh entre India y China. Este documento quiere poner a prueba la sabiduría convencional de que "las rivalidades de las grandes potencias hacen vulnerables a las naciones más pequeñas". El documento también intenta predecir la futura relación entre los dos gigantes de Asia en medio de todas las tensiones relativas a su asociación en foros regionales como la ASEAN, el BIMSTEC e iniciativas como la BRI. La investigación quiere identificar las opciones estratégicas en política exterior para Dhaka y si han tenido éxito en convertir la rivalidad del vecino en miles de millones de dólares en inversiones.

The present study investigates the representation of America in Anglophone Pakistani Literature with a special focus on Sorayya Khan's City of Spies with the assumption to trace some possible connection between American intervention and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the context of Pakistan's politics. Given the American intervention in Pakistani politics and its indelible impact on the domestic and international scenario had made the country a virtual battleground for the superpowers of the world. Khan's novel situates this conflict in the aftermath of the military coup of General Zia, followed by the Afghan war and (c)overt American alliance in it, which brought about serious implications for the Pakistani state. The story of the novel offers some pertinent extracts which deal, literally or metaphorically, with the role and representation of America in these geostrategic events. The article has used the critical cultural angle by investing the theoretical views of Ziauddin Sardar in terms of the Muslim world's apathy for America in the aftermath of cold war politics are used to get a better insight into the central problem by underscoring how this foreign policy of America has been responsible for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan.

Antecedentes: La economía colombiana, se ha caracterizado por una amplia apertura y libre mercado, tanto que hoy tiene tratados comerciales con los bloques más importantes del mundo. Esta característica exige tener unas condiciones de alta competitividad y diversificación, por lo que los Gobiernos nacional y regional intentan impulsar algunos sectores que tradicionalmente han sido inexplotados como el turismo y específicamente el Turismo de Salud, con el fin de convertirlo en un sector de clase mundial, que coadyuve a generar fuentes de riqueza, empleo y diversificación de la economía. El Turismo Médico es un sector que cada día toma mayor fuerza y credibilidad y en algunos países como Singapur, Malasia o Costa Rica constituyen un aporte importante al PIB. Objetivo: Describir la cadena de valor de sector Turismo de Salud, del Área de Cúcuta, determinar sus ventajas y desventajas y proponer estrategias que permitan su desarrollo como alternativa económica para la zona de frontera. Método: Documental y cuantitativo, enfocado en los actores del subsector, con especial énfasis en las Instituciones Prestadoras de Salud, y teniendo como teorías fundamentales, la Cadena de Valor y el Diamante de Porter. Resultados: La región cuenta con la infraestructura, una posición geoestratégica y las condiciones sociales y económicas necesarias, para lograr el surgimiento del subsector,aunque para lograrlo se requiere, principalmente, que las instituciones de salud logren acreditaciones internacionales, sus trabajadores tengan un buen nivel de bilingüismo y se desarrolle una adecuada estrategia de mercadeo y de articulación entre actores del sistema. Conclusiones: Existen las condiciones necesarias para que el turismo de salud se convierta en una alternativa económica viable, siendo necesario diseñar políticas y estrategias dirigidas a la articulación de los actores, el mejoramiento de la infraestructura, la capacitación del recurso humano y la certificación de calidad de las instituciones prestadoras de salud.Abstract Background: The Colombian economy has been characterized by a wide open free market, including current agreements with major trade blocs in the world. This feature requires high competitiveness and diversification conditions, thus national and regional governments must try to promote some sectors that have traditionally been unexploited such as Health Tourism, in order to make it become a world-class industry that contributes to generate economic wealth, employment and diversification of the economy. Health tourism is a growing industry in countries such as Singapore, Malaysia, and Costa Rica, making an important contribution to the GPD. Objective: To establish the chain value in Health Tourism in the Cúcuta area, determining its advantages and disadvantages and proposing strategies for its development as an economic alternative to the border area. Method: Documental and quantitative, focused on Health Provider Institutions, with chain value and porter diamond as fundamental theories. Results: The results indicate that the region has the necessary infrastructure, a geostrategic position and the social and economic conditions that favor the emergence of the sector. It is necessary for the health institutions to obtain international accreditation, bilingual skills of the employees, and an adequate marketing strategy and articulation between the actors of the system. Conclusions: There are conditions for development of health tourism as a viable economic alternative. Design of policies, infrastructure improvement, human resource training, and quality certification of health institutions are necessary.Palabras Clave: Alternativa económica, Cadena de Valor, Norte de Santander, Turismo de Salud.

As the Russian-Ukrainian conflict developed after the events of 2014, and especially with the start of a “special military operation” in Ukraine, Russia in the political mass media of the countries of the West received the status of the main source of hybrid threats. The vagueness of the terms “hybrid threat” and “hybrid war” for the majority of the population made this accusation even more ominous and causing panic in front of everything associated with Russia. At the same time, historically, these phenomena, or rather, political constructs, have nothing to do with these events and were generated by the military-political thought of the United States a quarter of a century before them. However, realizing that in this new geostrategic situation, constructs that are beginning to leave the political topic are quite convenient for the purposes of information confrontation, a number of Western countries began to use them to interpret any actions of Russia that contradict the interests of the United States and NATO, and at the same time for the generality of other "non-democratic" countries. Calls appeared in official documents to inform people about the existence of “hybrid threats” and how to deal with them, to develop a common knowledge-based response. The article concludes that at present, in such appeals, the component is more likely to be propagandistic than anticipating a threat.

The strategic tasks of Russia in conditions of uncertainty and decrease in business activity, the need to stimulate a new quality of growth in the regional economy have revived a scientific discussion about the development of the system of federal relations, the ratio of centralization and decentralization in management decision-making. The purpose of the article is to clarify def-initions and analyze theoretical foundations of the space of economic federalism and its struc-ture, to develop a methodological approach to assessing decentralization / centralization in the context of managerial and economic (reproductive) metrics, as well as to analyze asymmetry as a basic characteristics of heterogeneity that has developed in the context of regions and macro-territories. The approbation of the methodology has allowed to compare the levels of decentrali-zation and asymmetry of the space of the Russian Federation in the context of regions. A less significant asymmetry of government decisions of a managerial and economic nature at the level of territorial zones of different functional status (centers of economic growth, geostrategic territo-ries, etc.) has been substantiated. The identified trends make it possible to substantiate the need for a new strategic format and application of regulation technologies, the specification of support measures in a territorial-functional context, that is, a combination of universal and the spatially oriented ones, what will allow capitalizing the advantages of decentralized solutions in the current model of economic federalism.

Western analysis, due to its dangerous oversimplification of Islam and othermatters in the Muslim world, has traditionally seen the appearance of anyindigenous movement calling for change and improvement in the name of Islamas a major threat. Muslims continue to be viewed in the stereotypical perspectiveof the “us-against-them” syndrome, a practice which prevents a propercomprehension of the dynamics and dilemmas faced by Muslims in thepostcolonial era. The Western media and, to some extent, academia thrive onsuch themes as minority rights, nuclear proliferation, human rights, anddemocracy, which they use as barometers. Based on the data which they collect,they then pass sweeping decrees about Muslim countries. Internal diversity andconflict receive a great deal of attention, whereas human achievements andcivilizational artifacts are considered as “foreign” to the Muslim ethos. Islamas a religion is reduced to so-called “fundamentalism” and a mere puritanicaland/or coercive theological orthodoxy. Moreover, no distinction is made betweenIslam as a religion and Muslim cultures and societies, nor between Muslimaspirations for unity and the realities of national and ethnic differentiation. Theresult is a Western view which both distorts and demonizes a large part of theMuslim world.As if this were not enough, Muslims in the post-Cold War era are now beingpresented and “imagined” as the next enemy. Among the factors responsible forthis are a) the multiple nature of the Muslim world, given its geostrategic locationright next to Europe; b) Islam as the second major religion in the West; and c)the assertion of a new generation of Muslim expatriate communities at a time ...

Knowledge of world / European history is important for a more complete understanding of complex processes, for comparisons and placing national and regional history in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. What determines the course of history is sometimes “a series of smaller events in the midst of the context of big ideas”. The borders of the region are determined by geographical, cultural and geopolitical characteristics, as well as the political interests of those builders whose interpretation has dominance. In expanding or narrowing the territory of the Balkans, politics was usually more decisive than geography. Historical events in that area should be presented from the positions of all its peoples, including Muslim communities. Their narratives also form a legitimate part of the picture of that past. Muslims were not the “favorites” of multiple Balkan historiographies that minimized and marginalized their component, functioning as factors shaping their own national and political ideologies. Historiography does not only deal with the reconstruction of the past, but, with all the difficulties and pitfalls, it also interprets it. A fragmentary study of the destinies of Muslim communities hinders the identification of the broader processes and common denominators of their parcelized history. The processes of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization also led to their particular consciousness within the newly formed, post-Ottoman states. Their historical experience is largely not “condensed, preserved, and generationally transmitted”. The attitude that Muslims are “foreigners” in Europe is part of the mentality and process known as the “Eastern Question”. Minds are not too prone to change. Calling all Muslims “Turks” is not the result of ignorance, but of a concrete attitude. It was not until the Berlin Congress of 1878 that the question of their protection became somewhat relevant. The system of such protection was inadequate, without supervisory mechanisms to control the implementation of commitments. Major political changes most often brought about religious and ethnic changes and displacements in the Balkans. In the study of the decades-long process of formation of the Serbian state in the 19th century in the area of the Smederevo Sandzak and the emigration of Muslims from it, special attention is paid to the fate of two small settlements (Mali Zvornik and Sakar) on the right bank of the Drina. After the surrender of the towns to the Serbs in 1862, only Mali Zvornik and Sakar remained in the hands of the Muslims. The origin of the settlement of Mali Zvornik is connected to the existence of the Zvornik fortress and the town of Zvornik on the left bank of the Drina, which was first mentioned in 1412. Mali Zvornik grew on the right bank of the Drina as part of the town of Zvornik. In the first half of the 18th century, travel writers mention that Mala or Mahala of the Bosnian town of Zvornik, whose inhabitants were called Maholjani, was located there. South of Mali Zvornik lies village of Sakar. In the 19th century, in Mali Zvornik and Sakar, on the border with the Smederevo Sandzak, Muslims made up the majority of the population. As only the Drina separated them from the settlements of Divič and Tabaci on its other side, the inhabitants of these settlements were firmly connected by kinship, friendship and marriage, and they were economically oriented towards each other. The Principality of Serbia was persistent in its demands to get Mali Zvornik and Sakar, having in mind their geostrategic position. By the decision of the Berlin Congress in 1878, they became part of Serbia. Until 1912, these were the only settlements in it with a majority Muslim population. They lost that majority over time. What is conditionally called “local” history, in addition to great narratives, indicates, confirmed by various experiences, the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a particular area.

El principio de las nacionalidades fue un arma estratégica utilizada ampliamante por los bandos contendientes durante la I Guerra Mundial, con el objetivo de explotar las tensiones nacionales internas del adversario. Pero, igualmente, su defensa general estaba extendida entre amplios círculos intelectuales y políticos de la izquierda liberal europea, lo que dio lugar a que comités de exiliados nacionalistas, intelectuales y políticos participasen juntos en plataformas comunes, que a su vez eran instrumentalizadas por los Gobiernos según su conveniencia. Fue el caso de la Union des Nationalités, fundada en 1912, que a lo largo de la guerra osciló entre posiciones aliadófilas o germanófilas, dependiendo de la coyuntura del momento y de los intereses de los exiliados nacionalistas que en ella preponderaban. Al margen de su fracaso final como mediador de los diferentes movimientos nacionalistas europeos ante la Conferencia de Paz, la Union des Nationalités constituye un primer ejemplo de relación e interacción entre política internacional y movimientos nacionalistas a escala europea.The nationalities principie was widely used as a strategic weapon by each of the two opponent bands contending during World War I, which intended to exploit eacti other's infernal national conflicts. Nevertheless, the sympathy towards ttie ideáis contained in the nationalities principie was also widespread among intellectual and political milieus from the liberal left all over Europe. This made it possible for groups of nationalist emigres to converge with intellectuals and politicians into common political and propaganda platforms, which were also manipulated by state diplomacies depending on their conjunctural interests. This was the case with the Union des Nationalités founded in París in 1912, which oscilated along the War between the Entente and the Central Empires, depending on the geostrategic circumstances and the interests of the emigré groups which kept the control of the organisation. Despite the fact that the Union des Nationalités failed in its purpose of becoming the official representativo of all European nationalist movements at the Versailles Peace Conference, it remains as a first historical example of interaction between nationalist movements and state diplomacies in the sphere of International relations at a European level.