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1
Darchashvili, Manana. "Georgian experience in the field of education and cultural policy: the example of the first democratic republic of Georgia in the years 1918 -1921." Journal of Education Culture and Society 12, no. 1 (June 17, 2021): 520–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2021.1.520.529.
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Aim. The paper aims to study and present the issue of Georgian education, analyze it chronologically and thematically based on past experience. The paper deals with the period of the First Republic of Georgia, 1918-1921, and highlights the place of education and culture in Georgian politics. Moreover, the paper is focused on the connections of modern Georgian politics and the centuries-old traditional heritage and its transformation into the present reality.
Method. The paper is presented based on a number of researched documents, empirical material, scientific research papers, monographs, analysis of government documents, historical-comparative method.
Result. The paper presents the reality of the first democratic republic in Georgia in 1918-1921, the effective steps of the state for the development of proper education and cultural policy, and its introduction and development in practice.
Conclusion. Several empirical materials prove that during the period of the First Republic of Georgia (1918-1921), despite the difficult political situation in Georgia, education in Georgia, with the support of the government and due to the active and creative work of representatives of such field as education, literature, theater, music, cinema, and science. were well developed. This issue is part of the country's internal policy, which is important and relevant today.
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Pilcher, Lauren. "Racial Ideology in Government Films: The Past and Present of the US Information Service’s Men of the Forest (1952)." Genealogy 6, no. 2 (May 7, 2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020041.
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Movies beyond the scope of Hollywood and entertainment have shaped notions of race in American culture since the early decades of cinema. A range of nontheatrical sponsors and creators in the US made films to serve practical functions in society—to inform, to organize, to persuade, to promote, etc. The US federal government was a major sponsor of many of these films, which provided American and foreign audiences depictions of race that differed considerably from popular commercial images. For example, Men of the Forest, a film made in 1952 by the United States Information Service focuses on the Hunters, a Black family who owns land and a forestry business in rural Georgia. A documentary of sorts, the film highlights Black life, work, and land ownership in the South in ways not seen in popular feature films of the day. Yet, in the film and others like it, histories of institutional racism are woven into cinematic form and content in ways that are distinct from the entertainment industry. The creators of Men of the Forest omit details of segregation in the South to emphasize the Hunter family as examples of American democracy, a choice suited to the film’s Cold War purpose: to counter the anti-American message of Soviet propaganda for foreign audiences. On one hand, by producing and distributing the film, the federal government acknowledged Black farmers and landowners in the Jim Crow South. On the other hand, it avoided the structural inequality surrounding the Hunters to frame their reality as an example of American democratic progress for international circulation. Today, government films like Men of the Forest prompt contemporary reflection on the institutional histories they represent and their evolution into the present. The film and many others are available online due to the digitization of collections from the National Archives, Library of Congress, and elsewhere. With this increase in access, contemporary scholars have the ability to investigate how the federal government and its various internal entities mediated racial ideologies with moving image technologies. As an example of such research, this essay examines Men of the Forest by focusing on the past and present contradictions that arise from its depiction of a Black family with land and an agricultural business in rural Georgia. Two recent events shed light on the histories reflected in the film and their contemporary significance. In 2018, Descendants of Men of the Forest, The Legacy Continues—a documentary created by family members of the film’s original participants—contextualized the original production as evidence of the Hunter family’s legacy in the community of Guyton, Georgia. Underlying this local effort, Men of the Forest serves as an important historical event and record of the family and the community. On a broader scale, in March 2021, Congress passed a large relief package for disadvantaged minority farmers, intended to help alleviate decades of systemic racism in government agricultural programs. Lawsuits from white farmers and conservative organizations followed quickly, challenging the provision of government aid based on race. In this federal context, Men of the Forest exposes an institutional image of individual success that downplays the structural racism facing people of color, especially those with agricultural livelihoods. Even as politics and legislation evolve, this vision of democracy once exported by the federal government has widespread currency and accumulating effects. The connections between Men of the Forest and these recent events reveal the racial politics at play in government films and the ways in which they take shape in the real world beyond the screen.
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OLSZEWSKI, Paweł. "HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF ETHNIC AND POLITICAL CONFLICTS IN SOUTH CAUCASUS – SELECTED PROBLEMS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 164, no. 2 (March 1, 2012): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2822.
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The main subject of this article is the presentation of the historical backgrounds of the contemporary conflicts over the Mountainous Karabagh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The author describes the history of these regions from the beginning of the 19th century till 1992. The conquest of the South Caucasus by Imperial Russia in the 19th century resulted in the immigrations of Armenians to the Mountainous Karabagh, Ossetians to South Ossetia and Georgians to Abkhazia. These immigrations completely changed the ethnic compositions of these region. The Russian authorities supported the immigrations of pro-Russian Armenians and Ossetians.The political situation in these regions changed in 1918, when the independence of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan was declared. South Ossetia and Abkhazia were parts of independent Georgia, and the Mountainous Karabagh was dependent on Azerbaijan. Ossetians and Abkhazians resisted the Georgian authorities and Karabagh Armenians fought against Azerbaijan’s rule.After the conquest of the South Caucasus by Soviet Russia in 1920-1921, the Mountainous Karabagh remained part of Soviet Azerbaijan, and South Ossetia and Abkhazia remained part of Soviet Georgia. The Autonomous Oblast of Nagorno-Karabagh was created in the Mountainous Karabagh in 1923. The authorities of the Mountainous Karabagh were dominated by Karabagh Armenians and this region was practically independent of Soviet Azerbaijan. A similar situation was in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, especially after 1956.The development of Abkhazian and Ossetian national movements at the end of the 1980s led to the situation in which Abkhazians and South Ossetians claimed the political autonomy of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, and then the independence of these regions. The Georgian authorities were against these claims, as they considered these regions to constitute the historical parts of Georgia. The political hostility between Georgia and South Ossetia resulted in South Ossetian-Georgian armed fighting in January 1991, and South Ossetia proclaimed its independence in November 1991. Moreover, the political conflict between the Georgian government and the Abkhazian authorities in the first half of 1992 turned into open war in August 1992.Karabagh Armenians claimed the incorporation of the Mountainous Karabagh into Soviet Armenia because of historical, ethnic, cultural and regional connections between the Mountainous Karabagh and Armenia. These claims were very strong from the end of 1980s, but Azerbaijan’s communist authorities and the Azerbaijan anti-communist movement wanted to retain the Karabagh region in Azerbaijan. The hostility between the local Armenian and Azerbaijan population of the Mountainous Karabagh turned into armed fighting in 1989. The Mountainous Karabagh proclaimed its independence in December 1991.
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Matviienko, Viktor. "UPR’s Diplomacy at the Conclusion of the National Liberation Struggle: The 1921 Black Sea Union." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 389–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-25.
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The article offers an insight into the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic at the final stage of the national liberation struggle. Author analyses the UPR’s course towards forging stable political and economic alliances with the peripheral states that have emerged on the post-imperial territory of russia. The most ambitious project of 1919–20 was the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union consisting of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Finland, and Ukraine; however, the legal aspects of the organisation of the Black Sea Union became of primary importance in late November 1920. The certain aspirations for its formation were based on the intensification of anti-Bolshevik insurgent movements in the regions on the Don, Kuban, and Terek Rivers, in Dagestan and Chechnya, the existence of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia, which were independent from the kremlin. During the spring–autumn of 1921, the governments-in-exile of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Georgian Democratic Republic, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus completed the treaty and legal formalisation of the Black Sea Union. Yet, the project was not implemented de-facto: the then military and political situation in Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus was not favourable for the successful struggle for independence of the peripheral states of the former empire. In the late 20th century, Ukraine and the Transcaucasian countries restored their independence, thus creating new political realities in Europe. It became possible to implement effective projects of the Black Sea sub-regional associations, in particular the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation and Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM), aimed at the development of a network of transport connections and broad economic cooperation. Keywords: Black Sea Union, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Democratic Republic of Georgia, Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of North Caucasus Mountaineers, peripheral states, government-in-exile.
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Arp, Bjorn. "Georgia v. Russia (I)." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (January 2015): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0167.
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On July 3, 2014, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Court) rendered its judgment in Georgia v. Russia, concerning Russia’s collective expulsion of a large number of Georgian nationals between October 2006 and January 2007. The Court held that Russia had violated several provisions of the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Convention or ECHR), in particular Article of Protocol No. 4 to the ECHR (prohibition of collective expulsions). Because the Russian government had failed to cooperate with the Court by providing relevant information, the Court also found a violation of Article 38 of the ECHR, which obliges states to furnish “all necessary facilities” for the effective conduct of the Court’s investigation of the case. The Court deferred its decision on the question of “just satisfaction” under Article 41 pending further submissions by the parties. This was the first of three interstate proceedings that Georgia has brought against Russia under the special procedure of Article 33, and it is the first decision on the merits of these cases.
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Hinds, Dudley S., and Nicholas Ordway. "The Influence of Race on Rezoning Decisions: Equality of Treatment in Black and White Census Tracts, 1955–1980." Review of Black Political Economy 14, no. 4 (March 1986): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02903791.
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As municipal zoning is political in nature, the equality of zoning protection provided among black and white neighborhoods should be expected to be sensitive to changes in relative political power over time. This article examines the rejection rates for rezoning applications over time in predominantly white and predominantly black census tracts in Atlanta, Georgia. It identifies inequality of treatment as between heavily white and heavily black tracts during a period of no black representation among elected city officials and equality of treatment during a later period when blacks were substantially represented in government.
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Silaev, N. Yu. "Georgia in 2015. An analytical survey." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-97-112.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of internal and foreign political processes in Georgia in 2015. This analytical chronicle is to trace and describe the most important tendencies in such fields as the contention between political parties, the balance within the ruling coalition and the relations with Georgia’s key foreign partners. Though “Georgian Dream” (GD) government met the crisis and had to change premier by the end of the year, it managed to keep the leading position in domestic politics. The main opponent of the GD, the United National Movement (UNM) could not increase its influence. The Republican party of Georgia, the member of ruling coalition that has rather weak support from the voters, was able to strengthen its position in the government by getting some key offices. The expansion of cooperation with NATO does not bring near prospects of membership. Although every single measure the sides are taking seems to be insignificant, as a complex these measures can lead to a deeper involvement of NATO and USA in the South Caucasus. The relations with European Union are inertial and strongly overestimated in Georgian internal politics. The relations with Russia are routinized; both sides acknowledge the achievements of the normalization and do not expect any breakthrough.
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Fedorovskaya, I. "Political Crisis in Georgia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2021): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-1-135-143.
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The Parliament of Georgia operates in a one-party mode. Opposition parties boycott its work demanding annulment of the results of the parliamentary elections due to mass fraud. The ruling “Georgian Dream” is trying to return the opposition to the parliament, offering to discuss and adopt a new election law. On the other hand, the Georgian government threatens to deprive the parties that refuse to work in the parliament of financial support. In the post-election period the top leadership of several major political parties has changed. The founder of the “Georgian Dream” B. Ivanishvili has left politics. N.Melia became the new leader of the United National Movement. After his arrest the internal political situation in Georgia has deteriorated.
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Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan, and Sutiyah. "REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no. 06 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
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Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
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Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Dundua, Salome, Tamar Karaia, and Zviad Abashidze. "National narration and Politics of Memory in post-socialist Georgia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 222–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0010.
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Abstract The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called “historical memory” during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the “new Georgia,” implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The “politics of memory” became one of the key factors of reconstructing of “new, democratic, western Georgia”. This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called “memory politics” is the integral part of one’s legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity’s future and mobilization of population under the “citizenship” umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building.
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Meladze, Aleko. "SOME ASPECTS OF EXCELLENCE OF CUSTOMS POLICY OF GEORGIA." Economic Profile 16, no. 2(22) (January 15, 2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2021.22.05.
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Customs system and customs activity is an important economic mechanism for the county, which has to follow current modern global and integrative processes in the world. Customs politics based on the reasonable and scientific principles will give the chance to a government to develop priority fields, deepen political and economic relation with the foreign countries, and help social-economic development of the country. Lack of development of real sector in economic Georgia made as import-dependent country. In the whole unit of commercial circulation amount of import exceeds amount of export almost three time. Local market is full with imported products, which is the result that country depends on the import, but, it is possible to create safe economic conditions for the local producers. For that the country should actively use instruments of customs politics While working on above mentioned topic, studying the problem was implemented by using qualitative and quantitative methods. Research of inner information about the topic was fulfilled in the scope of qualitative research. During quantitative research was processed statistic data. Finally, based on the analysis of result corresponding reports were made. Tasks and forms of implementing customs politics, in many cases, harshly oppose each other. That is why, one of the main task is to balance the opposing principles, for this action it is important that customs politics should be flexible, changeable and compatible with current economic occurrence and processes. On modern stage main direction of Georgian customs politics are characterized as having low import tariffs, by being free from customs tax, having less amount of export and import licenses and by not having other quantitative restrictions. But it described as having important gaps in solving modern economic problems and resisting modern challenges. Unfortunately, real sector of economics in Georgia is not developed. According the existed tendencies main priority for the county’s development is tourism. The result is that absolute majority of the product what the population of the country uses, is imported. Given tendency of correlation between import and export results gives us a chance to say that during past years, Political measurements from the state can not reach the aim. Within other factors, given problem is mainly outlined by the level of technological development and innovation problems. Non-existence of subsidiary infrastructure for development export, causes lack of information about potential export markets and not-enough popularity is Georgian products. Except measures taken for stimulating export, state customs politics should be aimed to broaden country’s exporting markets, to diversify exporting countries and export products main part of the export products for today is raw materials, which has low supplemented cost, its export does not need to activate manufacturing processes and local workmen do not take part in this process. Hence it follows that all these positive economic effects which might follow product export from the country, in this case is on low level or does not exist at all. That is why, main factor of the customs politics should be to encourage export ready production and not raw materials. There is cause-effect relation between quality of development of real sector between export and import correlation. Lack of development of real economic sector significantly defines the quality of country’s import-dependence. In order to achieve desired correlation results between import and export for the country, it is important to reduce import index, as well as export index. For the development of real sector of economics it is crucially important to protect economic activities of local manufacturers from the competition with foreign production. The government has got its regulation mechanisms, by using these mechanisms it can achieve above mentioned aim. While implementing customs politics, the government has authority, foreseeing the given situation in the country, use different instruments of customs-tariff regulations, in order to get concrete desired results. For this result it is necessary to fulfill the obligations which the country has towards world trade organization. In order to be recognized Georgia as an equal partner, from the members of the partner countries of World Trade Organization, it is necessary to be legislative basis which will regulate and administrate customs rules and other similar business spheres. Such kind of specific obligations from Georgia were outlined while signing the treaty of partnership with World Trade Organization. It was mentioned not to implement the cases of protection, anti-dumping measures and compensation duties, before other corresponding regulations and legislative acts would be received in the country. One of the main challenge of customs politics for Georgia is to resist with the problems of local manufacturers and protecting domestic market. Finally, we can say that effectiveness of customs politics significantly defines stability of country’s economic development, mainly, stimulating to develop export and protecting domestic market. Accordingly, in this thesis there are reports and recommendations, which represent closing sentences based on the analysis of separate parts of the given work.
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Kostiuchenko, Tetiana, Tamara Martsenyuk, and Svitlana Oksamytna. "Women Politicians and Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 2 (September 8, 2015): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2x30r.
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<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Post-communist countries undergoing social transformations in the last twenty years needed to implement political and economic reforms. Changes also had to support the principles of equality in the access to power, specifically gender quotas in executive and legislative branches of government and within political parties. The events in Ukraine and Georgia in 2004-2005 known as the “colour revolutions” gave impulse to the promotion of equality and implementation of reforms. However, the number of women participating in national politics in both countries remains low. This paper proposes an analysis of gender equality principles during the parliamentary election campaigns in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012 from the perspective of women’s participation in politics and their self-representation as politicians. This empirical study covers public attitudes towards women in politics and examines networks of female parliamentarians. The findings raise hopes for better representation of women in politics as female politicians promote them from the top down, and mass public perception of gender equality principles set the ground for bottom-up activism. <strong></strong></p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Gender Equality, Women Politicians, Public Attitudes, Social Network Analysis (SNA)</p>
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Darchashvili, Manana. "THE ISSUE OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND TOLERANCE IN MODERN GEORGIAN POLITICS." Journal of Education Culture and Society 11, no. 2 (September 11, 2020): 490–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2020.2.490.498.
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Aim. Georgia has traditionally been a country of cultural diversity. Due to the proper political approach, Georgian authorities of all times have managed to successfully govern the peaceful coexistence of people of different nationalities and religions. It is true that in the post-Soviet period, there was some disagreement between the cultures inspired by external forces; however, generally, all the authorities made every effort to legally strengthen the inherited tolerant habit. The paper does not deal with the conflicts of ethnopolitical nature, staged by Russia. The mentioned issue is a part of the country’s domestic policy, which is important and still is relevant nowadays, therefore the paper aims to study the role of cultural diversity and tolerance in modern Georgian politics, the attitude to it, and how the country managed to preserve the centuries-old heritage.
Methods. Based on several empirical materials, various researched-studied documents, scientific papers, analysis of government documents, the use of the method of historicism is presented in the paper.
Results. The paper presents the current existing reality in Georgia in the field of cultural diversity and the effective steps of the state for the proper development of cultural diversity.
Conclusion. Modern Georgian politics is motivated to involve ethnic and religious minorities in the process of monitoring and implementing the Culture Policy Action Plan, based on the recent history and new current worldwide tendency, which will guarantee the establishment of a tolerant society and democracy in Georgia.
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Bugay, Nikolay F. "Ethnic minorities in the southern territories of the country: problems of the formation of Laz in the conditions of the Soviet period (1918–1950s)." Historical and social-educational ideas 13, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-1-17-35.
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The proposed article, based on new archival documents identified in the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences, with the involvement of researchers in the history of ethnic minorities on the territory of the USSR, Russia, reveals the role and place of the Laz ethnic minority in the south within Abkhazia and Georgia. Laz, as an ethnic minority, have undergone all those difficulties of transformation, including negative ones. Destructive measures were taken against them by the Government of the USSR – forced resettlement, deportation. Mohamed Vanlishi, Laz by nationality, being a member of the government of the Adjarian ASSR, minister, writer, sent a letter to L. Be-ria, the content of which touched Beria's feelings. The Lazes were returned from the special resettlement to their own homes. This side of the life of the ethnic minority of Georgia – Laz was reflected in the documents of "Stalin's special folder" The publication mentions many of the current representatives of the Laz in different periods of the his-tory of Georgia and Abkhazia and ethnic minorities living on their territory. The life of the Laz was also influenced by the policy carried out in Georgia to implement the "crys-tallization of society", pursuing the formation of statehood with one ethnic community, one culture. Introduction. The development of the problem itself in the scientific works of the author and other researchers is briefly stated. This is also a kind of reaction to complaints from the Laz themselves that the history of the ethnic minority is not being paid enough attention to. Little is known in the historiography of the Laz and their leaders, who led various kinds of movements for freedom and justice, the solution of social problems in society, the involvement of the Laz in party and state building. The content of punitive measures taken against Laz is partially revealed, the reasons and possibilities to overcome the built system in relations between the state and society, ethnic minorities are shown. Methods. The content of the article is based on different research methods. First of all, the method of historicism, a sequential presentation of the series of events that charac-terize the content of historical events, their relationship with accompanying events. It is also important to use the prosopographic method of presenting material about the main political figure of the Laz, representatives of the highest authorities. By using the narrative method, the ethnic community of the Laz is more widely represented and its participation in solving many issues in national state policy, the interaction of the ethnic community itself in the system of interethnic ties. The use of the information method is of particular value for building up an event series. This method is also quite applicable to the analysis of national processes taking place in the region where the Laz live. In the presentation of the article, the method of comparative historical analysis was also ap-plied. Results. This article was based primarily on archival documents about the holes, identi-fied in the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. This allowed a broader charac-terization of the Laz as an ethnic minority. Along with the well-known materials, show the settlement of Laz in the territory of the regions of residence. The documents of the archive make it possible to reveal the role and place of the Section for the Study of the National Question created in the structure of the Communist Academy. The forms and methods of work in the Communist Academy in the study of the history of the national question and ethnic minorities have been clarified.
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Long, Michael. "Collaboration, confrontation, and controversy: the politics of monument restoration in Georgia and the case of Bagrati Cathedral." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 4 (July 2017): 669–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1261100.
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This paper examines the history of the restoration, or more accurately, reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral in western Georgia. Constructed in 1003, Bagrati Cathedral is an important cultural monument in the political and architectural history of Georgia. Destroyed by an explosion in 1691, the cathedral was inscribed on UNESCO's World Heritage List in 1994 in its ruined state. However, the Georgian government under President Mikheil Saakashvili and Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) officials made the reconstruction and reconsecration of the cathedral a priority. The reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral, completed in September 2012, brought the differing aims of Georgian politicians, GOC officials, and architectural historians – the major players in the process – into sharp focus. This paper maintains that the rebuilding of Bagrati Cathedral was part of Saakashvili's political agenda, which merged with the interests of the GOC and worked against the objectives of architectural historians and the aims of academic principles of restoration and preservation. The result is that Bagrati has been rebuilt but is under threat of removal from the World Heritage List. The story of Bagrati's reconstruction has implications for the future of monument preservation and restoration in Georgia.
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Rymar, Ihor. "The british-american direction in the strategy of the Third International in 1941-1943 (on the materials of the «diary» of Georgi Dimitrov)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.92-102.
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On the basis of diary entries of the Secretary General of the Third International G. Dimitrov, documents of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, and documents of Soviet foreign policy, the author analyzes the characteristic features of the discursive model of the strategy and tactics of the Third International in 1941-1943, especially its activities in the field of propaganda regarding the Communist Party of the USA and the Communist Party of Great Britain during the first period of the German-Soviet war of 1941-1945 and in the process of the formation of the Anti-Hitler coalition. The role of the CPUSA and CPGB in the process of consolidating democratic forces in the struggle against Germany and its allies, the features of their activities in the framework of the discursive model of the Third International of 1941-1943, are characterized. The place and significance of the CPUSA and CPGB in the context of the Comintern’s strategy of providing comprehensive assistance to the USSR in the war with Germany, the deployment of the partisan movement and the Resistance movement in occupied countries, and the establishment of relations with the governments of F. Roosevelt and W. Churchill for a quick end to the war. In the course of the study, the main areas of activity of the American and British Communist Parties, the preservation of distance in cooperation with national governments and especially the intelligence and counterintelligence bodies of the Allies during 1941-1943, were established. A separate place in G. Dimitrov’s recordings is occupied by the problem of opening a second front in Europe in 1942 and propaganda issues related, first of all, to the signing of the British-Soviet and American-Soviet agreements, the problems of their coverage in newspapers and on the radio.
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Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.
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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.
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Purdy, Michelle A. "Blurring Public and Private: The Pragmatic Desegregation Politics of an Elite Private School in Atlanta." History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 1 (February 2016): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12149.
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The school desegregation narrative often references historically white public schools as sites of massive resistance and historically white private schools as segregationist academies. Yet some historically white elite private schools or independent schools, such as The Westminster Schools (plural in name only), established in 1951 in Atlanta, Georgia, chose to desegregate. Such elite institutions, which have served as one catalyst for the creation and maintenance of social and cultural capital, became more accessible after Brown v. Board of Education through a combination of private and public decisions galvanized by larger social, political, and federal forces. Westminster's 1965 decision to consider all applicants regardless of race was emblematic of the pragmatic desegregation politics of Atlanta's city leaders during the civil rights movement and a national independent school agenda focused on recruiting black students. Drawing on institutional, local, regional, and national archival records and publications, this article examines the import of schools like Westminster to civic and business leaders, to the politics of race and desegregation occurring in large cities, and to the range of educational opportunities available in metropolitan areas. This examination yields an analysis of the leadership and politics of a southern historically white elite private school that black students desegregated in 1961.
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Amiantova, Irina S., and Nikoloz Bitsadze. "Gender Quotas for Political Participation and the Case of Georgia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-136-147.
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The current study focuses on the key elements limiting the political representation of women in the modern world. In order to eliminate discrimination, some countries introduce gender quotas for political participation. Studying the legal framework of modern Georgia shows that, despite the existing common legal basis for the equality of women and men, the reality in political life is different. The lack of effective quota mechanisms significantly weakens the realization of womens civil and political rights. Stereotypical attitudes and perceptions about the role of women in society are the main barriers to recruiting in the political and administrative deployment. Considering the gender aspect of political representation as a complex problem necessitated a systematic approach. The historical and comparative method was used to study the evolution of gender equality. A separate group of methods used in the article was made up of the political and legal analysis of empirical database national statistics. The article shows how the Georgian Parliament affects the position of women in politics by introducing mandatory quotas for national and local government elections, increasing the likelihood of women running, being elected and appointed.
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Beacháin, Donnacha Ó., and Frederik Coene. "Go West: Georgia's European identity and its role in domestic politics and foreign policy objectives." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 6 (November 2014): 923–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.953466.
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This article sheds light on the Euro-Atlantic discourse in Georgia by situating it in a wider frame. It provides an analysis of its Euro-Atlantic orientation by presenting it as a continuation of past efforts to involve European powers in Georgian affairs and highlights changing trends in this aspect of contemporary foreign policy. Far from determining whether or not the Georgians are European, the different arguments that have been used to support Georgian “Europeanness” are evaluated to assess its role in the national identity construction process. Focusing primarily on the United National Movement government led by Mikheil Saakashvili, we demonstrate how the Euro-Atlantic discourse has been employed domestically by the political elite as a legitimacy management strategy and explore its function in seeking Western patronage, a key foreign policy goal.
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DUARTE, REGINA HORTA. "‘It Does Not Even Seem Like We Are in Brazil’: Country Clubs and Gated Communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, 1951–1964." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 3 (August 2012): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000429.
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AbstractThis study focuses on the first gated communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, which were developed between 1951 and 1964. In an era of democracy and economic growth, the Brazilian government promoted infrastructural improvements and attracted foreign capital. However, there was a concomitant increase in inequality and poverty, and deep-rooted political conflicts. Notwithstanding the varying motivations of those who chose to live in gated communities, this article argues that the attempt by elites to establish a lifestyle of leisure and European-style sophistication in these enclaves had political, ethnic, class and gender implications. Their self-segregation strengthened the patrimonialism and authoritarianism in politics that would prevail during the ensuing military dictatorship.
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ROBISON, WILLIAM B. "Victor L. Slater, Noble government: the Stuart lord lieutenancy and the transformation of English politics. Athens (Georgia) and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pages x+261. $45.00." Continuity and Change 13, no. 3 (December 1998): 497–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416096213104.
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ROBISON, WILLIAM B. "Victor L. Slater, Noble government: the Stuart lord lieutenancy and the transformation of English politics. Athens (Georgia) and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pages x+261. $45.00." Continuity and Change 13, no. 3 (December 1998): 497–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416098215104.
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van Peski, Caecilia J. "Good Cop, Bad Cop." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 1 (2013): 49–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02401008.
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Over the summer month of August 2008, Georgia launched a large-scale military offensive against South Ossetia in an attempt of reconquering the territory. Four years later, on October 1, 2012, Georgia is holding its first Parliamentary Elections after the conflict that caused so much harm. The Parliamentary Elections constitute the 7th legislative elections held since Georgia’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. It is however the first time for Georgia to elect an alternative party from the ruling party solely based on principle of democratic vote. The article examines the almost ten years of President Saakashvili’s Administration. During this decade, Saakashvili’s United National Movement government realized many positive works. Works like the successful reform of police forces and the determined force-back of corruption. These liberating works were all eagerly welcomed by Europe and other western nations. However, in the apparent loss of sense of reality towards the end of its reign, Georgia’s United National Movement government turned to dictating and ordering as a main style of governing. This in turn pushed citizens away from Saakashvili’s politics into voting for the opposition. Unforeseen by even the most experienced Southern Caucasus and Georgia experts, Georgia’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections gave way to the opposition coalition Georgian Dream to sweep to victory, leaving President Saakashvili to ceded defeat. Despite President Saakashvili’s statement that he would go into opposition there has not been a complete paradigm shift in Georgia’s domestic politics. With the Georgian Dream’s failure to gain a constitutional majority and questions over the ideological compatibility of the coalition – along with the fact that United National Movement still has the greatest representation in Parliament relative to the other parties, Saakashvili and his supporters keep hold to substantial political leverage. Also, Saakashvili will remain President until the October 2013 election. His opponent, Prime Minister Ivanishvili is expected to manifest himself, bringing in a less contentious, more pragmatic approach to relations with the country’s giant neighbour to the north. Overall, it can be said that Georgia’s unrivalled ballot-box transfer of power elevated the country to a category fundamentally higher in terms of democratic development than virtually all other post-Soviet states. This has been the more remarkable even since Georgia had been widely cited as an example case of a failed state, with a destroyed infrastructure and economy, dysfunctional state institutions and something approaching anarchy as its governance model. The impact of the ongoing reform of Georgia’s constitution and electoral law has lead to major shifts in Georgia’s political landscape. However, opinions vary as to whether the farsighted amendments made to the Georgian constitution on the initiative of the United National Movement are a genuine attempt to improve the country’s system of governance or that they rather are an effort by the incumbent president to cling on to power. The adoption of the amendments and the timing of their entry into force strongly suggest that the latter might be the case. Meanwhile, as a result of the changes to the Georgian constitution, a system of dual power has come in place. These and other factors suggest that Georgia’s political landscape is set to become more predictable. The article examines the degree to which this can be held true. In the streets of Tbilisi, hundred days into the reign of the new government, there is an air of optimism amongst the people. This holds especially true when it comes to youth. The hope is that the Georgian Dream becomes a Georgian reality. The disappointment otherwise might be shattering. In spring 2013, the new leadership offers new opportunities for Georgia. It can improve its democratic system and economic growth and establish a dialogue with Russia and the breakaway districts of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. This would alleviate the frozen conflict and tense security dilemma’ on the Administrative Boundary Lines. Yet, if the transition of power does not go well, there will be prolonged power struggles that could cripple the policy making and cast Georgia back to pre-Saakashvili times. The article addresses the overall question whether the smooth transfer of power Georgia achieved after October’s election sets a standard for democracy in the region depending on whether the new government can strengthen the independence and accountability of state institutions in what remains a fragile, even potentially explosive political climate. The victory of the Georgian Dream Coalition over the United National Movement has brought pluralism into Georgian policymaking. However this political pluralism also includes that awkward dual powers; Georgia’s good cop and bad cop.
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Carter, Jimmy. "Cushing Oration, 1990: Role of the United States in a changing world." Journal of Neurosurgery 73, no. 6 (December 1990): 813–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/jns.1990.73.6.0813.
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✓ In discussing the role of the United States in world politics, President Jimmy Carter described the changes in Europe as it prepares for unification into one economic bloc; the deteriorating conditions in the third world; the impact of the recent changes in communist countries; and the persistence of regional wars and civil disputes. He summarized the policies and activities of The Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia. This nonprofit organization receives no government funds and can act as an independent agent in areas such as disease eradication and promotion of food production in the third world countries, and can intercede on behalf of peace in countries with civil unrest. He urged the members of the Association, as leaders of society, to use their influence in alleviating worldwide suffering.
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Schields, Chelsea. "“This is the Soul of Aruba Speaking”." New West Indian Guide 90, no. 3-4 (2016): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09003002.
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In 1951, at the onset of major decolonization initiatives in the Netherlands Antilles, thousands of residents on Aruba successfully joined in protest to defeat Campo Alegre, a proposed brothel near the Aruban oil-refining city of San Nicolas. This article considers the protest movement within the context of Antillean decolonization and argues that debates over sexual politics played an important role in popularizing an Aruban identity separate from neighboring Curaçao—then seat of the government of the Netherlands Antilles and site of the first Campo Alegre brothel. Through analysis of Aruban archival sources, this article examines how the protest movement exploited decolonization policy while also drawing on the rhetoric of leading local political parties who claimed racial and cultural superiority to Curaçao.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.
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AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
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Matos, Yalidy. "Geographies of Exclusion: The Importance of Racial Legacies in Examining State-Level Immigration Laws." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 8 (July 2017): 808–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217720480.
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In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, omnibus legislation mimics comprehensive immigration legislation over which the federal government has sole authority. Additionally, I focus on the regional proliferation of restrictive immigration laws, and then bring my attention to the seven states that passed similar legislation. Individually, I examine the roll call votes by each state’s House of Representatives. By looking at immigration politics at a sub-national level, this article provides a more nuanced understanding of the political and ideological work of immigration policies. I argue that contemporary immigration politics at sub-national levels should not only be understood as a story about demographic changes and strictly partisan politics but also a story about the sociohistorical legacies of localities. The historical processes of race, and the differing ways in which places get racialized, influences, beyond partisanship, which representatives voted for and against restrictive immigration legislation. These differences, alongside state-level differences, I argue, continue to affect politics and policy today. Immigration policy has become a vessel through which to contest the politics of race, place, and power.
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Karaia, Tamar. "THE OBSTACLES AND BARRIERS WOMEN FACE IN GEORGIAN REALITY." Gulustan-Black Sea Scientific Journal of Academic Research 49, no. 06 (August 10, 2019): 04–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/gbssjar04.
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The following article reviews women’s problems in Georgia and the attitude of society toward the subject. Due to the fact, that country tries to develop into a European state with worthy European values, there still is a huge problem in gender issues. Thus, it is clear that Gender politics is one of the main and essential indicators for the country’s democratic development. Many non-government organizations and other social bodies are working on the problem; they have gradually introduced gender equality into the political discourse and placed it on the list of required reforms. However, along with many other emerging social problems and political tensions, this issue has not yet paid any closer attention. It is crucial to realize that without gender equality we cannot succeed as a democratic-developed country - because there is no democracy without gender equality.
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Salikhova, Leila B. "English-language researchers of the 20th century about the events in the North Caucasus in 1917-1921." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 476 (2022): 76–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/476/8.
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The period from 1917 to 1921 occupies a special place in the history of the North Caucasus. But, despite the fact that the revolutions of 1917 in Russia and their consequences attracted and continue to attract the attention of both native and foreign historians, there were gaps in foreign literature in the border areas of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. The aim of the article is to provide an overview and analysis of the works of English-language authors of the 20th century on the subject, their introduction into scholarly use to present a broader and more productive view of the problem. The study was based on the works of the 20th century foreign (Anglophone) researchers, translated by the author of the article. The main scientific methods used in the article were: the method of description, synthesis, analysis, principle of objectivity, etc. The article shows that in the first works of English-language authors material about the events in the North Caucasus was found among memoirs, descriptions of campaigns and military events recorded by military leaders, eyewitnesses and contemporaries of the period. Their attention was attracted by the troops of L. Bicherakhov and A.I. Denikin, actions in the North Caucasus, “ghost governments”, etc. By the middle of the 20th century and in the following years, monographic studies began to appear, in which, along with the study of events in the Transcaucasus (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia), one can also single out material on the North Caucasus. Researchers began to draw on more extensive material, mainly from foreign archives and libraries that had Soviet material. With the collapse of the USSR, interest in the Caucasus increased, and researchers turned to the past of the region to study the processes taking place at the present stage. The works of Anglophone authors provide an opportunity to comprehend the historical background of the peoples of the North Caucasus related to the history of Russia as a whole from the point of view of foreign researchers. Their works contain conclusions about the influence of the events of 1917-1921 in the North Caucasus on changes in the military and political situation in the Caucasus and South Russia. But some of them miss moments associated with the intervention of foreign powers. Nevertheless, the materials of Anglophone researchers significantly complement the history of the period of the Civil War and intervention in the North Caucasus, represent the view of foreign authors.
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Ekhvaia, Luka. "Rewriting History: Allocating the Ganmukhuri Patriot Youth Camp in the Memory Politics of the Post-Rose Revolution Regime." International Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.55367/iscf6920.
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The article allocates the opening of the Ganmukhuri Patriot Youth Camp (GPYC) near the border of the conflict region of Abkhazia to a timeline of other historical processes unfolding in the same region. By doing so, the broader historical context is rebuilt and the chronological sequence of the events is reconstructed. The orderly investigation of the historical processes that led to the erection of the Ganmukhuri patriot camp only a kilometer from the administrative Abkhazian border and its demolition by Russian military forces reveals the motives standing behind the initiative to build the youth patriot camp in the conflict area. The United National Movement (UNM) government built the camp in 2007 as a part of an extension of the state-sponsored programme, planning to set up youth patriot camps across Georgia. The GPYC was sheltering approximately six hundred youngsters during the summer vacation. By reconstructing a chronological sequence of the events, the article addresses whether or not the Ganmukhuri camp was part of the revanchism of the UNM government and if these spaces, like other patriot camps, were used to reinforce the official memory politics of the ruling party. In the process of analysis, we are to disclose whether participants of the camp were used as a human shield against Russian military aggression and if the building of the camp was a well-planned provocation of the UNM to justify their aggressive campaign of reclaiming the territories lost in the near past. For this, the paper examines the historical context and looks closely at the environment, disposition, and inner structure of the camps.
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Nekoliak, Andrii. "‘Shaming’ the Court: Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and the Politics of Constitutional Law in the Post-Euromaidan Era." Review of Central and East European Law 47, no. 3-4 (December 22, 2022): 298–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10069.
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Abstract Since the Euromaidan events of 2014, Ukraine has embarked on a reformist trajectory to ‘Europeanize’ the country and deliver the promise of good governance to its citizens. The series of legislative and public policy reforms that followed had financial and ideological support from Ukraine’s Western partners. To date, studies have focused on documenting and analyzing the course of international donors’ involvement in Ukraine’s reforms. What is lacking, however, is an analysis of the many different domestic responses to external pressure from donors to implement reforms. Examining Ukraine’s Constitutional Court case law on judicial self-government and anti-corruption from 2020, this article examines this court’s legal response to the politics of reform led by international donors and domestic actors in Ukraine. It reveals the problematic nature of constitutional decision-making in a country that has recently been facing considerable pressure from political incumbents and civil society. The article identifies a pattern that characterizes the political process (a ‘troubled nexus’) around the reforms in Ukraine and draws a parallel between Ukrainian developments and the situation in Moldova and Georgia, two countries that have been confronted with similar reform challenges since the enactment of the respective Association Agreements with the EU in 2016.
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Struthers, James. "Regulating the Elderly: Old Age Pensions and the Formation of a Pension Bureaucracy in Ontario, 1929-1945." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 3, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031051ar.
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Abstract This article examines the emergence of means-tested old age pensions in Ontario in the context of the Great Depression and World War II. Ontario's old age pension scheme, it argues, was launched in 1929 with weak political commitment, little bureaucratic-preparation, and an almost complete absence of administrative experience at the provincial and municipal level in assessing and responding to need on a mass scale. The article examines the complex interplay among federal, provincial, and local government authorities in the politics of pension administration throughout the 1929-1945 era, arguing that local control of pension decision-making in the early years of the Depression provided two divergent models of pension entitlement both as charity and as an earned social right. After 1933 governments at both the provincial and federal level centralized decision-making over pension administration in order to standardize and restrict pension entitlement, contain its rapidly rising costs, and enforce more efficiently the concept of parental maintenance upon children. World War II undermined the concept of pensions as charity by broadly expanding the boundaries of entitlement both for the elderly and their children. By 1945 means-tested pensions had few supporters within or outside of government, laying the basis for the emergence of a universal system of old age security in 1951.
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Rachmat, Angga Nurdin. "FAKTOR DOMESTIK DALAM KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH HUNGARIA TERHADAP PENGUNGSI DAN MIGRAN DARI TIMUR TENGAH PERIODE TAHUN 2015-2019." Jurnal Academia Praja 4, no. 1 (February 7, 2021): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jap.v4i1.241.
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Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.
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Zulkarnain, Zulkarnain. "History Curriculum Policy of Senior High School during Sukarno Era." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 30, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v30i2.23151.
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This article aims to investigate the history curriculum policy of senior high school during the Sukarno era. The method used is qualitative research by using the historical approach. Also, this research used document study as the primary method. A document study was conducted to both the primary and secondary sources for the source triangulation. Additionally, the complementary approach used interviews with several practitioners and academics, including the practitioners of the Indonesia history curriculum. Data analysis used an interactive analysis model. The results show that during 1945-1951, the history curriculum of senior high school still used AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) curriculum as the inheritance from the Dutch Indies era, so it is directed to the political policy, and the materials are clearly oriented to politics, doctrine, national ideology. The philosophical foundation of history curriculum policy in senior high school during the Sukarno Era is based on Pancasila and UUD 1945. But its implementation refers to government politics and essentialism and perennialism philosophy. The position of history subject in senior high school during the Sukarno era has a strategic role in creating historical awareness and nationalism. However, Manipol USDEK indoctrination was very visible. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kebijakan kurikulum sejarah SMA pada era Sukarno. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan studi dokumen sebagai metode utama. Studi dokumen dilakukan pada sumber primer dan sekunder untuk triangulasi sumber. Selain itu, pendekatan komplementer menggunakan wawancara dengan beberapa praktisi dan akademisi, termasuk praktisi kurikulum sejarah Indonesia. Analisis data menggunakan model analisis interaktif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa selama tahun 1945-1951, kurikulum sejarah sekolah menengah atas masih menggunakan kurikulum AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) sebagai warisan dari jaman Hindia Belanda, sehingga mengarah pada kebijakan politik, dan materi yang jelas berorientasi pada politik, doktrin, ideologi nasional. Landasan filosofis kebijakan kurikulum sejarah di Sekolah Menengah Atas pada masa Sukarno berpijak pada Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Namun implementasinya mengacu pada filosofi politik pemerintahan dan esensialisme dan perenialisme. Kedudukan mata pelajaran sejarah di sekolah menengah atas pada era Soekarno memiliki peran strategis dalam menciptakan kesadaran sejarah dan nasionalisme. Namun, indoktrinasi Manipol USDEK sangat terlihat.
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Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.
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Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter Nicholas Roerich (1874–1947) and his spouse Helena Roerich (1879–1955) who developed a new form of Theosophy. The aim of this article is to analyse the interference between Theosophy and politics paying special attention to its historical roots, which, in the context of Roerich groups, are to be sought in the political activities of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of the movement. The following materials have been used in the analysis: first, writings of the founders of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics; second, the latest studies in the history of Theosophy made in the available archives after the collapse of the soviet regime; third, materials obtained from the interviews of a field research (2006–2008). The author has made use of an interdisciplinary approach combining anthropological methods with the method of systematic analysis. The historical roots of the political activity of contemporary theosophists stretch into the political aspirations of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics. Opening of the USSR secret archives and publication of several formerly inaccessible diaries and letters of theosophists offer an opportunity to study the “spiritual geopolitics” of the Roerichs. Setting off to his Central Asian expeditions (1925–1928; 1934–1935), Nicholas Roerich strived to implement the Great Plan, i.e. to found a New State that would stretch from Tibet to South Siberia comprising the territories governed by China, Mongolia, Tibet and the USSR. The new state was conceived as the kingdom of Shambhala on the earth, and in order to form this state, Nicholas Roerich aspired to acquire the support of various political systems. During the Tzarist Empire, the political world outlook of Nicholas Roerich was markedly monarchic. After the Bolshevik coup in Russia, the artist accepted the offer to work under the wing of the new power, but after his emigration to the West Roerich published extremely sharp articles against the Bolsheviks. In 1922, the Roerichs started to support Lenin considering him the messenger of Shambhala. Roerich’s efforts to acquire Bolshevik support culminated in 1926 when the Roerichs arrived in Moscow bringing a message by Mahatmas to the soviet government, a small case with earth for the Lenin Mausoleum from Burhan-Bulat and paintings in which Buddha Maitreya bore strong resemblance to Lenin. The plan of founding the Union of Eastern Republics, with Bolshevik support, failed, since about the year 1930 the soviet authorities changed their position concerning the politics of the Far East. Having ascertained that the Bolsheviks would not provide the anticipated support for the Great Plan, the Roerichs started to seek for contacts in the USA which provided funding for his second expedition (1934–1935). The Roerichs succeeded even in making correspondence (1934–1936) with President Roosevelt who paid much larger attention to Eastern states especially China than other presidents did. Their correspondence ceased when the Security Service of the USA grew suspicious about Roerich’s pro-Japanese disposition. Nicholas Roerich has sought for support to his political ambitions by all political regimes. In 1934, the Russian artist tried to ascertain whether German national socialists would support his efforts in Asia. It may seem that the plans of founding the Union of Oriental Republics have passed away along with Roerich; yet in 1991 his son Svyatoslav Roerich (1904–1993) pointed out once again that the Altai is a very important centre of the great future and Zvenigorod is still a great reality and a magnificent dream. Interference between esotericism and politics is observed also among Latvian theosophists: the soviet regime successfully made use of Roerich’s adherents propagating the communist ideology in the independent Republic of Latvia. In the 1920s and 1930s, the embassy of the USSR in Riga maintained close contacts with Roerich’s adherents in Latvia and made a strong pressure on the Latvian government not to ban the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society who actively propagated the success of soviet culture and economy. On 17 June 1940, the soviet army occupied the Republic of Latvia, and Haralds Lūkins, the son of the founder of the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society, was elected to the first government of the soviet Latvia. Nevertheless, involvement of theosophists in politics was unsuccessful, since after the official annexation of Latvia into the USSR, on 5 August 1940, all societies including the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society were closed. Since the members of the movement continued to meet regularly, in 1949, Haralds Lūkins was arrested as leader of an illegal organization. After the Second World War, theosophists were subjected to political repressions. Arrests of Roerich’s followers (1948–1951) badly impaired the movement. After rehabilitation in 1954, the repressed persons gradually returned from exile and kept on their illegal meetings in small groups. To regain their rights to act openly, Roerich’s followers started to praise Nicholas Roerich as a supporter of the soviet power. With the collapse of the soviet regime, Roerich’s followers in Latvia became legal in 1988 when the Latvian Roerich Society was restored which soon split up according to geopolitical orientation; therefore, presently in Latvia, there are the following organisations: Latvian Roerich Society, Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, and Aivars Garda group or the Latvian National Front. A. Garda fused nationalistic ideas with Theosophy offering a special social reorganization – repatriation of the soviet-time immigrants and a social structure of Latvia that would be formed by at least 75% ethnic Latvians. Activity of A. Garda group, which is being criticized by other groups of theosophists, is a continuation of the interference between theosophical and political ideas practised by the Roerichs. Generally it is to be admitted that after the crush of the soviet regime, in theosophist groups, unclear political orientation between the rightists and leftists is observed, characterised by fairly radical ideas.
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Martišius, Mantas, and Vilija Navickaitė. "Rusijos ir Gruzijos 2008 metų karinio konflikto pateikimas Lietuvos ir Italijos periodinėje spaudoje informacinio karo aspektu." Informacijos mokslai 51 (January 1, 2009): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2009.0.3204.
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Straipsnyje informacinio karo aspektu nagrinėjamas 2008 metų rugpjūtį kilusio penkių dienų konflikto tarp Rusijos ir Gruzijos atspindėjimas Lietuvos ir Italijos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje. Nagrinėjamas informacinio karo vaidmuo 2008 metų Rusijos ir Gruzijos kare. Aptariamas karinio konflikto pateikimas pasirinktose žiniasklaidos priemonėse tiriamuoju laikotarpiu. Nagrinėjama, kaip buvo pristatoma didėjanti įtampą Šiaurės Kaukazo regione. Gvildenama, kokią poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiuužėmė Lietuvos ir Italijos tyrimui pasirinktos žiniasklaidos priemonės. Nagrinėjama informaciniame kare pasireiškianti tendencija, kai žiniasklaida ima palaikyti savo valdžios oficialiąją poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiu.Presenting the 2008 Russia–Georgia war in Lithuanian and Italian press in information warfare aspectMantas Martišius, Vilija Navickaitė SummaryThe five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world’s mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia’s position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia’s expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia’s position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania’s governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure.By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude.According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia.The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia’ s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was “their” and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
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Piskova, Mariyana. "TRACING THE ARCHIVAL SOURCES OF THE FRENCH FEATURE FILM “ANDRANIK” ABOUT THE ARMENIANS IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR(1928)." History and Archives, no. 2 (2021): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-2-126-140.
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The first and still the only film about Andranik Ozanian (1865– 1927) was shot during the summer of 1928 in Bulgaria. Who financed and created the movie, why did the director Archavir Chakhatouny (1882–1957) choose Bulgaria for the scenes in the open, why wasn’t the film shown in Soviet Armenia and how did it get to Yerevan – those are part of the questions the paper will try to answer. To that end the author searched for the archival documents in the archives and museums of Armenia and Bulgaria. The richest source is the personal fund of the Armenian emigrant in Paris Arshavir Shakhatuni (1882–1957). After his death, the documents were transferred to the Yeghishe Charents Museum of Literature and Arts in Yerevan. Among them, a special place is occupied by biographical documents, documents about theatrical roles and roles in cinema, which he performed, materials about early cinema and the history of the creation of the film “Andranik”. The National Archives of Armenia keeps the documents which detail the participation of Chakhatouny in the First World War and in the government of the First Armenian Republic (1918–1920) as the commandant and chief of police of Yerevan. The most valuable source is the film “Andranik” which was received by the State Archives of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1972. During the period, the name of Andranik was banned until the end of the 80s of the 20th century. There was censorship and contradicting assessments of Andranik by Armenians and Azerbaijanis (“hero” or “enemy”) were “concealed”. For this reason, the film might have got into Armenia through the Armenian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, founded by the resolution of the Communist Party of the ASSR. The official activity of the Society was related to the cultural events abroad but in fact it was used to gather information about the political emigrants. In the Bulgarian archives one may find the archive “traces” of Chakhatouny’s performances on the Bulgarian theatrical scenes and also his correspondence with the actor Georgi Stamatov (1893–1965), that documents contain the valuable data on the history of the film creation. Thanks to the archives, the film ‘Andranik’ can be seen and the story of its creation and distribution in the past century can be reproduced.
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Harrison, Sarah. "Victor L. Stater, Noble Government: The Stuart Lord Lieutenancy and the Transformation of English Politics, Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pp. x + 261. $45.00 (ISBN 0-8203-1613-X)." Law and History Review 15, no. 1 (1997): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827713.
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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "The Labour government and the end of empire, 1945–1951. Parts 1–4: high policy and administration; economics and international relations; strategy, politics and constitutional change; race relations and the Commonwealth." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (July 1993): 584–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622369.
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Holmes, Clive. "Victor L. Stater. Noble Government: The Stuart Lord Lieutenancy and the Transformation of English Politics. Athens, Ga.: The University of Georgia Press. 1994. Pp. x, 261. $45.00. ISBN 0-8203-1613-X." Albion 28, no. 1 (1996): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051971.
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MORGAN, IWAN. "Unconventional Politics: The Campaign for a Balanced-Budget Amendment Constitutional Convention in the 1970s." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 3 (December 1998): 421–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898006008.
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The drive to enact a constitutional amendment requiring balanced federal budgets has been a defining issue of American politics in the final decade of the twentieth century. Supporters of this measure deemed it the only way to break the cycle of huge deficits that inflated the national debt to almost unmanageable proportions in recent years. In 1995, 1996 and 1997 only the Senate's narrow failure to deliver the requisite two-thirds majority – latterly by a single vote – prevented Congress proposing an amendment for ratification by the states. Nevertheless the balanced-budget amendment campaign is not a product of the deficit-conscious 1990s. It originated in the 1970s as a movement by the states to impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Between 1975 and 1979 thirty states petitioned Congress for a convention to write a balanced-budget amendment. The convention method of constitutional reform had lain unused since the Founding Fathers devised it as an alternative to congressional initiative, but the support of only four more states would have provided the two-thirds majority needed for its implementation. The states' campaign stalled at this juncture in the face of opposition from the Carter administration and congressional Democrats. By then, however, it had done much to popularize the balanced-budget amendment and make it part of the nation's political agenda.This article seeks to analyze the development of the balanced-budget amendment constitutional convention campaign and to assess its historical significance. Aside from its relevance to today's fiscal politics, the movement merits attention as an important episode in the history of the 1970s, an era when economic problems at home and defeat abroad underlined the limits of America's prosperity and power. In this troubled time, popular confidence in the nation's political leaders underwent marked decline. The Watergate scandal, failure in Vietnam and economic stagflation created doubts about their trustworthiness and competence to deal with America's problems. The budget revolt by the states was a manifestation of this anti-Washington mood. In style as well as substance, the campaign challenged conventional politics: it manifested distrust in elected leaders to manage public finances without constitutional restraint and sought to bypass establishment control of the orthodox forms of politics through adoption of an untested process of constitutional change. In many respects the drive for a balanced-budget amendment convention was an expression of the same populist impulse that was the mainspring of Jimmy Carter's campaign for president in 1976. The former Georgia governor's status as a political outsider untainted by previous connection with Washington had been his greatest electoral asset, but in office this man-of-the-people aligned himself with the nation's political establishment against the convention campaign. Analysis of Carter's response to this movement casts light on the ambiguity and complexity of his presidential politics.
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Drifte, Reinhard. "Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.
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This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.
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O’Neill, Maggie, and Ramaswami Harindranath. "Theorising narratives of exile and belonging : the importance of Biography and Ethno-mimesis in “understanding” asylum." Qualitative Sociology Review 2, no. 1 (April 29, 2006): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.2.1.04.
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The article explores the use and importance of taking a biographical approach to conducting participatory action research (PAR) with asylum seekers and refugees in order to: better understand lived experiences of exile and belonging; contribute to the important field of Biographical Sociology; provide a safe space for stories to be told; and in turn for these stories to feed in to policy and praxis. The authors’ combined work on the asylum-migration nexus, the politics of representation and participatory action research methodology (PAR) as ethno-mimesisi argues for the use of biography to contribute to cultural politics at the level of theory, experience and praxis, and is constitutive of critical theory in praxis. PAR research undertaken with Bosnian refugees in the East Midlands and Afghan refugees in London will be the focus around which our analysis develops. We develop a case for theory building based upon lived experience using biographical materials, both narrative and visual, as critical theory in practice towards a vision of social justice that challenges the dominant knowledge/power axis embedded in current governance and media policy relating to forced migration. The dominant power/knowledge axis related to forced migration is embedded in current (New Labour) governance and re-presented in some media texts as identified below. New Labour governance is symbolised in the competing discourses of a) strong centralised control and b) more open systems, network and partnership based governance (Newman, 2003: 17-23; Clarke, 2004; Lewis, 2000). Open systems are made up of partnerships and networks – “joined up government”, “that transcends the vertical, departmental structures of government itself” (Newman, 2003: 20). to develop or foster a consensual style of governing. Progressive governance is defined by Newman (2003:15) as involving a significant shift from governance through hierarchy and competition to governance through networks and partnerships with an emphasis upon inclusion. Progressive governance involves the production of techniques and strategies of responsibilisation of citizens operationalised through the development of networks, alliances, and partnerships, with a strong focus upon active citizenship. Thus, spreading responsibility for social control to non state agencies and “communities” (Garland, 2001). In relation to forced migration/asylum discourses around the exclusion of the “other” (involving criminalisation, detention and deportation) and the maintenance and control of borders (developing ever more tighter controls on entry and asylum applications) exist in tension with discourses that speak of human rights, responsibilities and possibilities for multi-cultural citizenship especially in the community cohesion literature. There is a conflict at the heart of New Labour’s approach to asylum policy linked to the “alterity” of the asylum seeker that promulgates hegemonic ideologies and discourses around rights to belonging and citizenship, perceived access to resources (redistribution) and misrecognition fostering suspicion of the “stranger”. Alongside discourses of fairness and rights to enter and seek refuge, there exist regressive discourses that water down the vitally important actual and symbolic 1951 UN convention, and foster a split between “bogus” and “genuine” refugees, making it extremely hard to seek asylum in the UK.
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Bentley, Michael. "Liberal Toryism in the Twentieth Century." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679220.
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DUST has scarcely had time to settle on Lady Thatcher; yet already a thick sediment of historical significance attaches to the fifteen years of her ascendancy. The period between 1975 and 1990 looks likely to prove as significant for the political ideologies of the twenty-first century as that between, say, 1885 and 1906 currently looks for our own. In the twilight world of John Major (who appears part-antidote, part-surrogate), Conservative ideology is becoming informed by reviews from both sides as they reflect on not only what went wrong but what it was that seemingly went so right, from a party point of view, for so long. We have just had placed before us, for example, John Campbell's admirable biography of Sir Edward Heath, on theone hand, and Alan Clark's transfixing diaries very much on the other. Such documents supplement amass of theorising and comment by political scientists and journalists, most of which dwells on the twin themes of discontinuity and dichotomy. The history of the Tory party is seen to enter a period of catastrophe by the end of the Heath government out of which there emerges a distinct party ideology which people call ‘Thatcherism’: a ‘New Conservatism’ radically distinct from the compromise and accommodation that marked politics after 1951. But that process was contested within the party—hence a dichotomy between two persuasions: the hawks and the doves, the dries and the wets, the Tories and the Conservatives, the true blues and the Liberals. Language of this kind has a particular interest to historians. They want to raise issues about its chronological deep-structure: how ‘new’ was this ‘New Conservatism’?. They recognise the need to situate the dichotomies of the moment in a wider context of Conservative experience: how singular is a doctrine of dichotomy within Conservative party doctrine? Above all they bring into question bald postulates about the nature of current Conservatism which do not compare experience across time
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Young, John. "Talking to Tito: the Eden visit to Yugoslavia, September 1952." Review of International Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1986): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114111.
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Josip Tito first met a leading British statesman, in August 1944, when he had discussions in Naples with Winston Churchill about the future of the Yugoslav resistance movements.1 After the war however the Yugoslav communist leader did not meet another leading statesman from the West until September 1952. The visitor on that occasion was Churchill's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Between the two dates there had been remarkable changes in Anglo-Yugoslav relations. In the years 1944–1948, as the world slipped towards Cold War, the British aid given to Tito's guerillas in wartime seemed to have been wasted; Yugoslavia apparently became firmly rooted in the Soviet bloc. Many now argue that Churchill ought to have supported other Yugoslav resistance groups who were supporters of the Yugoslav monarchy and, presumably, more pro-western. British support for Tito during the war, however, had logical force: Tito was popular with his countrymen and able to unite them, a capable leader who knew how to use the geography of his country against its enemies, and a man who was ultimately able to liberate Yugoslavia without large-scale Soviet assistance.2 And, in 1948, to the surprise of many in the West he proved that he was no mere Russian puppet either. He opposed attempts from Moscow to extend its influence over Yugoslav government and politics and, in June, was expelled by Stalin from the Soviet-led ‘Cominform’ Faced by economic blockade from the East, Tito turned increasingly to the West for support. In November 1951 he took a major step by accepting American military aid. As yet there were limits to his western commitment: he was still a communist, on poor terms with some of his western neighbours (especially Italy), and determined, whilst accepting western aid, to keep his distance from both power blocs. But it seemed that he could be won over securely to the West in the long-term. Recently released British files on the Eden visit reveal much about the state of Tito's relationship with the West at this time.
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Abuselidze, Giorgi, and Aleko Meladze. "PROBLEMS OF FORMATION OF TAX REVENUES OF THE BUDGET OF TERRITORIAL UNITS AND WAYS OF IT OVERCOMING." Economic Profile 17, no. 1(23) (August 4, 2022): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2022.23.07.
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Economic strength of territorial units is one of the most important factors for the economic development of the government. And for the economic stability of the territorial units it is crucial to have high level of financial decentralization and the ability to provide their budget revenues with their own tax sources, which is guaranteed by effective fiscal politics from the government. Some reforms have been going on in Georgia for decades in order to have financial decentralization and to improve the quality of budget independence, but in order to improve modern situation in this field it is necessary to develop a system of specific actions. Therefore, the problem of tax revenue optimization of territorial units is gaining more urgency and we believe that identifying the factors hindering the improvement of the tax revenues of the budget of the territorial units and taking certain actions and measures to solve them will significantly contribute to the socio-economic development of the territorial units. While working on these issues, the study of the problem was done mainly using characteristic and quantitative research methods. In terms of characteristic research we managed to get information in-depth about the main topic and then we managed to process and analyze this information. In terms of quantitative research, we were mainly guided by statistical information of the revenues of the budgets of the territorial units. Quantitative data were processed in accordance with the objectives, on the basis of which specific trends of the problem were identified. Based on the analysis of the information collected through the mentioned methods, the relevant conclusion-recommendations were formed. The issue of ownership of natural resources is important for the economic development of territorial units. Natural resources should be used in such a way to maximize the growth rate of economic development of territorial units. Part of the value added that is created as a result of industrial-economic relations using natural resources should be transferred by using the budget-tax mechanism to the budget of the municipality and/or, as it is in our case, the budget of the Autonomous Republic. Clearly, the same principle must be maintained in terms of the use of other industrial resources. Effective use of fiscal policy instruments can create a structure of tax revenues for the budgets of territorial units, the volume of which will depend on the efficient use of resources in the territorial unit. Public policy in the field of regional finance should reflect the economic activity of the region, which can provide increased productivity in the region, increased value added measures in the region, job growth and, ultimately, the well-being of the region's population. In modern conditions, budget relations in Georgia are based on the principle of independence (autonomy), however, the dependence of different levels of budgets on central budgets is very high. The share of tax revenues in the budget revenue structure of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara is more than 95% of the total revenues. This proportion is acceptable at first glance, but it is formed to the budget of the Autonomous Republic by income taxes of individual entities and it is effective, for the most part, from a fiscal point of view. It has less regulatory-stimulating character. In the long term perspective, the regulatory-stimulating role in tax-budgetary policy is crucial to achieve the tax revenue growth. Therefore, in our opinion, the use of profit and income tax as a source of tax revenue for the budget of the Autonomous Republic will ensure a more efficient result of both fiscal and stimulus-regulatory functions. Actions and measures that are aimed to increase the tax base of profit tax are possible through the use of economic mechanisms and tools, as we are talking about increasing the number of economic entities and expanding their activities. This mechanism, at the same time, will directly affect the growth of the taxable tax base. The situation in Georgia is also unfavorable in terms of the formation of tax revenues of municipal budgets because all taxes, except property taxes, belong to the central budget. The taxable base of property tax is very small, which is further reduced by the system of benefits provided by the Tax Code of Georgia. Distributed VAT is the main tax source for filling the budgets of municipalities. The existing mechanism of its distribution is ineffective. By using this mechanism, each municipality receives an almost fixed amount of money each year for the formation of the revenue portion of their budgets. It does not matter if the municipality is economically active or passive; it still receives almost the same amount of distributed VAT as it received in previous periods. This mechanism has lack of the role of stimulating economic development. Therefore, we believe it is necessary to develop mechanisms of geographical area for determining the value-added value created in a particular municipality. The amount of VAT paid by a VAT payer registered in the territory of this municipality should become the main criteria of the VAT distribution mechanism. In addition, in order for municipalities to be able to actually finance their functions, it is necessary to increase the percentage of VAT that is distributed
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Pitiurishvili, Lia. "THE ROLE OF THE STATE IN REGULATING INFLATION PROCESS - MONETARIST CONTEXT." Economic Profile 16, no. 2(22) (January 15, 2022): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2021.22.08.
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The article has been dedicated to one of the actual problems in Georgia – inflation. There is given research of the main reasons of enormously increasing prices on local Products as well as on imported products and services. Among the existing reasons the main reasons are of local originality. For example: overloaded monetary circulation caused by the National Bank’s incorrect monetary and credit politics, monopoly-oligopoly in bank sphere, falling of local production rate caused by pandemic, etc. Some of the reasons are imported, such as increased prices on fuel and on imported products from partner countries, etc. In the article it has been introduced those main branches of national economy, where prices have been tremendously increased. Besides, it should be mentioned imported fuel and food products, transport expenses, medical service, etc. The main aim of the research is to find the ways and methods to overcome inflation crisis. To our knowledge, in order to overcome this problem is development of monetary and credit according to monetarists’ theory which is approved in many countries such as Poland, Estonia, etc. in order to regulate inflation the state should carry out the following measures: growth of local production rate, growth of local products, discharging of monetary circulation from extra money and strict control over these processes, creating competitive environment in bank sector, etc. The mechanism of state intervention in the economy consists of a whole chain of causes and effects. It is headed by the money supply, hence the increase in the money supply, and at the bottom - the state of the economic situation. The monetarist concept of the transmission mechanism is based on the principle that the economic object must act in such a way as to bring as much profit as possible. To do this, it must try to perfect the structure of the asset portfolio and make it one in which it will generate more revenue. The concept of an asset portfolio includes not only cash and securities, but also fixed assets presented in various forms. Portfolios are balanced when the profitability of the marginal units of each type of asset is equal / balanced. The result is that there is no need to redistribute interchangeable assets. This balance is broken by the supply of extra money. The source of its growth may be open market operations, ie the purchase of government bonds by the central bank, for example. After selling the securities, the farms own much more money than they had before.
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Jenkins, James O., Domènec Ruiz Devesa, Alfonso Egea-de Haro, Karen Bakker, Jekwu Ikeme, Charalampos Koutalakis, Gregorio Dávila Díaz, and Ionnis Chorianopoulos. "Reviews: Environmental Dilemmas and Policy Design, the Political Culture of the Left in Affluent Britain, 1951–64: Old Labour, New Britain, the Government and Politics of the European Union, Just Sustainabilities: Development in an Unequal World, Climate Change and Sustainable Development: Prospects for Developing Countries, Environmental Leaders and Laggards in Europe: Why there is (Not) a ‘Southern Problem’, Business and Politics: A Comparative Introduction, The European Union: Economy, Society, and Polity." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 22, no. 1 (February 2004): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c2201rvw.
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