Academic literature on the topic 'Georgia – Politics and government – 1951-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Georgia – Politics and government – 1951-"
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Darchashvili, Manana. "Georgian experience in the field of education and cultural policy: the example of the first democratic republic of Georgia in the years 1918 -1921." Journal of Education Culture and Society 12, no. 1 (June 17, 2021): 520–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2021.1.520.529.
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Aim. The paper aims to study and present the issue of Georgian education, analyze it chronologically and thematically based on past experience. The paper deals with the period of the First Republic of Georgia, 1918-1921, and highlights the place of education and culture in Georgian politics. Moreover, the paper is focused on the connections of modern Georgian politics and the centuries-old traditional heritage and its transformation into the present reality.
Method. The paper is presented based on a number of researched documents, empirical material, scientific research papers, monographs, analysis of government documents, historical-comparative method.
Result. The paper presents the reality of the first democratic republic in Georgia in 1918-1921, the effective steps of the state for the development of proper education and cultural policy, and its introduction and development in practice.
Conclusion. Several empirical materials prove that during the period of the First Republic of Georgia (1918-1921), despite the difficult political situation in Georgia, education in Georgia, with the support of the government and due to the active and creative work of representatives of such field as education, literature, theater, music, cinema, and science. were well developed. This issue is part of the country's internal policy, which is important and relevant today.
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Pilcher, Lauren. "Racial Ideology in Government Films: The Past and Present of the US Information Service’s Men of the Forest (1952)." Genealogy 6, no. 2 (May 7, 2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020041.
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Movies beyond the scope of Hollywood and entertainment have shaped notions of race in American culture since the early decades of cinema. A range of nontheatrical sponsors and creators in the US made films to serve practical functions in society—to inform, to organize, to persuade, to promote, etc. The US federal government was a major sponsor of many of these films, which provided American and foreign audiences depictions of race that differed considerably from popular commercial images. For example, Men of the Forest, a film made in 1952 by the United States Information Service focuses on the Hunters, a Black family who owns land and a forestry business in rural Georgia. A documentary of sorts, the film highlights Black life, work, and land ownership in the South in ways not seen in popular feature films of the day. Yet, in the film and others like it, histories of institutional racism are woven into cinematic form and content in ways that are distinct from the entertainment industry. The creators of Men of the Forest omit details of segregation in the South to emphasize the Hunter family as examples of American democracy, a choice suited to the film’s Cold War purpose: to counter the anti-American message of Soviet propaganda for foreign audiences. On one hand, by producing and distributing the film, the federal government acknowledged Black farmers and landowners in the Jim Crow South. On the other hand, it avoided the structural inequality surrounding the Hunters to frame their reality as an example of American democratic progress for international circulation. Today, government films like Men of the Forest prompt contemporary reflection on the institutional histories they represent and their evolution into the present. The film and many others are available online due to the digitization of collections from the National Archives, Library of Congress, and elsewhere. With this increase in access, contemporary scholars have the ability to investigate how the federal government and its various internal entities mediated racial ideologies with moving image technologies. As an example of such research, this essay examines Men of the Forest by focusing on the past and present contradictions that arise from its depiction of a Black family with land and an agricultural business in rural Georgia. Two recent events shed light on the histories reflected in the film and their contemporary significance. In 2018, Descendants of Men of the Forest, The Legacy Continues—a documentary created by family members of the film’s original participants—contextualized the original production as evidence of the Hunter family’s legacy in the community of Guyton, Georgia. Underlying this local effort, Men of the Forest serves as an important historical event and record of the family and the community. On a broader scale, in March 2021, Congress passed a large relief package for disadvantaged minority farmers, intended to help alleviate decades of systemic racism in government agricultural programs. Lawsuits from white farmers and conservative organizations followed quickly, challenging the provision of government aid based on race. In this federal context, Men of the Forest exposes an institutional image of individual success that downplays the structural racism facing people of color, especially those with agricultural livelihoods. Even as politics and legislation evolve, this vision of democracy once exported by the federal government has widespread currency and accumulating effects. The connections between Men of the Forest and these recent events reveal the racial politics at play in government films and the ways in which they take shape in the real world beyond the screen.
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OLSZEWSKI, Paweł. "HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF ETHNIC AND POLITICAL CONFLICTS IN SOUTH CAUCASUS – SELECTED PROBLEMS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 164, no. 2 (March 1, 2012): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2822.
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The main subject of this article is the presentation of the historical backgrounds of the contemporary conflicts over the Mountainous Karabagh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The author describes the history of these regions from the beginning of the 19th century till 1992. The conquest of the South Caucasus by Imperial Russia in the 19th century resulted in the immigrations of Armenians to the Mountainous Karabagh, Ossetians to South Ossetia and Georgians to Abkhazia. These immigrations completely changed the ethnic compositions of these region. The Russian authorities supported the immigrations of pro-Russian Armenians and Ossetians.The political situation in these regions changed in 1918, when the independence of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan was declared. South Ossetia and Abkhazia were parts of independent Georgia, and the Mountainous Karabagh was dependent on Azerbaijan. Ossetians and Abkhazians resisted the Georgian authorities and Karabagh Armenians fought against Azerbaijan’s rule.After the conquest of the South Caucasus by Soviet Russia in 1920-1921, the Mountainous Karabagh remained part of Soviet Azerbaijan, and South Ossetia and Abkhazia remained part of Soviet Georgia. The Autonomous Oblast of Nagorno-Karabagh was created in the Mountainous Karabagh in 1923. The authorities of the Mountainous Karabagh were dominated by Karabagh Armenians and this region was practically independent of Soviet Azerbaijan. A similar situation was in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, especially after 1956.The development of Abkhazian and Ossetian national movements at the end of the 1980s led to the situation in which Abkhazians and South Ossetians claimed the political autonomy of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, and then the independence of these regions. The Georgian authorities were against these claims, as they considered these regions to constitute the historical parts of Georgia. The political hostility between Georgia and South Ossetia resulted in South Ossetian-Georgian armed fighting in January 1991, and South Ossetia proclaimed its independence in November 1991. Moreover, the political conflict between the Georgian government and the Abkhazian authorities in the first half of 1992 turned into open war in August 1992.Karabagh Armenians claimed the incorporation of the Mountainous Karabagh into Soviet Armenia because of historical, ethnic, cultural and regional connections between the Mountainous Karabagh and Armenia. These claims were very strong from the end of 1980s, but Azerbaijan’s communist authorities and the Azerbaijan anti-communist movement wanted to retain the Karabagh region in Azerbaijan. The hostility between the local Armenian and Azerbaijan population of the Mountainous Karabagh turned into armed fighting in 1989. The Mountainous Karabagh proclaimed its independence in December 1991.
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Matviienko, Viktor. "UPR’s Diplomacy at the Conclusion of the National Liberation Struggle: The 1921 Black Sea Union." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 389–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-25.
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The article offers an insight into the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic at the final stage of the national liberation struggle. Author analyses the UPR’s course towards forging stable political and economic alliances with the peripheral states that have emerged on the post-imperial territory of russia. The most ambitious project of 1919–20 was the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union consisting of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Finland, and Ukraine; however, the legal aspects of the organisation of the Black Sea Union became of primary importance in late November 1920. The certain aspirations for its formation were based on the intensification of anti-Bolshevik insurgent movements in the regions on the Don, Kuban, and Terek Rivers, in Dagestan and Chechnya, the existence of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia, which were independent from the kremlin. During the spring–autumn of 1921, the governments-in-exile of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Georgian Democratic Republic, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus completed the treaty and legal formalisation of the Black Sea Union. Yet, the project was not implemented de-facto: the then military and political situation in Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus was not favourable for the successful struggle for independence of the peripheral states of the former empire. In the late 20th century, Ukraine and the Transcaucasian countries restored their independence, thus creating new political realities in Europe. It became possible to implement effective projects of the Black Sea sub-regional associations, in particular the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation and Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM), aimed at the development of a network of transport connections and broad economic cooperation. Keywords: Black Sea Union, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Democratic Republic of Georgia, Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of North Caucasus Mountaineers, peripheral states, government-in-exile.
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Arp, Bjorn. "Georgia v. Russia (I)." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (January 2015): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0167.
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On July 3, 2014, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Court) rendered its judgment in Georgia v. Russia, concerning Russia’s collective expulsion of a large number of Georgian nationals between October 2006 and January 2007. The Court held that Russia had violated several provisions of the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Convention or ECHR), in particular Article of Protocol No. 4 to the ECHR (prohibition of collective expulsions). Because the Russian government had failed to cooperate with the Court by providing relevant information, the Court also found a violation of Article 38 of the ECHR, which obliges states to furnish “all necessary facilities” for the effective conduct of the Court’s investigation of the case. The Court deferred its decision on the question of “just satisfaction” under Article 41 pending further submissions by the parties. This was the first of three interstate proceedings that Georgia has brought against Russia under the special procedure of Article 33, and it is the first decision on the merits of these cases.
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Hinds, Dudley S., and Nicholas Ordway. "The Influence of Race on Rezoning Decisions: Equality of Treatment in Black and White Census Tracts, 1955–1980." Review of Black Political Economy 14, no. 4 (March 1986): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02903791.
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As municipal zoning is political in nature, the equality of zoning protection provided among black and white neighborhoods should be expected to be sensitive to changes in relative political power over time. This article examines the rejection rates for rezoning applications over time in predominantly white and predominantly black census tracts in Atlanta, Georgia. It identifies inequality of treatment as between heavily white and heavily black tracts during a period of no black representation among elected city officials and equality of treatment during a later period when blacks were substantially represented in government.
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Silaev, N. Yu. "Georgia in 2015. An analytical survey." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-97-112.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of internal and foreign political processes in Georgia in 2015. This analytical chronicle is to trace and describe the most important tendencies in such fields as the contention between political parties, the balance within the ruling coalition and the relations with Georgia’s key foreign partners. Though “Georgian Dream” (GD) government met the crisis and had to change premier by the end of the year, it managed to keep the leading position in domestic politics. The main opponent of the GD, the United National Movement (UNM) could not increase its influence. The Republican party of Georgia, the member of ruling coalition that has rather weak support from the voters, was able to strengthen its position in the government by getting some key offices. The expansion of cooperation with NATO does not bring near prospects of membership. Although every single measure the sides are taking seems to be insignificant, as a complex these measures can lead to a deeper involvement of NATO and USA in the South Caucasus. The relations with European Union are inertial and strongly overestimated in Georgian internal politics. The relations with Russia are routinized; both sides acknowledge the achievements of the normalization and do not expect any breakthrough.
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Fedorovskaya, I. "Political Crisis in Georgia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2021): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-1-135-143.
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The Parliament of Georgia operates in a one-party mode. Opposition parties boycott its work demanding annulment of the results of the parliamentary elections due to mass fraud. The ruling “Georgian Dream” is trying to return the opposition to the parliament, offering to discuss and adopt a new election law. On the other hand, the Georgian government threatens to deprive the parties that refuse to work in the parliament of financial support. In the post-election period the top leadership of several major political parties has changed. The founder of the “Georgian Dream” B. Ivanishvili has left politics. N.Melia became the new leader of the United National Movement. After his arrest the internal political situation in Georgia has deteriorated.
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Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan, and Sutiyah. "REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no. 06 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
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Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
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Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Georgia – Politics and government – 1951-"
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Ramos, Howard. "Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.
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My dissertation focuses on the rise and spread of Aboriginal mobilization in Canada between 1951 and 2000. Using social movement and social-political theories, it questions the relationship between contentious actions and formal organizational growth comparing among social movement and political sociological perspectives. In most accounts, contentious action is assumed to be influenced by organization, political opportunity and identity. Few scholars, however, have examined the reverse relationships, namely the effect of contentious action on each of these. Drawing upon time-series data and qualitative interviews with Aboriginal leaders and representatives of organizations, I found that critical events surrounding moments of federal state building prompted contentious action, which then sparked mobilization among Aboriginal communities. I argue that three events: the 1969 White paper, the 1982 patriation of the Constitution, and the 1990 'Indian Summer' led to mass mobilization and the semblance of an emerging PanAboriginal identity. This finding returns to older collective behaviour perspectives, which note that organizations, opportunities, and identities are driven by triggering actions and shared experiences that produce emerging norms. Nevertheless, in the case of Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, unlike that of Indigenous movements in other countries, building a movement on triggering actions led to mass mobilization but was not sustainable because of a saturation of efficacy. As a result, Aboriginal mobilization in Canada has been characterized by divergent interests and unsustained contention.
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Phillips, Jenna Frances. "British policy during the Korean War 1950-1951." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648129.
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García, Ignacio. "Mexican American Youth Organization: Precursors of Change in Texas." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218651.
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Rahma, Awalia. "Sufi order and resistance movement : the Sans̄ưiyya of Libya, 1911-1932." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30206.
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This thesis is a study of the Sanusiyya order, in which particular emphasis is placed on its role as a resistance movement. Based on a survey of the social, economic, religious and political activities of this sufi brotherhood and its involvement in the tribal system of the North Africa during the first three decades of this century, an attempt will be made to identify on the one hand the factors that contributed to the strength of its resistance to Italian invasion, and on the other, the elements that led to its failure. It is argued that its initial success in the resistance benefited from the network of the zawiyas where ikhwan from different tribes were integrated socially and economically in accordance with strong Islamic values. However, lack of military training and weapons, dependency on a prominent figure, competing ambitions within the Sanusi family and geographical distance ultimately weakened the resistance.
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Justiss, Charnita Spring. "Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/.
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Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.
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Farmer, Ted Anthony. "Politics and society in Virginia, 1960-1969 : new course for the Old Dominion /." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11242009-020048/.
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Kefford, Glenn. "Has Australian Federal Politics Become Presidentialized?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366314.
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This thesis examines the idea that Australian federal political leaders are becoming more powerful. This idea, often referred to as presidentialization, generates heated debates in academic circles. Using one of the more systematic frameworks, namely the Poguntke and Webb (2005) model, and combining a behavioural component, this thesis seeks to explore whether Australian federal politics has become presidentialized. Poguntke and Webb viewed presidentialization as consisting of three separate but inter-related faces. These were: the executive face, the party face and the electoral face. This thesis undertakes this task by examining four leadership periods from the Australian Labor Party (ALP). This includes: The Chifley leadership period (1945-51), the Whitlam leadership period (1967-1977), the Hawke Leadership period (1983-91) and the Kevin Rudd leadership period (2006-2010). In the Chifley leadership period it is argued that very little evidence of the presidentialization phenomenon as described by Poguntke and Webb (2005) is identifiable. This finding adds to their hypothesis that many of the causal factors that contributed to presidentialization did not emerge until after 1960. This section of the thesis also highlights how different Australian society and the ALP were during this period than to the later periods examined in this thesis. The second period, the Whitlam leadership period, is vastly different. Clear increases in the capacity of leaders to exert power began to emerge. Hugely important structural changes to the ALP occur during this period which fundamentally alters intra-party power. Some evidence of leaders being able to exert greater power within the executive of government can also be identified during this period. The elections that Whitlam contested display a mixed level of personalisation.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Bauhs, James Anthony. "George Orwell As Social Conservative: Populism, Pessimism, and Nationalism in an Organic Community, 1934-43." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278361/.
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This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.
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Slavin, Matthew I. "State Industrial Policy and the Autonomy of State Leaders: Evidence from the Oregon Experience." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1228.
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This research identifies variables that determined the amount of autonomy Oregon's gubernatorial leadership possessed in formulating and implementing the Regional Strategies program, centerpiece of industrial policy in Oregon during the latter half of the 1980s. The literature on state industrial policy points to instances in which the leaders of America's state governments are acting autonomously. Gubernatorial actors appear to be formulating industrial policy goals independent of powerful non-state groups and other state actors and developing the capacity to transform their policy preferences into authoritative actions. The literature is largely devoid, however, of any systematic accounting of the variables that determine the extent to which gubernatorial actors possess autonomy. Drawing upon interviews with key actors involved in formulating and implementing the Regional Strategies initiative and document research, this case study points to five principal sources of variation in gubernatorial success. These are as follows: (I) Economic crisis. The inability of longstanding industrial recruitment practices to reconcile divisions caused by Oregon's deepest recession since the Great Depression eroded support for existing state economic development arrangements, enabling Oregon's newly elected Governor Neil Goldschmidt to reform state economic development policy along industrial policy lines and accumulate discretionary authority for state economic development spending denied his predecessors. (2) The division of power between the executive and legislative branches of Oregon state government. Reacting to tensions founded in localism, regionalism, and concern with having its authority usurped, Oregon's legislature placed limitations upon Governor Goldschmidt's industrial policy mandate. Legislatively-enforced measures precluded the competitive evaluation of local economic restructuring plans, frustrating a key Administration goal, and instead made equity and political expediency the driving force behind key industrial policy decisions. Legislators also denied the Administration authority it was seeking over semi-autonomous state agencies, impeding its plan to consolidate control over state economic development policymaking. 3) State fiscal capacity. Industrial recruitment's failure led voters to establish a statewide lottery with proceeds dedicated to economic development. The lottery expanded Oregon's fiscal capacity for economic development, providing the Goldschmidt administration an instrument with which to fund industrial policy. (4) The degree to which local interests were fiscally dependent upon state revenues. Administration success in securing key industrial policy goals was a direct consequence of its ability to use the discretionary authority it possessed over lottery spending to enforce local compliance with its policy preferences. The Administration proved more successful in circumstances in which local authorities were fiscally dependent upon gubernatorial controlled state lottery revenues for funding local economic development projects than in instances in which local interests were independent of the state for revenues. (5) The character of private capital investment. Economic development is contingent upon the investment of private assets, over which Oregon's political leadership exercised little direct control. The failure of anticipated private investment to materialize frustrated Administration plans to use lottery money to leverage private investment in favored projects. Investment induced by Oregon's industrial policy initiative was likely to promote job growth in low wage sectors, frustrating the Administration's goal of using industrial policy to generate high wage jobs.
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Lohse, Stephen Alan. "U.S. Foreign Assistance and Democracy in Central America: Quantitative Evaluation of U.S. Policy, 1946 Through 1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277758/.
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U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.
Books on the topic "Georgia – Politics and government – 1951-"
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Harris, Joe Frank. Addresses of Joe Frank Harris, Governor of Georgia, 1983-1991. [Georgia]: s.n., 1990.
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O, Nodia G., and Scholtbach Álvaro Pinto, eds. The political landscape of Georgia: Political parties : achievements, challenges and prospects. Delft: Eburon, 2006.
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Bartley, Numan V. The creation of modern Georgia. 2nd ed. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990.
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A government as good as its people. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1996.
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Vepʻxvaże, Givi. 9 Marti, 1956: Kadrši da kadrgaretʻ. Tʻbilisi: Gamomcʻemloba "Marji", 2001.
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Russia e Georgia: Ortodossia, dinamiche imperiali e identità nazionale (1801-1991). Milano: Guerini e associati, 2010.
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King George III and the politicians: The Ford lectures delivered in the University of Oxford 1951-2. Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press, 1988.
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Sonġulašvili, Nato. Epokʻis gamocveva da kʻartʻuli erovnuli identoba, 1900-1921: (socʻialuri garemo). Tʻbilisi: Gamomcʻemloba "Universali", 2013.
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Tʻušurašvili, Omar. Bolševikuri cesrigi Sakʻartʻveloši: Gamocʻema or tomad. Tʻbilisi: [publisher not identified], 2015.
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Carol, Pierannunzi, ed. Politics in Georgia. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Georgia – Politics and government – 1951-"
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Fry, Geoffrey K. "Fast Falls the Eventide: The Churchill Conservative Government 1951–5." In The Politics of Decline, 114–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230554450_6.
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Wixson, Christopher. "5. ‘Political’." In George Bernard Shaw: A Very Short Introduction, 69–90. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198850090.003.0006.
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‘Political’ details a difficult time in George Bernard Shaw’s career when his views about the First World War placed him intensely at odds with public opinion. Shaw’s journalism castigates British nationalism and foreign policy, boldly assigning culpability for the conflict to failed government leadership on both sides. His major plays throughout the 1920s were also composed in the war’s long shadow and vitalized by the principles Shaw enumerated in his recent, controversial public writings. The chapter then examines Shaw’s Heartbreak House (1916–17), Back to Methuselah (1918–20), Saint Joan (1923), and Too True to Be Good (1931). The success of Saint Joan and the award of the 1925 Nobel Prize for Literature solidified Shaw as Britain’s pre-eminent playwright.
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Thompson, Joseph M. "Pens, Planes, and Politics." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 223–38. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0015.
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This chapter combines political, labor, and cultural history methodologies to compare the Lockheed aircraft factory in Marietta, Georgia, and the Scripto pen and pencil factory in nearby Atlanta. While the mostly male employees at Lockheed, a majority-white plant, enjoyed the job security delivered by defense contracts at the height of the Cold War military-industrial complex, the Scripto workers, the majority of whom were African American women, faced the more capricious turns of the market. Many of the disparities between these factories stemmed from their common management history found in the career of attorney, businessman, and civic leader, James V. Carmichael. Although situated within close geographical proximity, Lockheed and Scripto helped create disparate racial, political, and cultural worlds in the mid-twentieth century. The tale of these two factories uncovers the stark contrasts between the ways race, gender, and government intervention shaped different sectors of the postwar southern economy.
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Aveyard, S. C. "Introduction." In No Solution. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096402.003.0001.
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It is no good ignoring facts however unpleasant they may be. The politician who thinks he can deal out abstract justice without reference to forces around him cannot govern. (David Lloyd George, 14 October 1921)1 In its broadest sense this is a book about the limitations of government power. As Lloyd George was aware, when abstract solutions encounter the context and conditions of whatever problem they are intended to resolve they rarely emerge unscathed. Just as the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty failed to fully realise the ideals of Irish nationalists or British/Irish unionists, so the more recent peace process in Northern Ireland failed to do the same for their modern-day counterparts. This book demonstrates the naivety of claims that a solution to the Northern Ireland conflict could have been imposed by the British state two decades before the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. It also argues that while there is a tremendous volume of material written on the Northern Ireland conflict, areas remain where there is a poverty of understanding. This is especially the case for the difficult years of the Labour administration of 1974 to 1979. The application of a distinctively historical methodology for this period offers insights into why the conflict lasted as long as it did. During these crucial years the power-sharing executive which emerged from the Sunningdale Agreement collapsed because of a general strike by loyalists. Afterwards the Labour government considered a variety of constitutional options before concluding that indefinite direct rule from Westminster would remain until a political settlement was agreed by the two communities in Northern Ireland. The British state was unable to impose a constitutional solution in the face of local opposition....
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Aveyard, Stuart, Paul Corthorn, and Sean O’Connell. "Building a Property-Owning Democracy, 1945–1970." In The Politics of Consumer Credit in the UK, 1938-1992, 48–71. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0003.
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The chapter explains the emerging concept of a property-owning democracy. Encouraging home ownership, Conservatives argued, increased ‘independence of character, self-reliance, initiative, and the habit of saving and the acceptance of responsibility’. The Conservative government of 1951 granted local authorities powers to sell council houses to their tenants. Conservatives portrayed the Labour Party as hostile to home ownership. However, Labour revisionists encouraged colleagues to take the concept of a property-owning democracy seriously as part of a strategy to refresh their egalitarian agenda. In similar vein, Anthony Crosland argued that the concept was a ‘socialist rather than a conservative ideal’ as long as property was ‘well distributed’. Thus, as Britain became more affluent, the central debate on housing shifted from one centred on which government built the most houses to which party would offer homeowners the best deal, with a focus on the terms of mortgage lending.
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Aveyard, Stuart, Paul Corthorn, and Sean O’Connell. "Consumer Credit on the Eve of Affluence." In The Politics of Consumer Credit in the UK, 1938-1992, 20–47. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0002.
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The chapter begins with an examination of debates around consumer protection and hire purchase in the 1930s. It explains the emergence and significance of the Hire Purchase Act, 1938. It explores radical (but thwarted) Labour plans to reshape important sectors of the consumer credit market during the 1940s. The chapter then explains the influence of Keynesian theory and its role in generating new policy on economic demand management. The Conservative election victory of 1951 owed much to the party’s courtship of voters with free market rhetoric, but this government instigated hire purchase controls to improve the balance of payments and combat inflation. Labour dubbed the measures ‘a very vicious piece of class legislation’. This policy created long-standing disagreement between the Treasury and the Board of Trade (and consumer durables manufacturers) about the damage to UK manufacturing. The chapter outlines developments up until the Radcliffe Committee was tasked to examine the issue.
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Young, Elliott. "“We Have No End”." In Forever Prisoners, 119–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190085957.003.0005.
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In the spring and summer of 1980, 125,000 Cubans fled from the port of Mariel outside of Havana to Florida. By 1987, close to 2,400 Mariel Cubans were being held in prisons in Oakdale, Louisiana, and Atlanta, Georgia, because they had committed crimes in the United States and been ordered deported. Lacking the ability to carry out the deportation, the US government incarcerated the Cubans indefinitely. Upon learning in November 1987 that the Cuban government would accept some of these deportees, detainees in these two prisons rose up, seized 138 hostages, and set the prisons ablaze. After two weeks, the Cuban detainees surrendered once the US government agreed to individually review their asylum claims. The story of the longest prison uprising in US history reveals how law and order politics, emphasizing a heavy-handed policing of crime, merged with immigration restrictions in the 1980s to produce mass immigrant incarceration.
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Bakhtiyar, Tuzmukhamedov. "Part IV Power Politics, International Law, and Global Security, Ch.50 The Russian Federation." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0051.
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This chapter details Russia’s official position with respect to international security. In Russia, the term ‘international security’ applies primarily to international security in its military and political dimensions, including the use of force in self-defence or in pursuit of an international mandate, as well as arms control and non-proliferation. Recent developments, reflective of Russia’s assertive approach to its military instrument as means of maintaining security along its periphery, include the reinstated military presence in Abkhazia and South Ossetia following their separation from Georgia, and the reinstatement of Russia’s jurisdiction over Crimea. The latter was achieved, by and large, without violence, and with a local drive to secede from Ukraine backed by the Russian military presence. Other recent developments include Russia’s military support for the Government of Syria as part of international counter-terrorism efforts. It is fair to say that other facets, such as human rights, sustainable development, and environmental protection, to name a few, are also acknowledged. These, however, are more likely to be viewed as autonomous spheres of regulation, adjacent to, and intertwined with, international security. Whatever the scope and embrace of international security, according to Russia’s official position, it hinges on the rule of international law and its supremacy, drawn from the United Nations Charter.
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Sen, Ronojoy. "Debating Land." In Seeking Middle Ground, 50–72. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495450.003.0003.
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Land is one of those rare issues that has animated Indian Parliament and been intensely debated from the 1950s to contemporary times. One of the key elements of the very first amendment to the Indian Constitution, passed by the provisional parliament in 1951, was related to land reform and the abolition of zamindari or large land holdings. In response to court rulings that declared zamindari abolition laws as unconstitutional, Jawaharlal Nehru and the Congress reacted by inserting Article 31A in the Constitution which stipulated that nothing in the Fundamental Rights could be used to strike down laws for the appropriation of property. The most important component of the First Amendment was, however, Article 31B, which created the Ninth Schedule where legislation could be put and made immune from judicial review. Thirteen land reform Acts were placed in the schedule. This chapter analyses the parliamentary debates on land, beginning with the First Amendment and continuing to the contemporary period where the BJP government attempted to amend the 2013 Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act. The chapter examines three broad questions. How has the issue of land, land reform, and land acquisition been framed over time in parliament? How much have contemporary politics influenced the debate? What have been the recurrent themes as well as radical departures in the debates on land?
Conference papers on the topic "Georgia – Politics and government – 1951-"
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Ayşen Hiç Gencer, and Ziya Çağlar Yurttançıkmaz. "The Relationships between Competitiveness and Economic Growth: A Study on the Countries of Central Asia and Caucasus." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00424.
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The relationships among input, production and market suddenly broke down after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The reflections of this disintegration are deeply felt in the Central Asian and in the Caucasian economies, which lack the traditions of being a government. The imbalances in the supply and demand, such as shutting down of factories due to breakdown of production relations and the resulting severe rise in the unemployment rate, caused a transition recession. As well-known in the literature, the main reason behind this is the interdependency of the production structures in these newly independent former Soviet countries. Large industrial establishments were left alone due to lack of sufficient raw materials and other inputs, due to lack of new technologies, and/or due to political void resulting from the transition period. In the newly established economic and political system, all of these countries, namely Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, try to realize their economic growth and development by specializing in the production of goods in which they have an economic advantage in terms of competitiveness. In this study, the effects of competitiveness on economic growth is investigated for these 7 countries during the 1995-2010 period using panel data analysis based on the Lafay index. In the light of the results of this research, policy recommendations are attempted in order to determine the sectors in which these countries are more competitive and hence to suggest ways of increasing their economic growth rate.