Academic literature on the topic 'Georges (1936-2020)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Georges (1936-2020)"

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Desrivières, Jean-Durosier. "L’haïtianité et l’antillanité d’après le poète-critique Georges Castera fils (Haïti) et le poète-penseur Monchoachi (Martinique) : perspective poétique franco-créole." Francophonies d'Amérique, no. 58 (2024): 89–109. https://doi.org/10.7202/1116866ar.

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Le poète-critique haïtien Georges Castera fils (1936-2020) et le poète-penseur martiniquais Monchoachi (1946- ) écrivent en français et en créole. Si le premier évolue dans une nation formelle, indépendante, assortie d’une spécificité culturelle élitaire et populaire, le second évolue dans une société antillaise complexe, marquée par une culture singulière, à la fois créolisée et assimilée à la France. Cet article montre que l’haïtianité selon Castera s’édifie sur le matérialisme historique (Marx) et un nationalisme linguistique assez fermé, tandis que l’antillanité non nommée de Monchoachi s’accommode d’une vision matérialiste authentique, ouverte, en accord avec la parole sauvage et la pensée des Grecs anciens (Heidegger).
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Рупова, Розалия Моисеевна. "Fr. Georges Florovsky’s Theology of History as the Mainstream of Neo-Patristics." Вопросы богословия, no. 1(3) (June 15, 2020): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-7491-2020-1-3-104-114.

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В статье дана характеристика концепции неопатристического синтеза, претерпевшей существенные изменения за период, прошедший с момента её провозглашения протоиереем Георгием Флоровским в 1936 г. Имея вначале довольно обобщённый характер, она уточнялась, интегрируя в свой состав результаты осуществлённых за прошедшие годы междисциплинарных исследований, приобретая со временем характер методологически выдержанного дискурса. В этом интегральном дискурсе, включающем богословие истории, экклезиологию, антропологию, богословие культуры - богословие истории имеет характер стержневой концепции, определяющей архитектонику всего здания неопатристического синтеза. В статье дан обзор работ Флоровского, посвящённых теме христианского понимания истории, за весь период его публикационной активности. Это позволяет отследить эволюцию и различные грани богословия истории прот. Георгия. The article characterizes the concept of neo-patristic synthesis, which suffered substantial changes since it was declared by Fr. Georges Florovsky in 1936. Being initially rather abstract and generic, it gradually gained in precision and detail, incorporating the results of subsequent multidisciplinary studies, and acquired the features of methodologically rigorous discourse. In this integrated discourse, which also includes ecclesiology, anthropology, theology of culture, theology of history plays the role of the core concept, determining the architectonics of the whole building of neo-patristic synthesis. The author consecutively reviews all Florovsky’s works dedicated to the Christian understanding of history. This allows to trace the evolution and different shades of Fr. Georges’ theology of history.
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Camino, Alejandro. "La moda femenina para el catolicismo español durante el primer tercio del siglo XX." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 12 (June 28, 2023): 424–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2023.12.23.

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RESUMENDesde hace siglos el cristianismo ha concebido que la vestimenta es un elemento casi definitorio de la calidad moral y de la religiosidad de las personas que la portan. Durante el primer tercio del siglo xx, el catolicismo español estuvo muy preocupado por la evolución de las modas femeninas modernas. Entendía que estas modas eran indecentes e inmorales, además de un símbolo del desorden social, del desmoronamiento general de las costumbres y de la descristianización de la sociedad. Los argumentos que los sectores católicos españoles utilizaron en contra de las modas modernas femeninas fueron muy variados. Entre ellos, destacaron la noción de que las mujeres que utilizaban este tipo de vestimentas iban desnudas, deslegitimaban la lucha por la ampliación de derechos de las mujeres, generaban una crisis en los matrimonios o se extranjerizaban. El trabajo está basado en fuentes primarias y secundarias. La mayor parte de los planteamientos se han extraído de las fuentes hemerográficas, y se ha dado especial protagonismo a las opiniones que sobre este asunto tuvieron algunas de las mujeres católicas más destacadas del periodo. Palabras clave: mujeres, género, vestimenta, religiónTopónimos: EspañaPeriodo: primer tercio del siglo xx ABSTRACTFor centuries the Christian Churches have conceived the clothing as an almost defining element of the moral quality and religiosity of its wearers. During the first third of the 20th century Spanish Catholicism was very concerned about the evolution of women’s clothes. They understood that modern clothes were indecent and immoral, a symbol of social disorder, of the general collapse of customs and the de-Christianization of society. Spanish Catholicism used several arguments to fight against modern feminine fashions. For example, they highlighted the notion that women who used this type of clothing were in fact naked; meanwhile they delegitimized the fight for the expansion of women’s rights, generated a crisis in the marriages and made Spanish women lose their national characteristics. The work is based on primary and secondary sources. Most of the opinions have been taken from newspapers. Special prominence has been given to the approaches defended by some of the most prominent Catholic women of the period. Keywords: women, gender, clothing, religionPlace names: SpainPeriod: first third of the 20th century REFERENCIASArce, R. (2016): La construcción social de la mujer por el catolicismo y las derechas españolas en la época contemporánea, Tesis doctoral, Universidad de Cantabria.Aresti, N. (2001): Médicos, donjuanes y mujeres modernas. Los ideales de feminidad y masculinidad en la España del primer tercio del siglo xx, Bilbao, Universidad del País Vasco.— (2002): “La nueva mujer sexual y el varón domesticado. El movimiento liberal para la reforma de la sexualidad (1920-1936)”, Arenal, 9, pp. 125-150. — (2018): “La peligrosa naturaleza de Don Juan. Sexualidad masculina y orden social en la España de entreguerras”, Cuadernos de historia contemporánea, 40, pp. 13-31.Arroyo Martín, C. (2017): La Moda Elegante Ilustrada en el periodo de entreguerras (1918-1927): análisis documental, Tesis doctoral, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.Blasco, I. (1997): “Moda e Imágenes Femeninas durante el Primer Franquismo: entre la Moralidad Católica y las Nuevas Identidades de Mujer”, Utopía y praxis latinoamericana, 2, pp. 83-93.— (2003): Paradojas de la ortodoxia. Política de masas y militancia católica femenina en España (1919-1939), Zaragoza, Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza.— (2005): “Género y religión: de la feminización de la religión a la movilización católica femenina. Una revisión crítica”, Historia Social, 53, pp. 119-136.Courtine, J. J., Alain Corbin y Georges Vigarello (2005): Historia del cuerpo, Taurus.Díaz Freire, J. J. (1999): “La reforma de la vida cotidiana y el cuerpo femenino durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera”, en Luis Castells (ed.): El rumor de lo cotidiano. Estudios sobre el País Vasco Contemporáneo, Bilbao, Universidad del País Vasco, pp. 225-257.Díaz Marcos, A. M. (2020): “Corazas estrafalarias: moda, corsés y feminismo en el cambio de siglo”, Indumenta: Revista del Museo del Traje, 3, pp. 23-39.Dwyer-Mcnulty, S. (2014): Common Threads: A Cultural History of Clothing in American Catholicism, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press.Echarri, M. (1915): Más poderoso que el amor, Barcelona, Imprenta Editorial Barcelonesa.— (1927): El que siembra con lágrimas…, Valencia, La novela hispano-americana.Gutiérrez García, M. A. (2005): “Literatura y moda: la indumentaria femenina a través de la novela española del siglo xix”, Tonos digital: Revista de estudios filológicos, 9, s/p. Lannon, F. (1999): “Los cuerpos de las mujeres y el cuerpo político católico: autoridades e identidades en conflicto en España durante las décadas de 1920 y 1930”, Historia social, 35, pp. 65-80.Llona, M. (2002): Entre señorita y garçonne: historia oral de las mujeres bilbaínas de clase media, (1919-1939), Málaga, Universidad de Málaga.— (2007): “Los otros cuerpos disciplinados: relaciones de género y estrategias de autocontrol del cuerpo femenino (primer tercio del siglo xx)”, Arenal, 14, pp. 79-108.— (2020): “Recordar el porvenir: las mujeres modernas y el desorden de género en los años veinte y treinta”, Arenal, 27, pp. 5-32.Louzao, J. (2010): Identidad, catolicismo y modernización en la Vizcaya de la restauración (1890-1923), Tesis doctoral, UPV/EHU.Martínez Sierra, G. (1917): Feminismo, feminidad, españolismo, Madrid, Renacimiento.Mauro, D. (2014): “La Mujer Católica y la sociedad de masas en la Argentina de entreguerras. Catolicismo social, consumo e industria cultural en la ciudad de Rosario (1915-1940)”, Hispania Sacra, 133, pp. 235-262.Mínguez, R. (2015): “¿Dios cambió de sexo? El debate internacional sobre la feminización de la religión y algunas reflexiones para la España decimonónica”, Historia contemporánea, 51, pp. 397-426. Monlleó, R. (2006): “Moda y ocio en los felices años veinte. La maternidad moral de las mujeres católicas en Castellón”. Asparkía, 17, pp. 197-228. Otero-González, U. (2021): “Catholic Dressing in the Spanish Franco Dictatorship (1939–1975): Normative Femininity and Its Sartorial Embodiment”, Journal of Religious History, 45, 4, pp. 582-602.Perales, M. y María Echarri (1944 [1915]): Redención, Madrid, Editorial Stylos, Pérez del Puerto, Á. (2021): Católicas de posguerra en acción. El discurso de género de Acción Católica en España y en Estados Unidos, Granada, Comares.—(2021): “Moda se escribe con m de moralidad. Identidad transnacional de la feminidad en los cuarenta a través del control del vestir por las mujeres de Acción Católica”, en José Ramón Rodríguez Lago y Natalia Núñez Bargueño (eds.), Madrid, Sílex, pp. 365-389.Sánchez Pinilla, F. (2016): La narración para niños: autoras, circuitos y textos en el cambio del siglo xix al xx, Tesis Doctoral, Universitat de València.Velasco Molpeceres, A. M. (2016): Moda y prensa femenina en la España del siglo xix, Madrid, Ediciones 19. — (2021): Historia de la moda en España: de la mantilla al bikini, Los Libros de la Catarata.Villanueva Cobo del Prado, M. (2016): La moda femenina en las publicaciones periódicas: Blanco y Negro 1891-1910, Tesis doctoral, Universitat de València.
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Abbey, Tristan. "In the Shadow of the Palms: The Selected Works of David Eugene Smith." Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 75, no. 2 (September 2023): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56315/pscf9-23abbey.

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IN THE SHADOW OF THE PALMS: The Selected Works of David Eugene Smith by Tristan Abbey, ed. Alexandria, VA: Science Venerable Press, 2022. xii + 155 pages, including a Glossary of Biosketches. Paperback; $22.69. ISBN: 9781959976004. *David Eugene Smith (1860-1944) may not be a household name for readers of this journal, but he deserves to be better known. An early-twentieth-century world traveler and antiquarian, his collaboration with publisher and bibliophile George Arthur Plimpton led to establishing the large Plimpton and Smith collections of rare books, manuscripts, letters, and artefacts at Columbia University in 1936. He was one of the founders (1924) and an early president (1927) of the History of Science Society, whose main purpose at the time was supporting George Sarton's ongoing management of the journal ISIS, begun a dozen years earlier. Smith also held several offices in the American Mathematical Society over the span of two decades and was a charter member (1915) and President (1920-1921) of the Mathematical Association of America (MAA). *Smith is best known, however, for his pioneering work in mathematics education, both nationally and internationally. In 1905, he proposed setting up an international commission devoted to mathematics education (now the International Commission on Mathematical Instruction) to explore issues of common concern to mathematics teachers on all levels, worldwide. He was actively involved in reviving this organization after its dissolution during the First World War and served as its President from 1928 to 1932. Nationally, Smith was instrumental in inaugurating the field of mathematics education, advancing this discipline professionally both in his role as mathematics professor at the prestigious Teachers College, Columbia University (1901-1926) and as an author of numerous best-selling mathematics textbooks for elementary and secondary schools. These texts were not focused solely on mathematical content; they also dealt substantively with teaching methodology, applications, rationales for studying the material, and significant historical developments. *Throughout his life Smith championed placing mathematics within the wider liberal arts setting of the humanities, highlighting history, art, and literary connections in his many talks, articles, and textbooks. For him there was no two-cultures divide, as it later came to be known. While acknowledging the value of utilitarian arguments for studying mathematics (he himself published a few textbooks with an applied focus), he considered such a rationale neither sufficient nor central. For him, mathematics was to be studied first of all for its own sake, appreciating its beauty, its reservoir of eternal truths, and its training in close logical reasoning. But again, for him this did not mean adopting a narrow mathematical focus. In particular, given his wide-ranging interest in how mathematics developed in other places and at other times, he tended to incorporate historical narratives in whatever he wrote. *This interest led him later in life to write a popular two-volume History of Mathematics. The first volume (1923) was a chronological survey from around 2200 BC to AD 1850 that focused on the work of key mathematicians in Western and non-Western cultures; the second volume (1925) was organized topically around subjects drawn from the main subfields of elementary mathematics. His History of Mathematics was soon supplemented by a companion Source Book in Mathematics (1929), which contained selected excerpts in translation from mathematical works written between roughly 1475 and 1875. Smith wrote at a time when the history of mathematics was beginning to expand beyond the boundaries of Greek-based Western mathematics to include developments from non-Western cultures (Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Chinese, Japanese, and Arabic), a trend he approved of and participated in professionally. *Smith's interest in broader issues extended even to exploring possible linkages between religion and mathematics. His unprecedented parting address to members of the MAA as its outgoing President is titled "Religio Mathematici," a reflection on mathematics and religion that was reproduced a month later as a ten-page article in The American Mathematical Monthly (1921) and subsequently reprinted several times. Smith's article "Mathematics and Religion" appearing in the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics' sixth yearbook Mathematics in Modern Life (1931) touched on similar themes. These two essays maintain that mathematics and religion are both concerned with infinity, with eternal truths, with valid reasoning from assumptions, and with the existence of the imaginary and higher dimensions, "the great beyond," enabling one to draw fairly strong parallels between them. Thus, a deep familiarity with these facets of mathematics may help one to appreciate the essentials of religion. Mathematics itself was thought of in quasi-religious terms, as "the Science Venerable." Smith's farewell address partly inspired Francis Su in his own presidential retirement address to the MAA in 2017 and in its 2020 book-length expansion Mathematics for Human Flourishing (see PSCF 72, no. 3 [2020]: 179-81). Su's appreciation of Smith's ideas also led him to contribute a brief Foreword to the booklet under review, to which we now turn. *First a few publication details: In the Shadow of the Palms is an attractive booklet produced as a labor of love by someone obviously enamored with his subject. Tristan Abbey is a podcaster with broad interests that include being a "math history enthusiast," but whose primary professional experience up to now has been focused on the environmental politics of energy and mineral resources. This work is the initial (and so far the only) offering by a publication company Abbey set up. Its name, Science Venerable Press, was chosen in honor of Smith's designation for mathematics. *One might classify this work non-pejoratively as a coffee-table booklet. It contains 50 excerpts (Su terms them "short meditations") from a wide range of Smith's writings, selected, categorized, and annotated by Abbey, along with full-page reproductions of eight postcards mailed back home by Smith on his world travels, and two photos, including Smith's Columbia-University-commissioned portrait. Smith's excerpted writing occupies only 109 of the total 167 pages, nearly two dozen of which are less than half full. The amply spaced text appears on 3.25 inches of the 7 inch-wide pages, the outer margins being reserved for Abbey's own auxiliary notes explaining references and allusions that appear in the excerpt. This gives the book lots of white space; in fact, eighteen pages of the booklet are completely blank. Another nine pages contain 75 short biographical sketches of mathematicians taken from Smith's historical writings; these are unlinked to any of the excerpts, but they do indicate the breadth of his historical interests. Unfortunately, no index of names or subjects is provided for the reader who wants to learn whether a person or a topic is treated anywhere in the booklet; the best one can do in this regard is consult the titles Abbey assigns the excerpts in the Table of Contents. *The booklet gives a gentle introduction to Smith's views on mathematics, mathematics education, and the history of mathematics. The excerpts chosen are more often literary than discursive. Smith was a good writer, able to keep the reader's attention and convey the sentiments intended, but these excerpts do not develop his ideas in any real length. They portray mathematics in radiant--sometimes fanciful--terms that a person disposed toward the humanities might find attractive but nevertheless judge a bit over-the-top: mathematicians are priests lighting candles in the chapel of Pythagoras; mathematics is "the poetry of the mind"; learning geometry is like climbing a tall mountain to admire the grandeur of the panoramic view; progress in mathematics hangs lanterns of light on major thoroughfares of civilization; and retirement is journeying through the desert to a restful oasis "in the shadow of the palms." Some passages are parables presented to help the reader appreciate what mathematicians accomplished as they overcame great obstacles. *While the excerpts occasionally recognize that mathematics touches everyday needs and is a necessary universal language for commerce and science, without which our world would be unrecognizable, their main emphasis--in line with Smith's fundamental outlook--is on mathematics' ability on its own to deliver joy and inspire admiration of its immortal truths. These are emotions many practicing mathematicians and mathematics educators share; Smith's references to music, art, sculpture, poetry, and religion are calculated to convey to those who are not so engaged, some sense of how thoughtful mathematicians value their field--as a grand enterprise of magnificent intrinsic worth. *In the Shadow of the Palms offers snapshots of the many ideas found in Smith's prolific writings about mathematics, mathematics education, and history of mathematics. It may not attract readers, though, who do not already understand and appreciate Smith's significance for these fields. Abbey himself acknowledges that his booklet "only scratches the surface of [Smith's] contributions" (p. 4). A recent conference devoted to David Eugene Smith and the Historiography of Mathematics (Paris, 2019) is a step toward recognizing Smith's importance, but a comprehensive scholarly treatment of Smith's work within his historical time period remains to be written. *Reviewed by Calvin Jongsma, Professor of Mathematics Emeritus, Dordt University, Sioux Center, IA 51250.
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Izquierdo Benito, Ricardo. "Alfonso X: un rey ante la historia." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 11 (June 22, 2022): 533–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.26.

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RESUMENEl año 2021 se ha cumplido el VIII centenario del nacimiento del rey Alfonso X, acontecimiento que tuvo lugar en la ciudad de Toledo el 23 de noviembre de 1221. Nos encontramos ante la figura de uno de los reyes medievales hispanos de mayor relevancia, tanto por las ideas políticas innovadoras que intentó aplicar, aunque no lo consiguió, como, sobre todo, por la gran actividad intelectual que bajo su patronazgo se llevó entonces a cabo y que le ha merecido el apelativo de Sabio como es conocido. Son muchos los historiadores que, desde distintas ópticas (el Arte, el Derecho, la Astronomía, la Música, la Literatura, etcétera) se han acercado a su figura, lo que ha repercutido en que contemos con una bibliografía muy numerosa y de una gran variedad temática. Palabras clave: Historiografía, Imperio alemán, Partidas, Cantigas, Toledo.Topografía: Castilla y León.Periodo: siglo XIII ABSTRACTThe year 2021 has been the eighth centenary of the birth of King Alfonso X, an event that took place in the city of Toledo on November 21, 1221. We are faced with the figure of one of the most important Hispanic medieval kings both for the innovative political ideas that he tried to apply, although he did not succeed, as, above all, because of the great intellectual activity that took place under his patronage then and that has earned him the nickname of Wise as he is known. There are many historians who, from different perspectives (Art, Law, Astronomy, Music, Literature, etc.) have approached his figure, which has resulted in our having a very numerous bibliography and a great thematic variety. Keywords: Historiography, German Empire, Partidas, Cantigas, ToledoToponyms: Castilla y LeónPeriod: 13th century REFERENCIASÁlvarez Martínez, R. (1987), “Los instrumentos musicales en los códices alfonsinos: su tipología, su uso y su origen”, Revista de Musicología, 10/1, pp. 67-104.Ayala Martínez, C. de (2016), “El levantamiento de 1264: factores explicativos y desarrollo, en M. González Jiménez y R. Sánchez Saus (eds.), Arcos y el nacimiento de la frontera andaluza (1264-1330), Sevilla, Editorial UCA-Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, pp. 59-98.Ballesteros Beretta, A. (1935), El itinerario de Alfonso el Sabio, Madrid, Tipografía de Archivos Olózaga, I.— (1918), “Alfonso X, emperador electo de Alemania, Discurso de recepción de la Real Academia de la Historia, LXXII, Madrid.— (1959), La reconquista de Murcia por el infante don Alfonso de Castilla, Murcia.— (1934a), “Itinerario de Alfonso X, rey de Castilla”, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CIV, pp. 49-88, 455-516.— (1934b), “Itinerario de Alfonso X, rey de Castilla”, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CV, 1934, pp. 123-180.— (1963), Alfonso X el Sabio. Barcelona, Salvat Editores.— (1984), Alfonso X el Sabio, Barcelona, El Albir.Benito Ruano, E. (1989), “Alfonso X el Sabio y la ciudad de Toledo”, Alfonso X el Sabio, vida, obra y época, Madrid, Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, pp. 251-257.Chabás, J. y B. R. Goldstein (2008), Las tablas alfonsíes de Toledo, Toledo. Diputación Provincial.Craddock, J. R. (1974), “La nota cronológica inserta en el prólogo de las Siete Partidas”, Al-Andalus, 39, pp. 363-389.— (1981), “La cronología de las obras legislativas de Alfonso X el Sabio”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XLI, pp. 365-418.— (1986), “El Setenario: última e inconclusa refundición de la Primera Partida”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, LVI, pp. 441-466.— (1990), “The Legislative Works of Alfonso el Sabio”, en R. I. Burns (ed.), Emperor of Culture: Alfonso X the Learned of Castile and His Thirteenth-Century Renaissance, Filadelfia, University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 182-197.— (1998), “El texto del Espéculo”, Initium, 3, pp. 221-274.Domínguez Rodríguez, A. (1984), Astrología y arte en el Lapidario de Alfonso X el Sabio, Madrid, Edilán.— (1997), “Retratos de Alfonso X en sus manuscritos”, en Alfonso X el Sabio impulsor del arte, la cultura y el humanismo. El arpa en la Edad Media española. Madrid, Asociación Arpista Ludovico, pp. 95-107.— (2008-2009), “Retratos de Alfonso X el Sabio en la Primera Partida (British Library, Add. ms. 20.787). Iconografía y cronología”, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfonsíes, VI, pp. 239-251.— (2010-2011), “Retratos de Alfonso X en el Libro de los Juegos de Ajedrez, Dados y Tablas”, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfonsíes, VII, pp. 147-162.Estepa Díaz, C. (1997), “Alfonso X en la Europa del siglo XIII”, en M. Rodríguez Llopis (coord.), Alfonso X. Aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcción de Europa, Murcia, pp. 11-30.Farré Olivé, E. (1997), “El libro de los relojes de Alfonso X el Sabio”, Arte y Hora, 124, pp. 4-10.Fernández Fernández, L. (2013), Arte y ciencia en el scriptorium de Alfonso X el Sabio, Puerto de Santa María, Cátedra Alfonso X el Sabio y Universidad de Sevilla.— (2010), “Transmisión del Saber-Transmisión del Poder. La imagen de Alfonso X en la Estoria de España, Ms. Y-I-2 RBME”, Anales de Historia del Arte, volumen extraordinario, pp. 187-210.— (2010-2011), “El Ms. 8322 de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal y su relación con las tablas alfonsíes. Hipótesis de trabajo”, Alcanate. Revista de Estudios alfonsíes, 7, pp. 235-267.Fernández Fernández, L. y Ruiz Souza, J. C. (coords.) (2011), Las Cantigas de Santa María. Códice Rico, Ms. T-I-1, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo del Escorial, Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional-Testimonio, 2 vols.Fernández-Ordóñez, I, (2011), “La lengua de los documentos del rey: del latín a las lenguas vernáculas en las cancillerías regias de la Península Ibérica”, en P. Martínez Sopena y A. Rodríguez López (eds.), La construcción medieval de la memoria regia, Valencia, Publicaciones Universidad de Valencia, pp. 325-363.— (1992), Las “Estorias” de Alfonso el Sabio, Madrid, Istmo.— (1993), “Versión crítica” de la “Estoria de España”: estudio y edición desde Pelayo hasta Ordoño II, Madrid, Seminario Menéndez Pidal, Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal y Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.— (1999), “El taller historiográfico alfonsí. La Estoria de España y la General estoria en el marco de las obras promovidas por Alfonso el Sabio”, en J. Montoya Martínez y A. 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Hackett, Lisa J., and Jo Coghlan. "Why <em>Monopoly</em> Monopolises Popular Culture Board Games." M/C Journal 26, no. 2 (April 26, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2956.

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Introduction Since the early 2000s, and especially since the onset of COVID-19 and long periods of lockdown, board games have seen a revival in popularity. The increasing popularity of board games are part of what Julie Lennett, a toy industry analyst at NPD Group, describes as the “nesting trend”: families have more access to entertainment at home and are eschewing expensive nights out (cited in Birkner 7). While on-demand television is a significant factor in this trend, for Moriaty and Kay (6), who wouldn’t “welcome [the] chance to turn away from their screens” to seek the “warmth and connection you get from playing games with live human family and friends?” For others, playing board games can simply be about nostalgia. Board games have a long history not specific to one period, geography, or culture. Likely board games were developed to do two things – teach and entertain. This remains the case today. Historically, miniature versions of battles or hunts were played out in what we might recognise today as a board game. Trade, war, and science impacted on their development, as did the printing press, which allowed for the standardisation of rules. Chess had many variations prior to the fifteenth century. Similarly, the Industrial Revolution allowed for the mass production of board games, boosting their popularity across nations, class, and age (Walker 13). Today, regardless of or because of our digital lives, we are in a “board game renaissance” (Booth 1). Still played on rainy days, weekends, and holidays, we now also play board games in dedicated game board cafés like the Haunted Game Café in America, the Snakes and Lattes in Canada, or the Mind Café in Singapore. In the board game café Draughts in the UK, customers pay £5 to select and play one of 800 board games, including classics like Monopoly and Cluedo. These cafes are important as they are “helping manufacturers to understand the kind of games that appeal to the larger section of players” (Atrizton). COVID-19 caused board game sales to increase. The global market was predicted to increase by US$1 billion in 2021, compared to 2020 (Jarvis). Total sales of board games in Australia are expected to reach AU$86 million in 2023, an almost 10 per cent increase from the preceding year (Statista "Board Games – Australia"). The emergence of Kickstarter, a global crowdfunding platform which funds new board games, is filling the gap in the contemporary board game market, with board games generating 20 per cent of the total funding raised (Carter). Board games are predicted to continue to grow, with the global market revenue record at US$19 billion dollars in 2022, a figure that is expected to rise to US$40 billion within 6 years (Atrizton). If the current turn towards board games represents a desire to escape from the digital world, the Internet is also contributing to the renaissance. Ex-Star Trek actor Wil Wheaton hosts the popular Web series TableTop, in which each episode explains a board game that is then played, usually with celebrities. The Internet also provides “communities” in which fans can share their enthusiasm, be it as geek culture or cult fandom (Booth 2). Booth provides an eloquent explanation, however, for the allure of face-to-face board games: “they remind us of our face-to-face past, and recall a type of pre-digital luddism where we can circle around the ‘campfire’ of the game board” (Booth 1-2). What makes a board game successful is harder to define. Phillip Orbanes, an American game designer and former vice-president of research and development at Parker Brothers, has attempted to elucidate the factors that make a good board game: “make the rules simple and unambiguous … don’t frustrate the casual player … establish a rhythm … focus on what’s happening off the board … give ‘em chances to come from behind … [and] provide outlets for latent talents” (Orbanes 52-55). Orbanes also says it is important to understand that what “happens off the board is just as important to the experience as the physical game itself” (Orbanes 51). Tristan Donovan contends that there are four broad stages of modern board games, beginning with the folk era when games had no fixed author, their rules were mutable, and local communities adapted the game to suit their sensibilities. Chess is an example of this, with the game only receiving the fixed rules we know today when tournaments and organisations saw the need for a singular set of rules. Mass production of games was the second stage, marking “the single biggest shift in board game history – a total flip in how people understood, experienced and played board games. Games were no long[er] malleable objects owned by the commons, but products created usually in the pursuit of profit” (Donovan 267). An even more recent development in game boards was the introduction of mass produced plastics, which reduced the cost of board game construction and allowed for a wider range of games to be produced. This was particularly evident in the post-war period. Games today are often thought of as global, which allows gamers to discover games from other regions and cultures, such as Catan (Klaus Teuber, 1995), a German game that may not have enjoyed its immense success if it were not for the Internet. Board game players are broadly categorised into two classes: the casual gamer and the hobby or serious gamer (Rogerson and Gibbs). The most popular game from the mass production era is Monopoly, the focus of this article. The History of Monopoly Monopoly was designed and patented by American Elizabeth Magie (1866-1948) in 1902, and was originally called The Landlord’s Game. The game was based on the anti-monopoly taxation principles of Henry George (1839-1897), who argued that people should own 100 per cent of what they make and the land should belong to everyone. Land ownership, considered George, only benefitted land owners, and forces working people to pay exorbitant rent. Magie’s original version of the game was designed to demonstrate how rents enrich property owners and impoverish tenants. Renters in Australia’s property market today may recognise this side of ruthless capitalism. In 1959 Fidel Castro thought Monopoly “sufficiently redolent of capitalism” that he “ordered the ­destruction of every Monopoly set in Cuba” (McManus). Magie, however, was not credited with being the original inventor of Monopoly: rather, this credit was given to Charles Darrow. In 2014, the book The Monopolist: Obsession, Fury, and the Scandal behind the World's Favorite Board Game by Mary Pilon re-established Magie as the inventor of Monopoly, with her role and identity unearthed by American Ralph Anspach (1926-2022), an Adam Smith economist, Polish-German refugee, and anti-Vietnam protestor. According to Pilon, Magie, a suffragette and progressive economic and political thinker, was a Georgist advocate, particularly of his anti-monopolist policies, and it was this that informed her game’s narrative. An unmarried daughter of Scottish immigrants, she was a Washington homeowner, familiar with the grid-like street structure of the national capital. Magie left school at 13 to help support her family who were adversely impacted upon by the Panic of 1873, which saw economic collapse because of falling silver prices, railroad speculation, and property losses. She worked as a stenographer and teacher of Georgist single tax theory. Seeking a broader platform for her economic ideas, and with the growing popularity of board games in middle class homes, in 1904 Magie secured a patent for The Landlord’s Game, at a time when women only held 1 per cent of US patents (Pilon). The original game included deeds and play money and required players to earn wages via labour and pay taxes. The board provided a circular path (as opposed to the common linear path) in which players circled through rental properties and railroads, and could acquire food, with natural reserves (oil, coal, farms, and forests) unable to be monopolised. However, she created two sets of rules – the monopoly rules familiar to today’s players, and anti-monopoly rules in which tensions over human greed and altruism could be played out by participants. Magie started her own New York firm to manufacture and distribute the game, continued the struggle for women’s equality, and raged against wealthy monopolists of the day such as Andrew Carnegie (Pilon). By the late 1920, the game, mostly referred to as the ‘monopoly’ game, was popular, but many who played the game were playing handmade versions, likely unaware of the original Landlord’s Game. In 1931, mass-produced versions of the game, now titled Finance, began to appear, with some changes, including the ability to purchase properties, along with rule books. Occurring at the same time as the emergence of fixed-price goods in large department stores, the game, which now included chance cards, continued to be popular. It was Charles Darrow who sold Monopoly to Parker Brothers, even if he did not invent it. Darrow was introduced to one of the variants of the game and became obsessed with the game, which now featured the Community Chest and Free Parking, but his version did not have a set of rules. An unemployed ex-serviceman with no college education, Darrow struggled to provide for his family. By 1932, America was in the grip of the Great Depression, with housing prices collapsing and squatting common in large American cities. Befriending an artist, Darrow sought to provide a more dynamic and professional version of the game and complete it with a set of rules. In 1933, Darrow marketed his version of the game, titled Mr Monopoly, and it was purchased by Parker Brothers for US$7,000 in 1935. Magie received just US $500 (Farzan). Monopoly, as it was rebranded, was initial sold for $2 a game, and Parker Brothers sold 278,000 games in the first year. In 1936, consumers purchased 1.7 million editions of the game, generating millions of dollars in profits for Parker Brothers, who prior to Monopoly were on the brink of collapse (Pilon). Mary Pilon’s The Monopolists also reveals the struggle of Ralph Anspach in the 1970s to sell his Anti-Monopoly board games, which Parker Brothers fought in the courts. Anspach’s game sought to undermine the power of capitalist monopolies, which he had witnessed directly and negatively impact on fuel prices in America in the early 1970s. Hence the aim was to produce a game with an anti-monopolist narrative grounded in the free-market thinking of Adam Smith. Players were rewarded by breaking monopoly ownerships of utilities such as railroads and energy and metal reserves. In preparing his case against Parker Brothers, Anspach “accidentally discovered the true history of the game”, which began with Magie’s Landlord’s Game. Magie herself had battled with Parker Brothers in order to be “credited as the real originator of the game” and, like Anspach, reveal how Parker Brothers had changed the anti-capitalist narrative of the game, making it the “exact opposite” of its original aims (Landlordsgame). Anspach’s court room version of his battle with Parker Brothers was published in 2000, titled Monopolygate: During a David and Goliath Battle, the Inventor of the Anti-Monopoly® Game Uncovers the Secret History of Monopoly®. Monopoly Today Monopoly is now produced by Hasbro. It is the highest selling board game of all time, with an estimated 275 million units of Monopoly sold (Lee). Fan bases are clearly large too: the official Monopoly Facebook accounts report 9.9m likes (Facebook), and 68% of American households report owning a version of Monopoly (Statista "Which"). At the end of the twentieth century it was estimated that 550 million, or one in 12 people worldwide, had played the game (Guinness World Records "Most Popular"). Today it is estimated that Monopoly has been played by more than one billion people, and the digital Monopoly version has had over 100 million downloads (Johnson). The ability to play beloved board games with a computer opponent or with other players via the Internet arguably adds to the longevity of classic board games such as Monopoly. Yet research shows that despite Monopoly being widely owned, it is often not played as much as other games in people’s homes (d'Astous and Gagnon 84). D’Astous and Gagnon found that players in their study chose Monopoly to play on average six times a year, less than half the times they played Cluedo (13 times a year) or Scrabble (15 times). As Michael Whelan points out, Magie’s original goal was to make a statement about capitalism and landlords: a single player would progress round the board building an empire, whilst the others were doomed to slowly descend into bankruptcy. It was “never meant to be fun for anyone but the winner” (Whelan). Despite Monopoly’s longevity and impressive sales record, it is perhaps paradoxical to find that it is not a particularly popular or enjoyed game. Board Game Geek, the popular board game Website, reports in 2023 that the average rating for Monopoly by over 33,000 members is just 4.4 out of 10, and is ranked the 23,834th most popular game on the site (Board Game Geek). This is mirrored in academic studies: for example, when examining Orbane’s tenets for a good board game, d’Astous and Gagnon (84) found that players' appreciation of Monopoly was generally low. Not only is appreciation low for the game itself, it is also low for player antics during the game. A 2021 survey found that Monopoly causes the most fights, with 20% of households reporting “their game nights with friends or family members are often or always disrupted by competitive or unfriendly behaviour”, leading to players or even the game itself being banned (Lemore). Clearly Orbane’s tenet that the game “generates fun” is missing here (Orbanes 52). Commentators ask why Monopoly remains the best-selling board game of all time when the game has the “astonishing ability to sow seeds of discord” (Berical). Despite the claims that playing Monopoly causes disharmony, the game does allow for player agency. Perhaps more than any other board game, Monopoly is subjected to ‘house rules’. Buzzfeed reported 15 common house rules that many people think are official rules. In 2014 the official Monopoly Facebook page posted a video claiming that “68% of Americans have never read the official game rules” and that “49% of Americans had admitted to playing with their own ‘house rules’”. A look through these rules reveals that players are often trying to restore the balance of power in the game, or in other words increase the chance that a player can win. Hasbro has embraced these rules by incorporating some of them into the official rules. By incorporating players' amendments to the game, Hasbro can keep the Monopoly relevant. In another instance, Hasbro asked fans to vote on new tokens, which led to the thimble token being replaced with a Tyrannosaurus Rex. This was reversed in 2022 when nostalgic fans lobbied for the thimble’s return. Hasbro has also been an innovator by creating special rules for individual editions: for example, the Longest Game Ever edition (2019) slows players down by using only a single dice and has an extended game board. This demonstrates that Hasbro is keen to innovate and evolve the game to meet player expectations. Innovation and responsiveness to fans is one way that Hasbro has maintained Monopoly’s position as highest-selling board game. The only place the original Monopoly rules seem to be played intact are at the official competitions. Collecting and Nostalgia The characteristics of Monopoly allow for a seemingly infinite number of permutations. The places on the board can be real or fictional, making it easily adaptable to accommodate different environments. This is a factor in Monopoly’s longevity. The number of Monopoly editions are endless, with BoardGameGeek listing over 1,300 versions of the game on its site. Monopoly editions range from collector and commemorative editions to music, television, and film versions, actor-based editions, sports club editions, editions tied to toy franchises, animal lover editions, country editions, city editions, holiday editions, car brand editions, motor bike editions, as well as editions such as Monopoly Space, editions branded to popular confectionary, Ms Monopoly, and Go Green Monopoly. Each of these contain their own unique modifications. The Go Green version includes greenhouses, dice are made from FSC-certified wood from well-managed forests, tokens are made with plant-based plastic derived from sugarcane, a renewable raw material, and players can vie to have monopolistic control over renewable energy firms, solar farms, and bike paths. Licencing agreements allows Hasbro to leverage two sets of popular culture fans and collectors simultaneously: fans of Monopoly and its different versions, and fans of the Monopoly branded collectable, such as the Elvis Collector’s edition and Breaking Bad Monopoly. Apart from licencing, what else explains the longevity of Monopoly? Fred Davis demonstrates that nostalgia is an important sociological phenomenon, allowing consumers to re-imagine the past via iconic items including toys. Generation Y, also known as Millennials or digital natives, a cohort born between 1982 and 1994 who have grown up with technology as part of their everyday lives, are particularly interested in ‘heritage-inspired’ goods (Marchegiani and Phau). These consumers enjoy the past with a critical eye, drawn by the aesthetic properties of nostalgic goods rather than a direct personal connection (Goulding 575). Popular culture items are a site of widespread collecting behaviour (Geraghty 2). Belk argues that our possessions are used to construct our social selves. Collectors are a special kind of consumer: where consumers use and discard goods as needed, collectors engage with goods as special objects to be maintained and preserved (Belk 254), which is often achieved through ritualistic behaviour (McCracken 49). This is not to say that items in a collection are removed from use entirely: often being used in the normal manner, for example, clothing collectors will wear their items, yet take care of them in the a way they see akin to conservatorship (Hackett). Collections are often on display, often using the flexibility of the Internet as showground, as is the case with Neil Scallon’s world record collection of Monopoly’s 3,554 different versions of the game (World of Monopoly). Monopoly has low barriers to entry for a collector, as many sets retail at a low price-point, yet there are a few sets which are very expensive. The most expensive Monopoly set of all time retailed for US$2 million, and the cost was mainly borne out of the luxurious materials used: “the board is made from 23 carat gold, rubies and sapphires top the chimneys of the solid gold houses and hotels and the dice have 42 full cut diamonds for spots” (Guinness World Records "Most Expensive"). Conclusion The recent resurgence in board game popularity has only served to highlight Monopoly’s longevity. Through clever marketing and leveraging of nostalgia and popular culture fandoms, Hasbro has managed to retain Monopoly’s position as the number one board game, in sales figures at least. Despite its popularity, Monopoly suffers from a reputation as a conduit for poor player behaviour, as one person triumphs at the downfall of the other players. The game dynamics punish those whom fortune did not reward. In this regard, Elizabeth Magie’s initial aim of teaching about the unfairness of capitalism can be considered a resounding success. In re-establishing her role as a feminist and inventor at the turn of the century, embraced by progressive left-wingers of the 1930s, her story as much as that of Monopoly is a valuable contribution to modern popular culture. References Atrizton. Board Games Market – Global Outlook & Forecast 2023-2028. 2023. Belk, Russell W. "Collectors and Collecting." Handbook of Material Culture. Eds. Christopher Tilley et al. London: Sage, 2006. 534-45. Berical, Matt. "Monopoly Is a Terrible Game. Quit Playing It." Fatherly 4 Mar. 2020. Birkner, Christine. "Get on Board." Adweek 3-10 Apr. 2017: 7. Board Game Geek. "Monopoly." 2023. Booth, Paul. Game Play: Paratextuality in Contemporary Board Games. Bloomsbury, 2015. Buzzfeed. "15 Monopoly Rules That Aren't Actually Rules: Settled That 'Free Parking' Debate." Buzzfeed 27 Mar. 2014. Carter, Chase. "Tabletop Games Have Made over $1.5 Billion on Kickstarter." Dicebreaker 13 Dec. 2022. D'Astous, Alain, and Karine Gagnon. "An Inquiry into the Factors That Impact on Consumer Appreciation of a Board Game." Journal of Consumer Marketing 24.2 (2007): 80-89. Davis, Fred. Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia. New York: Free Press, 1979. Donovan, Tristan. "The Four Board Game Eras: Making Sense of Board Gaming’s Past." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 10.2 (2018): 265-70. Facebook. "Monopoly." 1 Mar. 2023. Farzan, Antonia Noori. "The New Monopoly ‘Celebrates Women Trailblazers,’ But the Game’s Female Inventor Still Isn’t Getting Credit." Washington Post 11 Sep. 2019. Geraghty, Lincoln. Cult Collectors. Routledge, 2014. Goulding, Christina. "Romancing the Past: Heritage Visiting and the Nostalgic Consumer." Psychology and Marketing 18.6 (2001): 565-92. Guinness World Records. "Most Expensive Board Game of Monopoly." 30 Jan. 2023. ———. "Most Popular Board Game." 30 Jan. 2023. Hackett, Lisa J. "‘Biography of the Self’: Why Australian Women Wear 1950s Style Clothing." Fashion, Style and Popular Culture 9.1-2 (2022). Johnson, Angela. "13 Facts about Monopoly That Will Surprise You." Insider 27 June 2018. Landlordsgame. "Landlord's Game History, Monopoly Game History." 2021. Lee, Allen. "The 20 Highest Selling Board Games of All Time." Money Inc 11 Mar. 2023. Lemore, Chris. "Banned from Game Night: ‘Monopoly’ Leads to the Most Fights among Family, Friends." Study Finds 2021. Marchegiani, Christopher, and Ian Phau. "Personal and Historical Nostalgia—a Comparison of Common Emotions." Journal of Global Marketing 26.3 (2013): 137-46. McCracken, Grant. Culture and Consumption: New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1988. McManus, James. "Do Not Collect $200." New York Times, 2015. 10. Moriarity, Joan, and Jonathan Kay. Your Move: What Board Games Teach Us about Life. Sutherland House, 2019. Orbanes, Phil. "Everything I Know about Business I Learned from Monopoly." Harvard Business Review 80.3 (2002): 51-131. Pilon, Mary. The Monopolists: Obsession, Fury, and the Scandal Behind the World's Favorite Board Game. Bloomsbury, 2015. Rogerson, Melissa J., and Martin Gibbs. "Finding Time for Tabletop: Board Game Play and Parenting." Games and Culture 13.3 (2018): 280-300. Statista. "Board Games – Australia." 25 Mar. 2023. ———. "Which of These Classic Board Games Do You Have at Home?" Statista-Survey Toys and Games 2018 (2018). Walker, Damian Gareth. A Book of Historic Board Games. Lulu.com, 2014. Whelan, Michael. "Why Does Everyone Hate Monopoly? The Secret History behind the World's Biggest Board Game." Dicebreaker 26 Aug. 2021. World of Monopoly. "Neil Scallan's World Record List of Official Monopolu Items." 2016.
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Brien, Donna Lee. "From Waste to Superbrand: The Uneasy Relationship between Vegemite and Its Origins." M/C Journal 13, no. 4 (August 18, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.245.

Full text
Abstract:
This article investigates the possibilities for understanding waste as a resource, with a particular focus on understanding food waste as a food resource. It considers the popular yeast spread Vegemite within this frame. The spread’s origins in waste product, and how it has achieved and sustained its status as a popular symbol of Australia despite half a century of Australian gastro-multiculturalism and a marked public resistance to other recycling and reuse of food products, have not yet been a focus of study. The process of producing Vegemite from waste would seem to align with contemporary moves towards recycling food waste, and ensuring environmental sustainability and food security, yet even during times of austerity and environmental concern this has not provided the company with a viable marketing strategy. Instead, advertising copywriting and a recurrent cycle of product memorialisation have created a superbrand through focusing on Vegemite’s nutrient and nostalgic value.John Scanlan notes that producing waste is a core feature of modern life, and what we dispose of as surplus to our requirements—whether this comprises material objects or more abstract products such as knowledge—reveals much about our society. In observing this, Scanlan asks us to consider the quite radical idea that waste is central to everything of significance to us: the “possibility that the surprising core of all we value results from (and creates even more) garbage (both the material and the metaphorical)” (9). Others have noted the ambivalent relationship we have with the waste we produce. C. T. Anderson notes that we are both creator and agent of its disposal. It is our ambivalence towards waste, coupled with its ubiquity, that allows waste materials to be described so variously: negatively as garbage, trash and rubbish, or more positively as by-products, leftovers, offcuts, trimmings, and recycled.This ambivalence is also crucial to understanding the affectionate relationship the Australian public have with Vegemite, a relationship that appears to exist in spite of the product’s unpalatable origins in waste. A study of Vegemite reveals that consumers can be comfortable with waste, even to the point of eating recycled waste, as long as that fact remains hidden and unmentioned. In Vegemite’s case not only has the product’s connection to waste been rendered invisible, it has been largely kept out of sight despite considerable media and other attention focusing on the product. Recycling Food Waste into Food ProductRecent work such as Elizabeth Royte’s Garbage Land and Tristram Stuart’s Waste make waste uncomfortably visible, outlining how much waste, and food waste in particular, the Western world generates and how profligately this is disposed of. Their aim is clear: a call to less extravagant and more sustainable practices. The relatively recent interest in reducing our food waste has, of course, introduced more complexity into a simple linear movement from the creation of a food product, to its acquisition or purchase, and then to its consumption and/or its disposal. Moreover, the recycling, reuse and repurposing of what has previously been discarded as waste is reconfiguring the whole idea of what waste is, as well as what value it has. The initiatives that seem to offer the most promise are those that reconfigure the way waste is understood. However, it is not only the process of transforming waste from an abject nuisance into a valued product that is central here. It is also necessary to reconfigure people’s acculturated perceptions of, and reactions to waste. Food waste is generated during all stages of the food cycle: while the raw materials are being grown; while these are being processed; when the resulting food products are being sold; when they are prepared in the home or other kitchen; and when they are only partly consumed. Until recently, the food industry in the West almost universally produced large volumes of solid and liquid waste that not only posed problems of disposal and pollution for the companies involved, but also represented a reckless squandering of total food resources in terms of both nutrient content and valuable biomass for society at large. While this is currently changing, albeit slowly, the by-products of food processing were, and often are, dumped (Stuart). In best-case scenarios, various gardening, farming and industrial processes gather household and commercial food waste for use as animal feed or as components in fertilisers (Delgado et al; Wang et al). This might, on the surface, appear a responsible application of waste, yet the reality is that such food waste often includes perfectly good fruit and vegetables that are not quite the required size, shape or colour, meat trimmings and products (such as offal) that are completely edible but extraneous to processing need, and other high grade product that does not meet certain specifications—such as the mountains of bread crusts sandwich producers discard (Hickman), or food that is still edible but past its ‘sell by date.’ In the last few years, however, mounting public awareness over the issues of world hunger, resource conservation, and the environmental and economic costs associated with food waste has accelerated efforts to make sustainable use of available food supplies and to more efficiently recycle, recover and utilise such needlessly wasted food product. This has fed into and led to multiple new policies, instances of research into, and resultant methods for waste handling and treatment (Laufenberg et al). Most straightforwardly, this involves the use or sale of offcuts, trimmings and unwanted ingredients that are “often of prime quality and are only rejected from the production line as a result of standardisation requirements or retailer specification” from one process for use in another, in such processed foods as soups, baby food or fast food products (Henningsson et al. 505). At a higher level, such recycling seeks to reclaim any reusable substances of significant food value from what could otherwise be thought of as a non-usable waste product. Enacting this is largely dependent on two elements: an available technology and being able to obtain a price or other value for the resultant product that makes the process worthwhile for the recycler to engage in it (Laufenberg et al). An example of the latter is the use of dehydrated restaurant food waste as a feedstuff for finishing pigs, a reuse process with added value for all involved as this process produces both a nutritious food substance as well as a viable way of disposing of restaurant waste (Myer et al). In Japan, laws regarding food waste recycling, which are separate from those governing other organic waste, are ensuring that at least some of food waste is being converted into animal feed, especially for the pigs who are destined for human tables (Stuart). Other recycling/reuse is more complex and involves more lateral thinking, with the by-products from some food processing able to be utilised, for instance, in the production of dyes, toiletries and cosmetics (Henningsson et al), although many argue for the privileging of food production in the recycling of foodstuffs.Brewing is one such process that has been in the reuse spotlight recently as large companies seek to minimise their waste product so as to be able to market their processes as sustainable. In 2009, for example, the giant Foster’s Group (with over 150 brands of beer, wine, spirits and ciders) proudly claimed that it recycled or reused some 91.23% of 171,000 tonnes of operational waste, with only 8.77% of this going to landfill (Foster’s Group). The treatment and recycling of the massive amounts of water used for brewing, rinsing and cooling purposes (Braeken et al.; Fillaudeaua et al.) is of significant interest, and is leading to research into areas as diverse as the development microbial fuel cells—where added bacteria consume the water-soluble brewing wastes, thereby cleaning the water as well as releasing chemical energy that is then converted into electricity (Lagan)—to using nutrient-rich wastewater as the carbon source for creating bioplastics (Yu et al.).In order for the waste-recycling-reuse loop to be closed in the best way for securing food supplies, any new product salvaged and created from food waste has to be both usable, and used, as food (Stuart)—and preferably as a food source for people to consume. There is, however, considerable consumer resistance to such reuse. Resistance to reusing recycled water in Australia has been documented by the CSIRO, which identified negative consumer perception as one of the two primary impediments to water reuse, the other being the fundamental economics of the process (MacDonald & Dyack). This consumer aversion operates even in times of severe water shortages, and despite proof of the cleanliness and safety of the resulting treated water. There was higher consumer acceptance levels for using stormwater rather than recycled water, despite the treated stormwater being shown to have higher concentrations of contaminants (MacDonald & Dyack). This reveals the extent of public resistance to the potential consumption of recycled waste product when it is labelled as such, even when this consumption appears to benefit that public. Vegemite: From Waste Product to Australian IconIn this context, the savoury yeast spread Vegemite provides an example of how food processing waste can be repurposed into a new food product that can gain a high level of consumer acceptability. It has been able to retain this status despite half a century of Australian gastronomic multiculturalism and the wide embrace of a much broader range of foodstuffs. Indeed, Vegemite is so ubiquitous in Australian foodways that it is recognised as an international superbrand, a standing it has been able to maintain despite most consumers from outside Australasia finding it unpalatable (Rozin & Siegal). However, Vegemite’s long product history is one in which its origin as recycled waste has been omitted, or at the very least, consistently marginalised.Vegemite’s history as a consumer product is narrated in a number of accounts, including one on the Kraft website, where the apocryphal and actual blend. What all these narratives agree on is that in the early 1920s Fred Walker—of Fred Walker and Company, Melbourne, canners of meat for export and Australian manufacturers of Bonox branded beef stock beverage—asked his company chemist to emulate Marmite yeast extract (Farrer). The imitation product was based, as was Marmite, on the residue from spent brewer’s yeast. This waste was initially sourced from Melbourne-based Carlton & United Breweries, and flavoured with vegetables, spices and salt (Creswell & Trenoweth). Today, the yeast left after Foster Group’s Australian commercial beer making processes is collected, put through a sieve to remove hop resins, washed to remove any bitterness, then mixed with warm water. The yeast dies from the lack of nutrients in this environment, and enzymes then break down the yeast proteins with the effect that vitamins and minerals are released into the resulting solution. Using centrifugal force, the yeast cell walls are removed, leaving behind a nutrient-rich brown liquid, which is then concentrated into a dark, thick paste using a vacuum process. This is seasoned with significant amounts of salt—although less today than before—and flavoured with vegetable extracts (Richardson).Given its popularity—Vegemite was found in 2009 to be the third most popular brand in Australia (Brand Asset Consulting)—it is unsurprising to find that the product has a significant history as an object of study in popular culture (Fiske et al; White), as a marker of national identity (Ivory; Renne; Rozin & Siegal; Richardson; Harper & White) and as an iconic Australian food, brand and product (Cozzolino; Luck; Khamis; Symons). Jars, packaging and product advertising are collected by Australian institutions such as Sydney’s Powerhouse Museum and the National Museum of Australia in Canberra, and are regularly included in permanent and travelling exhibitions profiling Australian brands and investigating how a sense of national identity is expressed through identification with these brands. All of this significant study largely focuses on how, when and by whom the product has been taken up, and how it has been consumed, rather than its links to waste, and what this circumstance could add to current thinking about recycling of food waste into other food products.It is worth noting that Vegemite was not an initial success in the Australian marketplace, but this does not seem due to an adverse public perception to waste. Indeed, when it was first produced it was in imitation of an already popular product well-known to be made from brewery by-products, hence this origin was not an issue. It was also introduced during a time when consumer relationships to waste were quite unlike today, and thrifty re-use of was a common feature of household behaviour. Despite a national competition mounted to name the product (Richardson), Marmite continued to attract more purchasers after Vegemite’s launch in 1923, so much so that in 1928, in an attempt to differentiate itself from Marmite, Vegemite was renamed “Parwill—the all Australian product” (punning on the idea that “Ma-might” but “Pa-will”) (White 16). When this campaign was unsuccessful, the original, consumer-suggested name was reinstated, but sales still lagged behind its UK-owned prototype. It was only after remaining in production for more than a decade, and after two successful marketing campaigns in the second half of the 1930s that the Vegemite brand gained some market traction. The first of these was in 1935 and 1936, when a free jar of Vegemite was offered with every sale of an item from the relatively extensive Kraft-Walker product list (after Walker’s company merged with Kraft) (White). The second was an attention-grabbing contest held in 1937, which invited consumers to compose Vegemite-inspired limericks. However, it was not the nature of the product itself or even the task set by the competition which captured mass attention, but the prize of a desirable, exotic and valuable imported Pontiac car (Richardson 61; Superbrands).Since that time, multinational media company, J Walter Thompson (now rebranded as JWT) has continued to manage Vegemite’s marketing. JWT’s marketing has never looked to Vegemite’s status as a thrifty recycler of waste as a viable marketing strategy, even in periods of austerity (such as the Depression years and the Second World War) or in more recent times of environmental concern. Instead, advertising copywriting and a recurrent cycle of cultural/media memorialisation have created a superbrand by focusing on two factors: its nutrient value and, as the brand became more established, its status as national icon. Throughout the regular noting and celebration of anniversaries of its initial invention and launch, with various commemorative events and products marking each of these product ‘birthdays,’ Vegemite’s status as recycled waste product has never been more than mentioned. Even when its 60th anniversary was marked in 1983 with the laying of a permanent plaque in Kerferd Road, South Melbourne, opposite Walker’s original factory, there was only the most passing reference to how, and from what, the product manufactured at the site was made. This remained the case when the site itself was prioritised for heritage listing almost twenty years later in 2001 (City of Port Phillip).Shying away from the reality of this successful example of recycling food waste into food was still the case in 1990, when Kraft Foods held a nationwide public campaign to recover past styles of Vegemite containers and packaging, and then donated their collection to Powerhouse Museum. The Powerhouse then held an exhibition of the receptacles and the historical promotional material in 1991, tracing the development of the product’s presentation (Powerhouse Museum), an occasion that dovetailed with other nostalgic commemorative activities around the product’s 70th birthday. Although the production process was noted in the exhibition, it is noteworthy that the possibilities for recycling a number of the styles of jars, as either containers with reusable lids or as drinking glasses, were given considerably more notice than the product’s origins as a recycled product. By this time, it seems, Vegemite had become so incorporated into Australian popular memory as a product in its own right, and with such a rich nostalgic history, that its origins were no longer of any significant interest or relevance.This disregard continued in the commemorative volume, The Vegemite Cookbook. With some ninety recipes and recipe ideas, the collection contains an almost unimaginably wide range of ways to use Vegemite as an ingredient. There are recipes on how to make the definitive Vegemite toast soldiers and Vegemite crumpets, as well as adaptations of foreign cuisines including pastas and risottos, stroganoffs, tacos, chilli con carne, frijole dip, marinated beef “souvlaki style,” “Indian-style” chicken wings, curries, Asian stir-fries, Indonesian gado-gado and a number of Chinese inspired dishes. Although the cookbook includes a timeline of product history illustrated with images from the major advertising campaigns that runs across 30 pages of the book, this timeline history emphasises the technological achievement of Vegemite’s creation, as opposed to the matter from which it orginated: “In a Spartan room in Albert Park Melbourne, 20 year-old food technologist Cyril P. Callister employed by Fred Walker, conducted initial experiments with yeast. His workplace was neither kitchen nor laboratory. … It was not long before this rather ordinary room yielded an extra-ordinary substance” (2). The Big Vegemite Party Book, described on its cover as “a great book for the Vegemite fan … with lots of old advertisements from magazines and newspapers,” is even more openly nostalgic, but similarly includes very little regarding Vegemite’s obviously potentially unpalatable genesis in waste.Such commemorations have continued into the new century, each one becoming more self-referential and more obviously a marketing strategy. In 2003, Vegemite celebrated its 80th birthday with the launch of the “Spread the Smile” campaign, seeking to record the childhood reminisces of adults who loved Vegemite. After this, the commemorative anniversaries broke free from even the date of its original invention and launch, and began to celebrate other major dates in the product’s life. In this way, Kraft made major news headlines when it announced that it was trying to locate the children who featured in the 1954 “Happy little Vegemites” campaign as part of the company’s celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the television advertisement. In October 2006, these once child actors joined a number of past and current Kraft employees to celebrate the supposed production of the one-billionth jar of Vegemite (Rood, "Vegemite Spreads" & "Vegemite Toasts") but, once again, little about the actual production process was discussed. In 2007, the then iconic marching band image was resituated into a contemporary setting—presumably to mobilise both the original messages (nutritious wholesomeness in an Australian domestic context) as well as its heritage appeal. Despite the real interest at this time in recycling and waste reduction, the silence over Vegemite’s status as recycled, repurposed food waste product continued.Concluding Remarks: Towards Considering Waste as a ResourceIn most parts of the Western world, including Australia, food waste is formally (in policy) and informally (by consumers) classified, disposed of, or otherwise treated alongside garden waste and other organic materials. Disposal by individuals, industry or local governments includes a range of options, from dumping to composting or breaking down in anaerobic digestion systems into materials for fertiliser, with food waste given no special status or priority. Despite current concerns regarding the security of food supplies in the West and decades of recognising that there are sections of all societies where people do not have enough to eat, it seems that recycling food waste into food that people can consume remains one of the last and least palatable solutions to these problems. This brief study of Vegemite has attempted to show how, despite the growing interest in recycling and sustainability, the focus in both the marketing of, and public interest in, this iconic and popular product appears to remain rooted in Vegemite’s nutrient and nostalgic value and its status as a brand, and firmly away from any suggestion of innovative and prudent reuse of waste product. That this is so for an already popular product suggests that any initiatives that wish to move in this direction must first reconfigure not only the way waste itself is seen—as a valuable product to be used, rather than as a troublesome nuisance to be disposed of—but also our own understandings of, and reactions to, waste itself.Acknowledgements Many thanks to the reviewers for their perceptive, useful, and generous comments on this article. All errors are, of course, my own. The research for this work was carried out with funding from the Faculty of Arts, Business, Informatics and Education, CQUniversity, Australia.ReferencesAnderson, C. T. “Sacred Waste: Ecology, Spirit, and the American Garbage Poem.” Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 17 (2010): 35-60.Blake, J. The Vegemite Cookbook: Delicious Recipe Ideas. Melbourne: Ark Publishing, 1992.Braeken, L., B. Van der Bruggen and C. 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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Georges (1936-2020)"

1

Desrivières, Jean Durosier. "La poésie bilingue franco-créole de Monchoachi (Martinique) et de Georges Castera fils (Haïti) : entre interritorialité et exterritorialité linguistiques, identité ouverte et identité close." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Antilles, 2025. http://www.theses.fr/2025ANTI1209.

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Abstract:
Georges Castera fils (Haïti) et Monchoachi (Martinique) ont produit une œuvre poétique bilingue majeure et conséquente, en français et en créole. Néanmoins, chacun des deux poètes fait un usage particulier de ses deux langues principales dans sa pratique d’écriture et celle-ci donne lieu à une expression identitaire singulière. Le but de ce travail consiste à nommer et à montrer le bilinguisme pratiqué par le poète haïtien et le poète martiniquais, tout en dévoilant que leur poésie bilingue débouche sur l’expression d’une identité assez close concernant le premier et très ouverte s’agissant du second. Certes, cette étude part d’abord du concept de « bilinguisme », puis de « diglossie », de « diglossie littéraire » et d’« interlecte », selon Charles A. Ferguson, Jean Bernabé et Félix Lambert Prudent respectivement. Elle examine la poésie bilingue des deux poètes à partir des concepts de bilinguisme, d’interlecte, d’hétérolinguisme (Grutman) et de « territorialité linguistique », évaluée de façon spécifique par Felix Tacke, pour aboutir aux concepts fonctionnels et opératoires, novateurs, de bilinguisme autonome et de bilinguisme composé, d’interritorialité, d’exterritorialité et d’interterritorialité linguistiques. Grâce à l’analyse comparatiste des œuvres bilingues des auteurs, basée sur le croisement de la linguistique structurale (Ducrot), la sémanalyse (Kristeva), la sémiotique (Barthes et Riffaterre) et la critique thématique (Richard et Barthes), ce travail a pu attester que Georges Castera est surtout un interritolingue, pratiquant strictement les langues officielles et nationales du territoire haïtien, dans une perspective de bilinguisme autonome – usage séparé du créole et du français. Tandis que Monchoachi se révèle un interterritolingue, pratiquant les langues locales du territoire martiniquais (français et créole), selon un bilinguisme composé, en recourant aux variantes des créoles de la Caraïbe franco-créolophone, à différents états du français et à d’autres langues étrangères. L’analyse comparatiste a aussi permis de dégager deux poétiques chez les deux poètes : 1) l’une différenciée, ayant le matérialisme en commun : la corpoétique de Castera et la panpoétique de Monchoachi ; 2) l’autre conjuguée, marquée par la notion d’ambivalence. Les concepts résultant de ce travail devraient favoriser l’analyse et la dénomination de phénomènes linguistiques liés aux créations poétiques, voire à des énoncés en général, reflétant le bilinguisme différencié de locuteurs ciblés, eu égard à d’autres sphères bilingues de la région Caraïbe ou d’ailleurs
Georges Castera, Jr. (Haiti) and Monchoachi (Martinique) have produced a significant and substantial body of bilingual poetry, in French and Creole. Yet, each of the two poets makes a particular use of their primary languages in their writing practices, resulting in a unique expression of identity. The work aims to identify and illustrate the bilingualism exhibited by the Haitian and Martinican poets, while revealing that their bilingual poetry conveys the expression of a relatively closed identity in the case for Castera, Jr. and a markedly open identity for Monchoachi. Naturally, this study begins with the concept of “bilingualism”, followed by “diglossia”, “literary diglossia” and “interlecte”, according to Charles A. Ferguson, Jean Bernabé and Félix Lambert Prudent respectively. It examines the bilingual poetry of both poets through the lenses of bilingualism, interlecte, heterolingualism (as proposed by Grutman), and “linguistic territoriality,” analyzed specifically by Felix Tacke, to arrive at functional and operational innovative concepts of autonomous and compound bilingualism, linguistic interritoriality, exterritoriality, and interterritoriality. Using a unique comparative analysis of the authors' bilingual works, which draws from structural linguistics (Ducrot), semanalysis (Kristeva), semiotics (Barthes and Rifaterre) and thematic criticism (Richard and Barthes), this thesis demonstrates that Georges Castera is above all an interritolingual. He strictly employs the official and national languages of Haitian territory, reflecting a perspective of autonomous bilingualism characterized by the separate use of Creole and French. Monchoachi, on the other hand, is an interterritolingual who uses the local languages of Martinique (French and Creole) in a compound bilingualism. He incorporates various Creole variants from the Franco-Creole-speaking Caribbean to different forms of French, and other foreign languages. Comparative analysis has also allowed us to identify distinct poetics in the two poets: 1) one differentiated, sharing a common materialism: Castera's corpoétique and Monchoachi's panpoétique; 2) the other conjugated, characterized by the notion of ambivalence. The concepts resulting from this work should facilitate the analysis and naming of linguistic phenomena associated with poetic creations, or even broader statements, that reflect the nuanced bilingualism of targeted speakers, with respect to other bilingual spheres in the Caribbean region or elsewhere
Georges Castera fils (Ayiti) ak Monchoachi (Matinik) ekri yon kokennchenn travay poetik bileng, an franse e an kreyòl. Men chak poèt yo itilize toulede lang yo jan pa li lè l ap ekri ; pratik yo chak bay ekspresyon yon idantite espesyal. Objektif travay rechèch sa a se nonmen ak montre mòd bilengwism poèt ayisyen an ak poèt matinikè a ap pratike, pandan l ap devwale pwezi bileng yo a ki debouche sou ekspresyon yon idantite ase fèmen bò kote Castera, e ki byen louvri bò kote Monchoachi. Se vre, etid sa a chita dabò sou baz konsèpt « bilengwism » lan, epi li pase wè konsèpt « diglosi » a dapre Charles A. Ferguson, « diglosi litérè » a dapre Jean Bernabé ak « entèrlèkt » la dapre Félix Lambert Prudent. Li analize pwezi bileng de poèt yo sou baz konsèpt bilengwism lan ak entèlèkt la, sou baz etewolengwism lan tou, dapre Grutman, ak « teritoryalite lengwistik » la ke Felix Tacke konsidere nan sans pa li. Konsèpt sa yo rive jwenn yon seri de lòt konsèpt tou nèf ki fonksyonèl e operatwa : bilengwism otonòm, bilengwism konpoze, enteritoryalite, eksteteritoryalite ak entèrteritoryalite lengwistik. Gras ak analiz konparatis sou travay poetik bileng de otè yo, ki baze sou kwazman lengwistik striktiral dapre Ducrot, semanaliz dapre Kristeva, semyotik dapre Barthes ak Riffaterre e kritik tematik dapre Richard ak Barthes, travay rechèch sa a rive sètifye Georges Castera sitou tankou yon enteritoleng k ap pratike lang ofisyèl ak lang nasyonal teritwa ayisyen yon jan strik, sou bann bilengwism otonòm lan – sa vle di li itilize kreyòl la ak franse a san li pa melanje yo. Alòske Monchoachi montre li se yon entèteritoleng k ap pratike lang lokal teritwa matinikè a (franse ak kreyòl), dapre yon bilengwism konpoze ki pran sous li nan plizyè kreyòl Karayib ki pale franse-kreyòl la, nan diferan degre franse a ak plizyè lòt lang etranje. Analiz konparatis la pèmèt de powetik sòti nan travay de poèt yo : 1) youn ki diferan, menm si materyalism lan sèvi kòm tèm ki reyini yo : kòpoetik bò kote Castera, panpoetik bò kote Monchoachi ; 2) yon lòt powetik ki mete toulède poèt yo dakò plizoumwen, paske li chita sou nosyon mazimaza (ambivalence oubyen ambiguïté an franse) ke yo pataje. Tout konsèpt ki soti nan travay sa a ta dwe favorize analiz ak mannyè pou nonmen yon seri de fenomèn lengwistik ki makònen ak kreyasyon powetik. Yo ta dwe makònen tou ak yon pil pawòl k ap pale toulong, pawòl ki konsène yon pil moun bileng : moun k ap pale de lang ki plizoumwen diferan, si nou konsidere lòt espas bileng nan laKarayib oubyen lòt kote
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