Journal articles: 'Geopolitics – asia, central'

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D.P. "Central Asia: The new geopolitics." Orbis 37, no. 3 (June 1993): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(93)90186-g.

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Shahid, Tanweer, and Adam Saud. "CONTEMPORARY GEOPOLITICS IN CENTRAL ASIA: IMPEDIMENTS AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR PAKISTAN." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 717–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.524.

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Central Asia and Pakistan embrace distant neighbourhood and cordial relations. However, affluent potential of their relationship remained untapped and almost stagnant. This soaring state undergoes a pull and push of geopolitical contest of great and rising powers - ‘the new great game’, in Central Asia. The United States, Russia, China, India and their antagonism share convergence and divergence of interests. This interplay casts their positive and negative impacts on the future relations of Pakistan with Central Asia. This qualitative research, based on inductive reasoning, analyses impediments and opportunities for Pakistan in the Central Asia vis-à-vis the power play therein. Being devoid of a common border with Central Asia, Pakistan can acquire energy security and geopolitical weight engaging Central Asia whereas the latter can access the world through Pakistan’s Gwadar port and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, unshackling off Russian dependency. Central Asia and Pakistan has potential to rejuvenate their relationships. Keywords: Geopolitics, Great game, Central Asia, Great powers, Foreign policy.

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Foxall, Andrew. "Borders, Boundaries, and Central Asia Geopolitics." Geopolitics 23, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 743–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2018.1451845.

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Azizian, Rouben, and Elizabeth Van Wie Davis. "Terrorism, Geopolitics, and Multinational Security Cooperation in Central Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1614.

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On 22-24 February 2006, the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies(APCSS) held this conference on the complex security environment ofCentral Asia as the region continues to struggle with the phenomena of terrorismand religious extremism, poverty and corruption, political instabilityand authoritarian governance, as well as great power (China, Russia, and theUnited States) suspicion and rivalry. These challenges are not uniquelyCentral Asian, but the region seems to be particularly vulnerable to them asits young nations are undergoing a significant political, social, and economictransformation. How the region copes with these issues will extend importantlessons to the world as a whole.This forum examined the trilemma posed for Central Asia and thebroader Asia-Pacific region. First, for the war on terror in the region to besuccessful, it must evolve into well-implemented stabilization and reconstructionefforts as well as dramatic improvements in governance andhuman rights. Second, no country on its own can alter the situation inCentral Asia, for such an effort requires cooperation between all of the majorpowers and stakeholders in the region (India, Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey).The magnitude of the problem of terrorism, which affects most if not allcountries in the region, should preclude another variation of the Great Game.Finally, while the number of regional organizations and security forums inCentral Asia has been growing, the low degree of coordination among themtriggers counterproductive rivalries and plays into the hands of extremistelements. Since terror knows no borders, what happens in Central Asia significantlyimpacts developments elsewhere.Although the counterterrorist effort in Central Asia has successfullymarginalized the Taliban and al-Qaeda, the localization of the terrorist threatmeans that new autonomous extremist cells continue to emerge in CentralAsia. The sources of proliferation of radical Islam can be found in socioeconomicdeprivation, widespread corruption, and political ...

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Suhartini, Ayu, Dian Permata Pratiwi, Jorshy Amanda Sudarno, Paulus Anggiat Siregar, Shybill Natalia De Queljoe, and Syahrir Roni Geyasra. "EKSISTENSI JEPANG DAN TIONGKOK DALAM GEOPOLITIK ENERGI DI ASIA TENGAH." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 2, no. 1 (July 23, 2019): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v2i1.1068.

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Abstract In addition to its existence stretching along Silk Road between Europe and East Asia which later made it theheart of Euroasia, the Central Asia region is also a region rich in energy resources, specifically oil and naturalgas. These two factors then brought the region of Central Asia to develop into the second largest oil and gasproducing region in the world, after the Middle East. This makes the Central Asian region as an arena as well asa battle theater for energy interests between western countries, Russia, China, Japan, South Asian countries andthe Middle East. Japan and China particulary, in the past decade began to show their interest and concentrationin this region. This can be seen through the establishment of the 2004 Central Asia Plus Japan Dialogue and the2006 Official Development Assistance (ODA) by Japan. Do not want to fall behind, in 2013 through itsPresident, Xi Jinping, China building the cooperation with the Central Asia through the One Belt One Road(OBOR) initiative. The purpose of this paper is to explain how the existence of Japan and China and theirinfluence in the dynamics of geopolitical energy in the Central Asian region. To complete this paper, the authorused qualitative research methods. From this paper, it was found that the existence of Japan and China hadpositive impact on the dynamics of energy geopolitics in the Central Asia region. Keywords: Geopolitical energy, oil, natural gas, Japan, China, Central Asia. Abstrak Selain keberadaannya yang terbentang di sepanjang Silk Road antara Eropa dan Asia Timur sehinggamenjadikannya jantung dari Euroasia, Asia Tengah juga merupakan wilayah yang kaya akan sumber daya energiterutama minyak dan gas alam serta penghasil terbesar kedua di dunia setelah Timur Tengah. Hal ini membuatkawasan Asia Tengah sebagai arena sekaligus teater pertempuran kepentingan energi antara negara-negara barat,Rusia, Tiongkok, Jepang, negara-negara Asia Selatan dan Timur Tengah. Jepang dan Tiongkok secara khususdalam dekade terakhir mulai menunjukan minat dan konsentrasinya pada kawasan ini. Terbukti melaluipembentukan Central Asia Plus Japan Dialogue tahun 2004 dan Official Development Assistance (ODA) tahun2006 oleh Jepang. Tidak ingin ketinggalan pada tahun 2013 melalui Presidennya, Xi Jinping, Tiongkokmembangun kerjasama melalui inisiatif One Belt One Road (OBOR). Adapun tujun dari tulisan ini adalah untukmenjelaskan bagaimana eksistensi dan pengaruh dari keberadaan Jepang dan Tiongkok dalam dinamikageopolitik energi di kawasan Asia Tengah. Dalam menyelesaikan tulisan ini, penulis menggunakan metodepenelitian kualitatif. Dari tulisan ini didapatkan bahwa keberadaan Jepang dan Tiongkok cukup memberikanpengaruh positif bagi dinamika geopolitik energi di kawasan Asia Tengah. Kata Kunci: Geopolitik energi, minyak bumi, gas alam, Jepang, Tiongkok, Asia Tengah

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Solovyev, D. "Central Asia: geopolitics of water and energy." Энергетическая политика, no. 2 (2021): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.46920/2409-5516_2021_2156_84.

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Zreik, Mohamad. "CONTEMPORARY GEOPOLITICS OF EURASIA AND THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE." Eurasian Research Journal 4, no. 1 (January 15, 2022): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53277/2519-2442-2022.1-01.

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In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping launched the Belt and Road Initiative. This modern initiative aims to revive the ancient Silk Road and connect China with many neighboring and distant countries and economic blocs. China invests mainly in infrastructure by developing a network of land and maritime roads, facilitating communication, trade and transportation. The various projects under this initiative will make China a leader in international trade and an attractive region for giant partners. This paper analyzes the Chinese presence in Eurasia after the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative and the contemporary geopolitics of Eurasia in light of the great Chinese expansion. This study contributes to clarifying the China-Central Asia relationship and represents this relationship within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. This study is based on data issued by governmental institutions and international research centers, which makes it an important reference in Central Asian studies. This paper concluded that the Belt and Road Initiative will have a significant impact on the economy of Central Asia and its geopolitical position through the great Chinese openness and dependence on Central Asia in China’s regional and international trade. The paper also discusses the Sino-Russian contrast that may arise with the Chinese penetration into Central Asia.

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Makhmutov, R. R., and A. A. Saliev. "Socialization of Islam In The Geopolitics of Central Asia." Communicology 10, no. 3 (October 9, 2022): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21453/2311-3065-2022-10-3-54-66.

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The paper examines the socialization of Islam in the context of geopolitical processes with an emphasis on the socio-cultural component of interstate interactions in Central Asia. Based on a review of the current state of the processes of religious socialization and religious policy in the Central Asian republics, the authors conclude that these processes in the countries of the region within the framework of the EAEU are most productive when using new communicative approaches that allow stopping destructive and radical religious trends, rather than hushing them up, or ignoring. The uniqueness of the new socialization of Islam as an unconditional communicative interstate mechanism for containing radical Islamic movements lies in the fact that for the first time an idea is being implemented that involves solving the problem of terrorism and extremism, not related to the ban on religious organizations and the use of force. The authors emphasize the need for a correct, active and consistent use of the religious component in interstate integration interactions in the social space of Central Asia. This is especially important when using digital methods of interaction with actors of social action in the context of hybrid communications and the exacerbation of the geopolitical situation.

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Walsh, J. Richard. "China and the New Geopolitics of Central Asia." Asian Survey 33, no. 3 (March 1, 1993): 272–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645251.

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Chun, Kwang Ho. "Contemporary Geopolitics Conflict between US and Central Asia." Crisis and Emergency Management 13, no. 2 (February 23, 2017): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2017.13.2.89.

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Tolipov, Farkhod. "Micro-Geopolitics of Central Asia: A Uzbekistan Perspective." Strategic Analysis 35, no. 4 (July 2011): 629–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2011.576098.

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Walsh, J. Richard. "China and the New Geopolitics of Central Asia." Asian Survey 33, no. 3 (March 1993): 272–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1993.33.3.00p0264y.

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Auken, B., and A. Кushkumbayev. "TRANSPORT AND LOGISTICS CONNECTIVITY OF CENTRAL ASIA IN AN ERA OF GLOBAL INSTABILITY." Qogam jane Dauir 81, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2024-1.05.

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Today the world is experiencing geopolitical turbulence and economic recession. During this period, due to its geographical location, Central Asia plays an increasingly important role in the global economy and geopolitics. This scientific article explores the interconnectedness of the Central Asian region in the transport and logistics aspect in the conditions of modern instability. The article analyzes the factors influencing the transport and logistics infrastructure of the region and how it adapts to the challenges of our time. Particular attention is paid to changes within the region and its external connections, including the “Middle Corridor” and the “Belt and Road Initiative”. The study concludes that in the current difficult conditions, Central Asia is becoming a “testing ground” for innovation in the transport and logistics industry, which makes a significant contribution to the development of cooperation between the countries of the region.

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Mohammed, Dr Ethar Anwer. "The geopolitics of the ethnic conflict in Central Asia." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, no. 2 (November 6, 2018): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i2.392.

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Central Asia is a very important for the super powers from the strategic and the geopolitics point of view. Therefore, it was the center of the regional and the international conflict in order to control it. This conflict effected the Central Asia countries for historical, economic, geographic, and political reasons. It caused an ethnic clashes and civil wars between the peoples of its countries

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SHANGARAEV, R. N., A. SH NOGMOVA, and A. S. IVOCHKINA. "THE RIVALRY OF REGIONAL AND NON-REGIONAL ACTORS IN CENTRAL ASIA IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPT OF EURASIANISM." Sociopolitical Sciences 14, no. 2 (April 28, 2024): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2024-14-2-75-82.

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The purpose of this research paper is to study Central Asia in the geopolitical space of Eurasia and the influence of extra-regional actors in the context of the “big game”. As a result of modern global political and socio-economic transformations in Russian science, forgotten ideas are being renewed, which marked the guidelines for the further development of the state, aimed at combating global challenges of our time, preventing interfaith and interethnic conflicts, uniting peoples, preserving national and territorial unity, and creating a vast and strong state. After the cold War, cultural geopolitical concepts were reinterpreted. Among them was the concept of Eurasianism, which has deep historical roots for the peoples of the region, including Central Asia in the context of the “Big Game” in Eurasia. The authors concluded that after the collapse of the USSR, the geopolitical situation in Central Asia underwent drastic changes. The importance of this region is reflected in the geopolitical theories of various world scientists, including the classics of geopolitics, including the concept of Eurasianism. The existing contradictions in the region and the struggle between the great powers for leadership are shaping global and regional instability in Central Asia.

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Diener, Alexander C. "Globalizing Central Asia: Geopolitics and Challenges of Economic Development." Geographical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1, 2014): 254–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.2014.12024.x.

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Bohr, Annette. "Regionalism in Central Asia: New Geopolitics, Old Regional Order." International Affairs 80, no. 3 (May 2004): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00394.x.

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Zhou, Qiang, Ze He, and Yu Yang. "Energy geopolitics in Central Asia: China’s involvement and responses." Journal of Geographical Sciences 30, no. 11 (November 2020): 1871–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11442-020-1816-6.

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Zagoria, Donald, Ali Banuazizi, Myron Weiner, Peter Ferdinand, and Mehrdad Haghayeghi. "The New Geopolitics of Central Asia and Its Borderlands." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 4 (1995): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047278.

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Joshi, Nirmala, and Kamala Kumari. "Understanding Central Asia’s Security and Economic Interests." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418821474.

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Central Asia has always been at the centre of global power play, due to its geographic location in the centre of Eurasia and its abundant natural resources that have attracted world attention. It has, however, been caught in the vortex of international politics. An interplay of globalisation, technology and geopolitics is evident in the evolving Eurasian politics. Connectivity projects, rail, road and energy pipelines are criss-crossing the region. Its geographical proximity to Afghanistan—part of its geopolitical space—impinges on its efforts to build peace and stability. Regional cooperation is gradually taking shape in Central Asia and holds the promise of their status as independent entities. As Afghanistan is crucial for them, as well as for the world at large, understanding the security and economic issues of Central Asia becomes important. This article apart from highlighting the security and economic interests would also delineate the challenges accompanying these issues keeping the potential perspective in mind.

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Mironowicz, Eugeniusz. "CENTRAL ASIA – THE ROLE OF THE REGION IN RUSSIAN GEOPOLITICS." Studia Politologiczne 53 (September 15, 2020): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2019.53.5.

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Cao, Huan. "Integration Process in Central Asia: The Interaction of Nationalism and Regionalism." Journal of Politics and Law 17, no. 3 (June 15, 2024): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v17n3p38.

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After the end of the cold war, Central Asia reappeared in the international community's view and became an important region in geopolitics. The independent Central Asian States have begun to seek regional cooperation in order to maintain regional security and stability and develop their national economies. But so far, the process of integration in Central Asia has been tortuous and slow. The Central Asian region has even been described by some scholars as the region with the lowest degree of regionalization in the world. By sorting out the history of the development of ethnicity and nationalism in Central Asia, this paper analyzes the reasons hindering the development of regional integration in Central Asia from the perspective of the interaction between nationalism and regionalism. The methodological basis of the paper is a synthesis of methodological regionalism and methodological nationalism. The paper argues that ethnic problems and nationalism in Central Asia constrain the formation of the concept of regional identity. At the same time, regionalism in Central Asia has triggered concerns of Central Asian nation-states about the loss of sovereignty of some states and state nationalism. The interaction of the two factors ultimately negatively affected the development of integration in Central Asia.

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Alpysbayuly, D., and Z. I. Ashimova. "The evolution of Political thought in Central Asia: challenges and prospects for Kazakhstan." Proceeding "Bulletin MILF" 58, no. 2 (June 15, 2024): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.56132/2791-3368.2024.2-49-09.

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Central Asia, with its rich history and multinational composition, remains a key region in terms of geopolitics and national security for Kazakhstan. The evolution of political thought in this region has a direct impact on internal and external political processes. This article examines the evolution of political thought and the main challenges faced by Central Asia, as well as the prospects for cooperation to ensure the national security of Kazakhstan. The authors analyze the variety of challenges faced by the countries of the region, including religious radicalism, interethnic conflicts and geopolitical dynamics of cooperation with other states. The changes in the political environment of Central Asia after the change of political regimes in some countries are analyzed. The article emphasizes the need for an in-depth analysis of political processes to ensure stability and national security in the region.

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Misiągiewicz, Marcin. "Energy Security of People’s Republic of China – Western dimension." Facta Simonidis 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2013): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.234.

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Central Asia is becoming more significant politically and economically because of its geopolitical position in Eurasia. It probably contains some of the largest undeveloped oil and gas reserves in the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the newly-independent Central Asian states became open to foreign investments. The region can play an important role in the diversification of oil and gas supplies and consequently in global energy security. There are many external actors that want to be active and influential in Central Asia’s energy geopolitics. China is one of the most prominent players. Its growing energy needs have given it a strong interest in developing ties with the energy-producing states in the region. It participates in energy infrastructure projects to find opportunities to get access to oil and gas resources.

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Oztig, Lacin Idil. "Book Review: India and Central Asia: Geopolitics, Economy and Culture." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 41, no. 1 (February 2016): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375416682543.

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Badan, Phool. "Book Review: Ajay Patnaik, Central Asia: Geopolitics, Security and Stability." International Studies 53, no. 3-4 (July 2016): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718763630.

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Pirani, Simon. "China's energy geopolitics: the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Central Asia." Central Asian Survey 30, no. 1 (March 2011): 172–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2011.558699.

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Koch, Natalie R. "Globalizing Central Asia: geopolitics and the challenges of economic development." Central Asian Survey 33, no. 1 (September 23, 2013): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2013.835198.

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Sharshenova, Aijan. "Globalizing Central Asia. Geopolitics and the Challenges of Economic Development." Europe-Asia Studies 66, no. 7 (August 9, 2014): 1201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.934144.

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Onder, Nilgun. "Clan Politics and Regime Transition in Central Asia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 802–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907071041.

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Clan Politics and Regime Transition in Central Asia, Kathleen Collins, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 376.The long isolation of Central Asia finally ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Five new independent states emerged from the ashes of the Soviet Union, the very first time in history that the peoples of Central Asia gained their own independent states modelled on the modern state. This development caught the world, including Central Asians themselves, by surprise. It changed the geopolitics of the entire Eurasia. In the ensuing years, the Central Asian republics have undergone simultaneous multiple transformations: state building; political regime transformation; and transition from Soviet communism. Thus the new states in Central Asia have provided scholars with new cases of multiple economic and political transitions to study and compare. In recent years, there has been a significant proliferation of English-language publications on Central Asia. Kathleen Collin's book, a comparative historical study of political development in Central Asia, is a major contribution. While its focus is on Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, it often provides examples from the other two Central Asian republics, namely Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. It is thoroughly researched and rich in information and details. It also makes a significant contribution to the political science literature on democratization, regime transition and consolidation.

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Yazdani, Enayatollah. "Geopolitical Dynamics of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia in the US Global Policy." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8i2.3424.

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The demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar system affected the geopolitics of the glob. One of the main features of the new world system is the importance of the world economy; accordingly, any power that dominates the Persian Gulf, with its enormous energy resources, would dominate the world. Yet, Central Asia, with its energy resources and strategic location, has attracted the powers attention. Under the new circumstances, the United States has tried to play an influential role in both regions. Here the main question is: which region is more important in US foreign policy, the Persian Gulf, or Central Asia? The paper concludes although Central Asia has a special role in US global policy, particularly after the 9/11 events, the Persian Gulf, for its greater amount of energy and crucial geopolitical position, as a new “heartland” or “center of the center” contains long-identified vital US national interests and security more than any other region.

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Dzheenbekova, Svetlana S. "Mongolia’s Geopolitics with Russia, China, the Central Asian countries and the Asia-Pacific region." Nauchno-analiticheskii zhurnal Obozrevatel' - Observer, no. 6 (2021): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/2074-2975_2021_6_99.

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Pradhan, Ramakrushna. "Energy Geopolitics and Pipeline Diplomacy in Central Asia: India’s Interests and Policy Options." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (August 25, 2020): 216–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420943434.

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The global energy scenario is undergoing a tectonic shift in recent times. While energy security has been emerging as one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of major countries, a new geological survey has the promise of new discoveries and reserves untapped. One such epic new frontier of the world geological survey has been the post-Soviet Central Asia consisting of five “Stans” of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, along with the Caspian Sea region. Sitting on huge untapped hydrocarbon potentials, the Central Asian geographical entity in recent years has offered enormous opportunity and appeal for countries adjacent to the region and far beyond. That is perhaps the reason that even after the disintegration of the USSR, the geopolitical importance of Central Asia has never waned down, instead it emerged as a grand chessboard for regional and extra-regional players for the immense opportunities it offered for the energy-crunch countries as potentially new and non-OPEC source of oil and natural gas. In the quest for energy security and diversity of supply sources by energy consumers, the heartland has witnessed a new great game in the scramble for resources. This accentuated struggle for oil and energy in the region has further led to aggressive foreign policy formulations and strategic calculation by countries such as the United States, China, the European Union, Japan, Israel, Iran, Pakistan, and India, to which many now call “the New Great Game” for not just controlling but administering energy resources of the region. The bottom line of the New Great Game, unlike the previous version, is essentially played out around petropolitics and pipeline diplomacy. To support the scramble for energy in Central Asia and the aggressive petropolitics and pipeline diplomacy by major powers, the study adopts the peak oil theory of Club of Rome thesis to understand the global tectonic shift of energy frontiers. Further, this article attempts to examine the position of India in Central Asia and its policy initiatives in the epic quest for oil and energy in the traditional bastion of Russia and the new grand chessboard of China and the United States.

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Bhardwaj, Nakul. "Geopolitics of central asia: A political analysis of emergence of Tajikistan." ACADEMICIA: An International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 9, no. 8 (2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7137.2019.00091.0.

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Nurimbetov, Rakhmatulla I. "UZBEKISTAN’S STRATEGIC APPROACHES OF TO THE SHANGHAIS COOPERATION ORGANIZATION: EXPLORING OPPORTUNITIES FOR “MIDDLE POWER” DIPLOMACY." Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 4, no. 7 (July 1, 2024): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-04-07-04.

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The article studies the key factors (security, geopolitics, economy) that directly impact the strategy of the Republic of Uzbekistan towards the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It is revealed that this strategy always has been based on following priorities: (1) ensuring national and regional security in Central Asia (2) preserving independence in foreign policy (3) balancing the interests of major powers in Central Asia (4) preventing hegemony of a single state or a group of states within the SCO (5) using the SCO to implement Uzbekistan's priorities in trade, economy and transport interconnectivity. Due to the current transformation of the SCO and intensification of geopolitical competition among its major members the necessity of applying middle-power diplomacy within the Organization has been identified. Uzbekistan's potential to conduct «middle power diplomacy" in the SCO has been justified.

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Vinogradov, A. V. "Russia in Eurasia: between China and the West. Identity, Ideology and Geopolitics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 2 (June 11, 2019): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-2-228-246.

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The genesis of the Russian civilization is inextricably connected with the Mongol conquests of the 13th century. From that moment, Russia acquired a binary, Euro-Asian identity, which allowed it to master large spaces of Eastern Europe and Northern Asia in a different way compared to other European nations mastered the spaces of Asia and Africa, and eventually create the largest Eurasian state. All of its subsequent development took place in the constant internal struggle of two origins -the West and the East, both of them attracted Russia, influenced its identity and created opportunities for development, which Russia managed to exploit successfully. Until now, geopolitics remains a trigger for internal change and the cause of the transformation of Russian identity. Disappointed with the Eurasian project and trying to reunite with the West at the end of the 20th century, Russia decided to abandon the “Asian burden” and at the same time its own type of historical development. However, Russia did not change its identity, but rejected it. As a result, it did not fit in, but fell out of global trends.The rise of China opened up new opportunities for Russia. The strategic cooperation and interaction of the two countries has become a powerful tool in their struggle for multipolarity and global status in rivalry with the West. But at the same time, it has given Russia a new geopolitical challenge. Today, China is ready to offer the Post-Soviet Central Asia an attractive socio-economic model and a familiar and acceptable ideology. Under global geopolitical changes Russia is facing the choice of a new development strategy, which could find ways of conjunction the “Russian world” with the European Union and the Chinese “Belt and Road”.

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Hynek, Ondřej. "Geopolitics of Central Asia: Between the Russian Bear and the Chinese Dragon." Central European Journal of Politics 6, no. 2 (2021): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/cejop_2020_4.

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The countries of Central Asia are driven by economic development. However, they are lacking financial resources, and a gap in cooperation among the countries is making the development stage even more problematic. The important geostrategic location is attracting the attention of global superpowers. Russia has been maintaining close ties with the countries since the disintegration of the USSR. Nevertheless, does Russia have enough possibilities and tools to satisfy these states? This paper inquires why the region represents a crucial point from the perspectives of global superpowers. In doing so, the study describes the most likely future of the region and of global actors’ involvement. It also outlines who is currently more dominant in the area, or possibly how the influence is divided between the territories. Lastly, the paper shows how the balance of power has changed with China becoming the main actor, or at least one with the highest potential. The process-tracing method and the geopolitical concept are anchoring the paper and shaping the course of the argument.

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Razma, Ainis. "The Geopolitics of Central Asia after the Annexation of Crimea in 2014." Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review 13, no. 1 (November 17, 2015): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lasr-2015-0007.

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Mubashra Shaheen and Munawar Hussain Panhwar. "BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 39 (January 20, 2022): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4369.

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Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is primarily aimed at strategic interconnectedness of Asia, Europe and Africa and regional economic connectivity in South Asia, East, West and Central Asia by maintaining connection among partner countries in highly interconnected globalised World. Pakistan’s integration into BRI through CPEC can play a vital role in terms of regional economic and political development encompassing variety of opportunities for Pakistan. This Chinese initiative will diffuse geopolitical rivalries, giving leverage to geo-economics over geo-politics in South Asian region. BRI also poses multiple and critical geo-strategic challenges for the region especially for Pakistan. The objectives of the study are to explore the possible outcomes of Belt and Road Initiative, Prospects of regional economic developments, Challenges and Opportunities for the region especially for Pakistan. The study brings out the emerging trends concerning primacy of the geo-economics over geopolitics albeit in the nascent stage amid CPEC. The challenges likely to be faced by Pakistan by these developments would equally present numerous opportunities. These, if capitalised through prudent policies and execution would enhance strategic relevance of Pakistan among comity of nations. The paper attempts to proffer relevant policy level recommendations for the implementation.

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Masabayev, Kanat. "China's foreign policy concept of 'strategic borders' and 'living space': foreign policy risks for Central Asia." Adam alemi 93, no. 3 (September 15, 2022): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.3/1999-5849.08.

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The article examines the evolutionary stages of China's foreign policy concept and the features of the nature of international relations in the main geopolitical directions of China's foreign policy activity. The reasons that contribute to unification and successful cooperation between the countries and, on the contrary, the reasons that have a negative impact on mutual relations and serve as a source of discord are investigated. It outlines and describes key changes in China's foreign policy as it strengthens its comprehensive national power. The article also outlines the differences of Chinese school of geopolitics, which has its own historical, cultural and philosophical roots. It provides a brief overview of China's policy on " strategic boundaries" and "living space" and its possible implications for Kazakhstan and Central Asia as a whole.

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Zabella, Anastasia, Margarita Fiveyskaya, and Ekaterina Penkova. "“One Belt, One Road” vs. “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”: rivalry for regional integration (views from India and Japan)." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 4 (53) (2021): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-4-4-53-005-019.

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Southeast Asia is central both in terms of geopolitics and the rivalry between the two megaprojects, focused on sinocentric and japanese(american)centric globalization. In terms of global and regional leadership, the region is becoming a competitive area for "control" of the strategic landscape between the PRC and the USA. The article is devoted to the regionalization processes through the prism of the theory of the formation of mega-regional blocs. The purpose of the article is to analyze the approaches of Japan, India and the USA to the formation of mega-partnerships in Southeast Asia, as well as to identify the main competitive advantages of the studied initiatives for the Southeast Asian countries.

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Editor, The. ""World Orders Old and New", "The New Geopolitics of Central Asia and its Borderlands" and "Creating News States in Central Asia"." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs 2 (May 1, 2015): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v2i0.441.

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Ahmad, Parvaiz, and Bawa Singh. "Sino-Pakistan Friendship, Changing South Asian Geopolitics and India’s Post-Obama Options." South Asia Research 37, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728017700184.

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In the context of changing global geopolitics, South Asia as a global pivot amongst major regions and powers has recently acquired a more central geostrategic position. China and Pakistan have long been sharing strong political, cultural and economic relations and are portrayed as all-weather friends, amplifying their engagement to secure their respective specific interests within and outside the region. This Sino-Pakistan link has been treating India as a collective target, with China acting contrary to India’s interests also in light of rising Indo-US strategic leverage. Against this complex backdrop, which also implicates Central Asia, the ultimate focus of this article is to locate India’s geostrategic interests and future prospects in view of the strong Sino-Pak friendship. Our key findings suggest that in this new ‘Great Game’, Indo-US links are going to become even more crucial, but that India should not just wait for US decisions.

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Medovarov, Maxim V. "Geopolitical Concepts of Russian Conservatives in the 1890s." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 58 (October 1, 2020): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-3-85-98.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of geopolitical views of the Russian conservatives in the late 19th century. Primary attention is paid to the period “forgotten” by researchers after the death of the classics of geopolitical thought in the 1880s and before the beginning of the “golden age” of Russian geopolitics. The influence of the legacy of Konstantin Leontiev and the new works of Vladimir Lamansky on the discussions published in the journal in the 1890s – early 1900s is proved. The author concludes that the late Slavophiles and the “Guardians” set different priorities in Russian strategy in the regions of Balkan Peninsula, Central Asia and the Far East. The article demonstrates the gradual formation of “proto-Eurasianism” in the Russian thought of that period.

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Morozova, Irina. "Adaptive Compromisers or Inventive Reformers: Communities, Religion and Ideology in Late Socialism in Central and Inner Asia." Inner ASIA 15, no. 1 (2013): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000055.

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Pioneering historical comparison between Soviet Central Asia and socialist Mongolia in the last decades of socialism, this article aims to assess the role of international factors and regional geopolitics in the policies of socialist states towards religious institutions and communities. It also traces long- term sociocultural transformations of Muslim and Buddhist communities in comparative perspective, and questions how individuals and groups responded to antireligious social campaigns, adapted to newly introduced institutions and reframed their religious identities throughout. The research is based on archival and oral- history data, while reflections upon the concepts of secularity and religion assist in working out a critical approach to the sources. The article raises the complex question of fading religiosity in the religious rites and ceremonies which persisted into socialism and beyond, explored alongside the sacral meaning imposed and found in communist commemorations and socialist cults. It argues for the necessity of analysing communities in the shared historical space where foreign state policies and individual histories intersect. While post- Second World War Middle Eastern geopolitics impacted upon the reestablishment of legal Muslim institutions in Soviet Central Asia, the status of socialist Mongolia vis- à- vis Peking became an additional motivation for the Mongolian communists’ assault on the lamas. In Soviet Central Asia in the 1970s–1980s, social life was still centred on Islamic rituals, while in Mongolia, where socialist cults laid down deeper roots, the population demonstrated more profound sacral perception of communal commemorations than Central Asians.

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Starr, S. Frederick. "US Perspectives on China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Central Asia and the South Caucasus." International Studies 56, no. 2-3 (April 2019): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719851916.

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To date, the US response to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Asia and the Caucasus has been calm, if not tacitly supportive. Two main reasons for this are: (a) the reopening of age-old east–west trade corridors as one of the most important legacies of the collapse of the USSR and (b) it views the engagement of both China and Europe in east–west trade across Central Asia as furthering the Central Asians’ own ability to achieve balanced and positive relations between all the major powers, thereby constraining hegemonic aspirations from any quarter. Further, the United States supports the emergence of Central Asia as a defined world region akin to ASEAN or the Nordic Council and believes that reforms under way in Uzbekistan and elsewhere in the region serve that end as well as increase east–west and west–east trade across the region. Finally, the United States realizes that the ultimate judgement on the viability of BRI in Central Asia and the Caucasus will be that of the market and not geopolitics.

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Pasilov, Bakhodir. "The Russian Colonial Economy in Central Asia." Oriente Moderno 102, no. 2 (January 19, 2023): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340290.

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Abstract The article addresses selected problems of the colonial economy in Central Asia which appeared following the Russian conquest of this region. The basis of this economy was the cultivation of a new, American cotton variety across the region and the subsequent development of cotton growing on an industrial scale. As a result of the large-scale introduction of this agricultural-technical culture, significant changes occurred in the structure of the region’s economy. One negative consequence of this transition to a colonial economy was the demise of the manufacture of finished products that had been common prior to Russian conquest of the region. This development reconfigured trade relations of the Bukhara Emirate, Khiva, and Kokand Khanates (Turkestan) with Russia, as following colonization the bulk of cotton exports to Russia was made up of raw materials, primarily cotton and cotton fiber. Cotton also played an important role in the regional geopolitics of Russia, particularly with regard to Afghanistan. Accordingly, it was more important for Russia to expand Afghanistan’s cotton production than to be dependent on cotton supplied from the United States. Railways became important elements of the colonial economy by providing a vital connection between urban centers and rural agricultural areas. This not only accelerated the delivery of raw materials, primarily cotton, to Russian industrial-textile centers, but also significantly reduced the delivery costs of goods. However, the unilateral development of this regional colonial economy ultimately aggravated social conditions among local populations. After the establishment of Soviet control in Central Asia, the agricultural policy of the Tsarist government became the prototype for the Bolsheviks in defining this region’s economic role in the Soviet economic system.

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Pradhan, Ramakrushna, Sunil Kumar Padhi, Sachita Nanda Sa, and Smruti Sikta Thapa. "THE ENERGY FACTOR IN THE GEOPOLITICS OF CENTRAL ASIA IN THE POST-REFORM PERIOD." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 2 (June 22, 2020): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.2.10.

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Lin, Hsiao-Ting. "From Rimland to Heartland: Nationalist China's geopolitics and ethnopolitics in Central Asia, 1937–1952." International History Review 30, no. 1 (March 2008): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2008.10414910.

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Atal, S. "Central Asia Geopolitics and U.S. Policy in the Region: The Post-11 September Era." Mediterranean Quarterly 14, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-14-2-95.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Geopolitics – asia, central'

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