Journal articles on the topic 'Genocide of the Tutsi'
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1
Gasana, Oscar. "A typology of theoretical approaches to the study of Rwandan Tutsi genocide." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 8, no. 4 (October 10, 2016): 258–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-12-2015-0204.
Abstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a typological framework of approaches to the study of the Rwandan Tutsi genocide, in a comparative perspective. Based on the assertion that no single theoretical approach can account for so complex and totalizing a phenomenon, the paper targets different aspects of causality, drawing from three key publications by contemporary genocide scholars: Vern N. Redekop, Christopher Taylor and Mahmood Mamdani. It argues for their significant complementary contribution to a better understanding of the last genocide of the twentieth century. By offering different analytical angles, as demonstrated from each perspective, the paper enriches the conceptualisation of genocides in general, and the Rwandan Tutsi genocide in particular. Design/methodology/approach This paper focuses on the Rwandan Tutsi genocide. Drawing from three key contemporary authors, it identifies and analyses three theoretical approaches in a comparative perspective, namely, the human identity needs approach (Redekop, 2002), the politico-anthropological approach (Taylor, 2000) and the colonialist approach (Mamdani, 2002) which, if unified, would go a long way in providing a clearer picture and a better understanding of Rwandan Tutsi genocide. Of course this does not mean that the three approaches account for every aspect of the phenomenon under study. It is a work in progress, reflecting the complex nature of genocide and the concomitant need to approach its analysis from different angles and perspectives. The selected authors address different key areas of scientific enquiry from different perspectives that complement each other, leading to a better understanding of the reality under investigation. Findings The authors learn from these approaches the constructed nature of ethnicity, what Benedict Anderson (1983, p. 211) calls the “imagined communities”. The Rwandese community was imagined by the colonial power, codifying the distinctions on the basis of such ridiculous criteria as cattle ownership and physical measurements, and issuing identity cards accordingly. In the final analysis, the choice of the most appropriate approaches to the study of genocide is a function of multiple factors: cultural, historical, political, anthropological, psychological, ethnographical, each genocide case being contextually different. The combination of the three approaches above seems to go a long way in confronting the complexity of the Rwandan Tutsi genocide. Research limitations/implications As the authors have already mentioned, the theoretical approaches are not exhaustive. Yet, they have significant implications in terms of research processes. Practical implications Practically, these approaches lead to a deeper and broader understanding of genocide causality. Social implications By tackling research issues from multiple angles, the product captures more elements that enable the shift from the structures of violence towards the structures of blessing. Originality/value It is the first time that such a research tool is made available to researchers wishing to deepen the understanding of the Rwandan Tutsi genocide.
2
Brehm, Hollie Nyseth, Christopher Uggen, and Suzy McElrath. "A Dynamic Life-course Approach to Genocide." Social Currents 5, no. 2 (December 25, 2017): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496517748335.
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We argue in this article that the study of genocide would benefit from the application and use of theoretical tools that criminologists have long had at their disposal, specifically, conception and theorization surrounding the life course. Using the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi as a case study, we detail how the building blocks of life-course criminology can be effectively used in analyses of (1) risk factors for the onset of genocide, (2) trajectories and duration of genocidal violence, and (3) desistance from genocidal crime and transitions after genocide. We conclude by highlighting the conceptual gains for research on genocide and political conflict by briefly discussing the analytic implications for future genocide research.
3
Harris, Marie-Clare. "Doctors implicated in Tutsi genocide." Lancet 347, no. 9002 (March 1996): 684. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(96)91234-9.
4
Messanga, Gustave Adolphe, and Marios Yannick Duclair Tajeugueu. "The role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines in the Rwandan genocide : An analysis from the theoretical perspectives of intergroup threat and aggression." International Journal of Social Service and Research 3, no. 5 (May 13, 2023): 1116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ijssr.v3i5.359.
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This research focuses on the role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in the Rwandan genocide. It analyzes the radio broadcasts through the prism of theories of intergroup threat and aggression. In this perspective, this medium is conceived as a manipulative and propagandist agent which participated in the perpetration of mass killings constituting the Rwandan genocide, through the dissemination of the ideology of hatred before and during the genocide and the logistical assistance provided to those involved in the killings. Indeed, RTLM broadcasts were structured in such a way as to present the Hutu as victims (intergroup threat), with the aim of justifying the use of violent actions against Tutsi (intergroup aggression). The corpus to be analyzed consists of extracts from RTLM broadcasts selected from transcripts stored at the Montreal Institute of Genocide and Human Rights Studies (MIGS) and at the International Monitor Institute (IMI). These extracts were analyzed with the method of discourse analysis. They reveal that RTLM’s discourse was based on the victimization and glorification of Hutus, as well as the devaluation and demonization of Tutsis. Concretely, the radio broadcasts were structured in such a way as to incite Hutu (past and present victims of injustice) to exterminate Tutsi (the enemies, the "cockroaches" (inyenzi)) and to eradicate them from Rwandan society. They were built around two main themes, including the threat, which includes elements like propaganda and hatred, homogenization, categorization and victimization ; and aggressiveness which includes the revolutionary vision of Rwanda, the deshumanization of Tutsi, their designation as enemies, the search for a just and homogeneous society.
5
Melvern, Linda. "Moral Equivalence." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104012.
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Since the very beginning of the Rwandan Genocide of the Tutsis in 1994, members of Hutu Power, the Akazu, and other interested allies of the former government of Rwanda have been conducting a campaign of genocide denial, one in which they blame the Tutsi dominated Rwandan Patriotic Army for carrying out murder of civilians during the civil war in 1994. In this article Linda Melvern examines the role that Hutu Power played in creating the myth of a counter-genocide and the unwitting legitimacy that was given to it by several UN agencies and their associated employees and consultants. Melvern notes that despite overwhelming evidence that demonstrates that there was no ‘counter genocide’, the lies and misinformation planted in the early post-genocide days persist, with some authors making new unsubstantiated claims about a slaughter of those Hutu who did not flee the country in July 1994.
6
Habimana, Paulin, Dr Joyzy Pius Egunjobi, and Dr Elizabeth Wangari Gichimu. "Genocide against the Tutsi Experiences among Priests in Rwanda." International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 5, no. 5 (May 17, 2024): 9649–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.5.0524.1362.
7
Kagoyire, Marie Grâce, and Annemiek Richters. "“We are the memory representation of our parents”: Intergenerational legacies of genocide among descendants of rape survivors in Rwanda." Torture Journal 28, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v28i3.111183.
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Introduction: The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda subjected thousands of women to rape as part of a range of other genocidal atrocities. This article explores what it means in everyday life to be a descendant of such mothers. Methods: A qualitative study was conducted in eastern Rwanda. The twelve respondents, all descendants of genocide-rape survivor mothers, participated in focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. Topics focused on different aspects of the intergenerational transmission of trauma and the mitigation of this transmission by the psychosocial support from which their mothers benefited. The phenomenological method as developed by Giorgi (2012) was used to analyze the transcripts. Findings: All respondents, regardless of their birth circumstances, are marked by growing up with a severely traumatized mother. Children conceived during rape are specifically marked by the absence of a perpetrator father unknown to them, the others by the lack of many (extended) family members. They all benefited from the psychosocial support provided to their mothers. Discussion: Genocidal rape causes specific kinds of suffering and specific identity problems for the children born as a consequence of genocide-rape. However, even if the children were not conceived during the rape, their level of suffering is similar. Conclusion: The effects of the intergenerational transmission of trauma related to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda should be recognized among all youth deeply affected by it. Appropriate policies and programs should be designed and implemented to moderate the effects and strengthen resilience to ensure a peaceful future on an individual, interpersonal, and inter-relational community levels.
8
Mwambari, David. "Music and the politics of the past: Kizito Mihigo and music in the commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (February 6, 2019): 1321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018823233.
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After the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, the post-genocide government spearheaded the creation of genocide commemorations. Over the past two decades, political elites and survivors’ organizations have gone to great lengths to institutionalize the memorialization, including creating laws to protect the memory of the genocide from denialism. Ordinary Rwandans have responded to the annual commemorations using creative means of support for and disagreement with the government’s interpretation of their shared violent past. Music has been used as citizen-driven tool to both spread and criticize genocide memorialization nationally and beyond. While scholars have explored the politicization of state-organized mechanisms such as memorials, citizen-driven creative means remain largely unexplored. Addressing this gap in Rwandan memory scholarship, I examine how Kizito Mihigo, a famous post-genocide musician, used his individual memory of surviving the genocide against the Tutsi through music to contribute and respond to the annual commemorations of the genocide. I argue that Mihigo’s story and commemoration songs were politicized from the start but were intensified when he used his music to go beyond promoting genocide commemorations to questioning the events and when he pleaded guilty to terrorism charges.
9
Becker, Annette. "Dark tourism: The “heritagization” of sites of suffering, with an emphasis on memorials of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi of Rwanda." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 910 (April 2019): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s181638311900016x.
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AbstractNowadays, there exists an international movement towards the extensive recognition as cultural heritage, or “heritagization”, of areas where wars, genocides and massacres have taken place. The phenomenon of “seeing” mass death, called “dark tourism” or the “tourism of desolation”, has become both an aim and a destination for visitors. The article examines this heritagization, with an emphasis on the memorials of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi of Rwanda.
10
MacLeod, George. "Rendre audible la voix d’une rescapée tutsie : le rôle du paratexte dans Le Livre d’Élise." Varias, no. 39 (September 23, 2015): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1033137ar.
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This article uses trauma theory to show the unique paratextual framing of Tutsi genocide survivor Élise Rida Musomandera’s memoir, Le Livre d’Élise (Les Belles Lettres, 2014). While dozens of survivor accounts from the Tutsi diaspora have been published in the last two decades, Musomandera’s is the first eye-witness memoir written by a Tutsi survivor still living in Rwanda. The vast majority of these testimonial memoirs contain introductions and postfaces which present the text for a Western reader. These paratexts have tended to privilege one of two discourses, comparing the Tutsi survivor’s story either to a moral lesson or to Holocaust testimonies. In contrast, the introduction to Le Livre d’Élise emphasizes the encounter between Musomandera’s authorial voice and the reader. The introduction’s European co-authors suggest that in reading Musomandera’s text, the reader joins a community of attentive interlocutors who are participating in the ongoing process of helping her find agency and social recognition following the devastating impact of genocide.
11
Jefremovas, Villia. "Acts of Human Kindness: Tutsi, Hutu and the Genocide." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501991.
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Most press reports would have us believe that the genocide in Rwanda was the result of a “centuries-old” ethnic/tribal hatred. There is no denying that mass murder and genocide took place in Rwanda. It is estimated that between 500,000 and 1,000,000 people died in the most appalling way. Those killed were from all ethnic groups, Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa; but the vast majority of those killed were Tutsi. However, it is important to understand the process by which this took place: we must stop and ask if this genocide was inevitable, if it was universal, and if it was the result of ancient irreconcilable hatreds.The reference to tribal warfare, or even ethnic conflict, implies that there are (at least) two sides fighting, and that all members of society are caught up in the killings. But in this case, the great preponderance of deaths resulted not from “conflict” but from murder.
12
Carney, J. J. "Beyond Tribalism: The Hutu-Tutsi Question and Catholic Rhetoric in Colonial Rwanda." Journal of Religion in Africa 42, no. 2 (2012): 172–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006612x646178.
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AbstractPost genocide commentaries on colonial Rwandan history have emphasized the centrality of the Hamitic Hypothesis in shaping Catholic leaders’ sociopolitical imagination concerning Hutu and Tutsi identities. For most scholars, the resulting racialist interpretation of Hutu and Tutsi categories poisoned Rwandan society and laid the groundwork for postcolonial ethnic violence. This paper challenges the simplicity of this standard narrative. Not only did colonial Catholic leaders possess a complex understanding of the terms ‘Hutu’ and ‘Tutsi’, but the Hutu-Tutsi question was not the exclusive or even dominant paradigm of late colonial Catholic discourse. Even after the eruption of Hutu-Tutsi tensions in the late 1950s, Catholic bishops and lay elites continued to interpret the Hutu-Tutsi distinction in a wide variety of ways. Catholic attitudes and the escalation of Hutu-Tutsi tensions stemmed more from contextual political factors than immutable anthropological theories, however flawed.
13
Pulla, Venkat Rao, and Charles Kalinganire. "The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i3.1065.
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This study, written collaboratively with a native Rwandan author, briefly recalls the historical reality from a Rwandan perspective and addresses the consequences of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Furthermore, the way the Western world was a passive spectator to the economic, political and social pillage and Genocide that occurred in the last part of the 20th Century, that was, in 1994, is discussed.
How is reconciliation fostered in the communities across Rwanda? In particular, the sites and communities where massacres were held? Strong community ties and community being central to social work practice is observed in most East African countries, with no exception to Rwanda. While social work pedagogy is something new and possibly introduced by Western idiom, the tradition of welfare and mutual caring (would have been/ has been part) of the Kinyarwanda culture, language, and manner of living. What factors have worked for reconciliation, reconstruction of the society? How were people made to understand violence, and what did they replace it with? How is the post-genocide moral narrative shaped? The traditional indigenous processes that have been utilised, including the Gacaca, unique court process, are briefly discussed. How do people implant hate into people? By the same token, how do people put peace and love into people? These are a few questions that were central to this study throughout.
14
McNamee, Lachlan. "Mass Resettlement and Political Violence." World Politics 70, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 595–644. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000138.
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This article examines the relationship between mass resettlement and political conflict. The author theorizes that states can use mass resettlement to extend control over contested frontiers. Settlers whose land rights are politically contested will disproportionately participate in violence to defend the incumbent regime. The theory is tested using data on resettlement and violence in postcolonial Rwanda. The author shows that the Hutu revolutionary regime resettled some 450,000 Hutus after independence to frontier and Tutsi-dominated areas to defend itself against external Tutsi militias. The author contends that the invasion of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the 1990s threatened the Hutu settler population because the RPF sought the repatriation of Tutsis onto redistributed land and that consequent land insecurity incentivized violence against Tutsis in 1994. The article identifies the positive effect of resettlement on locality violence during the genocide via a geographic regression discontinuity design. A process tracing of one notoriously violent resettled commune supports the theorized causal sequence. In light of these findings, the author suggests that research should refocus on the way that conflict shapes ethnic demography and that, to understand participation in state-sponsored violence, scholars should attend to the threat posed by regime change to individual livelihoods.
15
Shaker, Heidi. "Meanings of Mass Rape During the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Understanding Intersectionality Through Survivor Testimonies." Women in French Studies 31, no. 1 (2023): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wfs.2023.a909479.
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Abstract: Women were targeted for rape during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda because of their gender and ethnicity. Gendered and ethnic violence became intertwined in Hutu extremist propaganda, as it sexualized Tutsi women, instigated ethnic hatred, and incited men to commit rape on a massive scale. Rape as genocide was used as a weapon to annihilate Tutsi women physically, psychologically, socially, and economically. Many survivors were rendered infertile due to damaged reproductive organs or mutilated genitals and disconnected from their bodies due to psychological trauma. Those who were raped encountered severe stigmatization and marginalization: they were deemed unsuitable for marriage, were abandoned by their fiancés or husbands, and were ostracized by their communities. This rendered survivors extremely vulnerable economically, as by law, women are unable to own houses or possess land. Rape was used to reduce the Tutsi population through the transmission of AIDS, infertility issues, pregnancies as ethnic cleansing, and the breakdown of families, communities, and cultural practices. Rape is extremely taboo in Rwanda, and cultural and linguistic considerations add an extra layer of difficulty that survivors must navigate in order to tell their stories.
16
Schimmel, Noam. "What Caused the Rwandan Genocide against the Tutsi?" Peace Review 32, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 350–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2020.1867352.
17
Jaji, Rose. "Under the shadow of genocide: Rwandans, ethnicity and refugee status." Ethnicities 17, no. 1 (July 25, 2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796815603754.
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This article discusses ethnicity and refugee status among Rwandan refugees self-settled in Nairobi, Kenya. It addresses conflation of Hutu fugitives who participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide and refugees, and critiques perception of Hutu and Tutsi as mutually exclusive ethnicities with no points of intersection. Framed within the social constructivist approach to identity, the article problematizes ethnic essentialism and wholesale criminalization and stigmatization of Rwandan refugees and, in particular, Hutu ethnicity in ways that silence individual viewpoints emanating from personal experience. Conversely, the article highlights how Rwandan refugees deflect collective guilt and legitimize their refugee status under the shadow of the genocide which was committed by extremist Hutu on Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The refugees’ reaction to association with the genocide confounds theoretically irreconcilable extremes through self-representations centred on experiences that muddle the simplistic perpetrator – victim and guilty – innocent binary. The refugees’ narratives portray victimhood in Rwanda as complex, cyclical and heterogeneous.
18
Khatagova, I. U. "The Role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2023-3-27-52-66.
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Studies in the sphere of history and culture of the African continent attract an increasing interest given the ongoing development of African countries, the reinforcement of ties with Russia as well as the erosion of stereotypes about the nations that populate these territories. This article suggests that the Catholic Church played a significant role in the formation of the Rwandese society in 1890–1994, with the genocide of 1994 being one of the central events. In the framework of the study, the author seeks to reveal the background of the genocide that became the culmination of long-lasting contradictions between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwandan society. One of the main goals of the research was to investigate how the terms Hutu and Tutsi were transformed from social to quasi-ethnic ones. Special attention in this regard was paid to the role of the Catholic Church in the destruction of Rwandan collective self-identification, the growth of tribalism, and antagonism within the society. The article employs the methods of content analysis, case study, event analysis, discourse analysis and interview to research the official position of the Catholic Church during the genocide as well as the actions of specific priests, which is crucial for understanding the controversial role of the Church in the tragedy. Starting from the colonial period the Catholic Church had a vast influence not only in the spiritual but also in the social sphere, including education and mass media. Analyzing the empowerment of the Hutu in Rwanda, in general and especially within the Catholic Church in the country, the author traces back the evolution of social relations in the second half of the 20th century in order to help understand the particular historical role of the Church in the country and in relations between the Hutu and Tutsi along with their quest for power. The author concludes that one of the most interesting issues is the merging of the church’s elite and radical political leadership of Rwanda, which resulted in the further degradation of social relations in the country, growing mutual tensions between Hutu and Tutsi and, in the long run, the genocide. The post genocide analysis of the Catholic Church’s politics reveals not only tools used by the institute to facilitate national reconciliation but also the measure of responsibility for the genocide that it has agreed to take.
19
Gabi, Shingirirai. "AMBIGUITIES OF FORGIVENESS IN LEFT TO TELL: DISCOVERING GOD AMIDST THE RWANDAN HOLOCAUST (2006)." Imbizo 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2017): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2078-9785/1849.
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To interrogate the ambiguities of forgiveness it is important to understand the historicity of the Rwandan genocide and the complexities of the interchanging roles of victim/perpetrator and ‘the enemy other’. Ilibagiza is credited for including the historicity of the ethnic animosity in her memoir, as she acknowledges that the 1994 genocide did not just suddenly erupt, but the work will be critiqued for its persistent portrayal of the Tutsi as victims and the Hutu as perpetrators, and for not acknowledging that the Tutsi were a ‘historically privileged’ (Mamdani 2001) group before the 1959 revolution. This article interrogates Ilibagiza’s comprehension of forgiveness and its importance during the genocide and in post-genocide Rwanda. Left to tell centres on the power of religion, positive thinking and compassion as major steps towards forgiveness on an individual level, but shows limitations concerning justice after the commission of ‘crimes of state’, as Orentlicher (1991, 44) notes. Forgiveness is necessary in the healing process, but justice is a crucial component of national reconciliation. Forgiveness is only the first step towards restoring the humanity of the victim/ perpetrator, and should be followed by restorative justice.
20
Taylor, Christopher C. "A Gendered Genocide: Tutsi Women and Hutu Extremists in the 1994 Rwanda Genocide." PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 22, no. 1 (May 1999): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1999.22.1.42.
21
Paradelle, Muriel. "Gacaca – een microlokaal rechtssysteem om te oordelen over een ‘macrosociale’ genocide." Les procès 138 (2024): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11x5z.
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Na de Rwandese genocide (1994) gingen de autoriteiten in Rwanda op zoek naar een nieuwe vertaling van oude, traditionele rechtspraktijken om de diepe kloof die tussen Hutu en Tutsi was ontstaan te dichten. Dat waren de gacaca rechtbanken. Hoe en in welke mate het lokale rechtssysteem, dat voor het eerst moest worden toegepast op een genocide van nationale omvang, daarin slaagde, is het onderwerp van dit artikel.
22
Nikuze, Donatien. "Comparative Analysis of the Genocidal Process: Holocaust and the Genocide against the Tutsi." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 3, no. 3 (July 24, 2016): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916651175.
23
Mukamana, Donatilla, Anthony Collins, and William E. Rosa. "Genocide Rape Trauma: A Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Psychological Suffering of Rwandan Survivors." Research and Theory for Nursing Practice 32, no. 2 (June 2018): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1541-6577.32.2.125.
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In 1994, the Rwandan genocide claimed the lives of approximately 1 million Tutsi and moderate Hutu citizens. Systematic rape was a strategic component of the Hutu extremist plan to eradicate the Tutsi minority population. This involved collective and repeated sexual assaults with brutal violence, public humiliation, and torture. This article maps the ongoing psychological impact on Rwandan genocide rape survivors and identifies implications for international nursing practice. The research formalizes their narratives, identifying a number of interconnected elements that combine to produce myriad forms of chronic psychological suffering in the Rwandan context. This work in turn reveals the specific needs of these survivors that may be addressed by nursing. It allows nurses, as experts in managing the human responses to health and illness, to develop a more complete understanding of psychological suffering as it pertains to vulnerable populations during and in the wake of extreme social conflict. This clarifies the roles of nurse educators, clinicians, and policy advocates as key agents in providing genocide rape survivors with the resources and expertise needed to effectively manage their ongoing trauma.
24
Cantrell, Phillip A. "“We Were a Chosen People”: The East African Revival and Its Return To Post-Genocide Rwanda." Church History 83, no. 2 (May 27, 2014): 422–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000080.
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This article, drawing upon primary field research, analyzes the origins and history of the East African Revival of the 1930s and its ongoing relevance and role in post-genocide Rwanda. Starting as a Holiness-inspired, Anglican movement, the Revival persisted among the Tutsi Diaspora during their exile to refugee camps in Uganda following the 1959 Hutu-led Revolution and has returned with them following the coming to power of the Rwandan Patriotic Front in 1994. The Revival, as it presently experiences a reawakening in the post-genocide church, provides the Tutsi returnees with a spiritual mechanism to explain their plight as refugees and a means by which to heal from decades of suffering. Additionally, a narrative has emerged in which they believe themselves to be a “Chosen People” who found redemption and healing in the refugee camps by embracing the revival spirit. Many Anglican returnees further believe they have been “chosen” to bring healing and reconciliation, through the revivalist tradition, to post-genocide Rwanda. While the return of the Revival tradition in the post-genocide Anglican Church offers potential benefits for Rwanda's reconciliation and recovery, the church must also abandon its apolitical inclinations and challenge the ruling regime in the name of truth, democratization, and justice.
25
Jefremovas, Villia. "Acts of Human Kindness: Tutsi, Hutu and the Genocide." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166503.
26
Kantengwa, Odeth. "How Motherhood Triumphs Over Trauma Among Mothers With Children From Genocidal Rape in Rwanda." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (August 27, 2014): 417–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.334.
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Rape is a common occurrence during genocide and the presence of children born as a result of rape poses a challenge to post-genocide recovery processes. This paper treats mothers of children born as a result of genocidal rape during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi as a separate category of survivors and explores the contribution of a positive embrace of motherhood in their recovery. It is based upon a study that included fourteen women from Kigali city, Karongi District in the Western Province and Huye District in the Southern Province. Qualitative analysis of individual interviews and focus groups provided a means to explore in-depth the perceptions of mothers and the value of motherhood. It was found that mothers of children of rape experienced challenges raising their children, especially in the early stages of parenting. Social stigma related to rape and children born of rape created challenges, as did the lack of psychosocial resources for the women, particularly when faced with disclosing paternity to the children. However, despite these and other difficulties, motherhood played a positive role for many women, often providing a reason to live again after the genocide. These findings show that positive experiences of motherhood can be key to the recovery of survivors of genocidal rape in Rwanda and points to future directions for research and health promotion among populations affected by conflict-related sexual violence.
27
Longman, Timothy. "Church Politics and the Genocide in Rwanda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00112.
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AbstractChristian churches were deeply implicated in the 1994 genocide of ethnic Tutsi in Rwanda. Churches were a major site for massacres, and many Christians participated in the slaughter, including church personnel and lay leaders. Church involvement in the genocide can be explained in part because of the historic link between church and state and the acceptance of ethnic discrimination among church officials. In addition, just as political officials chose genocide as a means of reasserting their authority in the face of challenges from a democracy movement and civil war, struggles over power within Rwanda's Christian churches led some church leaders to accept the genocide as a means of eliminating challenges to their own authority within the churches.
28
Richters, Annemiek. "Introduction." Torture Journal 24, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v24i2.111616.
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It is generally known that during the 100 days of genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda in 1994, sexual violence was committed on an unprecedented scale. Many women were first raped and then killed. With a certain degree of probability, the majority of Tutsi women who survived had been raped. Limited information is available regarding the experiences of these women. However, there is enough empirical evidence provided in human rights accounts and research reports substantiating that these women were exposed to unimaginable horror, which for the majority of them had a range of devastating short and long term effects.
The programme of community-based sociotherapy was implemented in 2005 in the north of Rwanda in what was previously known as Byumba province, and subsequently in 2008 in Bugesera district in the south-east, one of the epicentres of the genocide.
29
André, Charles. "Phrenology and the Rwandan Genocide." Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria 76, no. 4 (April 2018): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0004-282x20180022.
Abstract:
ABSTRACT Belgian colonizers used phrenology to create an irreducible division between the two major groups living for centuries in Rwanda-Urundi. This formed the basis for the implementation of systematic efforts to subdue the large Hutu population. Both the Hutus and the smaller, and initially privileged, Tutsi group soon incorporated the racist discourse, which was pivotal to the gradual increase in violence before and after Rwandan independence in 1962. The Rwandan genocide in 1994 culminated in the horrible pinnacle of this process, involving recurrent episodes of slaughtering. Doctors should not underestimate the racist potential of pseudoscientific misconceptions.
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Breed, Ananda. "Performing the Nation: Theatre in Post-Genocide Rwanda." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.32.
Abstract:
While grassroots theatre brings together perpetrators and survivors of the Rwandan genocide, government-driven campaigns can manipulate theatre for reconciliation to serve its own nationalist agenda. The Mutabaruka company use their performances in Burundi to resurrect/construct the identity of a precolonial Rwanda; the Mashirika theatre focus on reconciling the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa.
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Musanabaganwa, Clarisse, Agaz H. Wani, Janelle Donglasan, Segun Fatumo, Stefan Jansen, Jean Mutabaruka, Eugene Rutembesa, et al. "Leukocyte methylomic imprints of exposure to the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda: a pilot epigenome-wide analysis." Epigenomics 14, no. 1 (January 2022): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2217/epi-2021-0310.
Abstract:
Aim & methods: We conducted a pilot epigenome-wide association study of women from Tutsi ethnicity exposed to the genocide while pregnant and their resulting offspring, and a comparison group of women who were pregnant at the time of the genocide but living outside of Rwanda.Results: Fifty-nine leukocyte-derived DNA samples survived quality control: 33 mothers (20 exposed, 13 unexposed) and 26 offspring (16 exposed, 10 unexposed). Twenty-four significant differentially methylated regions (DMRs) were identified in mothers and 16 in children. Conclusions: In utero genocide exposure was associated with CpGs in three of the 24 DMRs: BCOR, PRDM8 and VWDE, with higher DNA methylation in exposed versus unexposed offspring. Of note, BCOR and VWDE show significant correlation between brain and blood DNA methylation within individuals, suggesting these peripherally derived signals of genocide exposure may have relevance to the brain.
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Baisley, Elizabeth. "Genocide and constructions of Hutu and Tutsi in radio propaganda." Race & Class 55, no. 3 (January 2014): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396813509194.
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Loning, Loes. "The aftermath of gendered violence: Kinship and affect in post-genocide Rwanda." Critique of Anthropology 43, no. 4 (December 2023): 444–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x231216251.
Abstract:
Thousands of women and girls experienced sexual violence during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and many became pregnant as a result of rape. Based on two years of ethnographic research in Rwanda, this article discusses how kinship is (re-)established in the aftermath of sexual violence by focusing on the lived experiences of young people conceived in genocidal rape. The article explores what forms of relationships become possible, impossible, enabled or dismissed, in the aftermath of a period of extreme violence. Through detailing the delicate establishment of affective ties, I hope to show the subtle work that goes into containing genocide memories in the everyday. The article suggests that young people engage in careful and ‘attuned’ kinship practices in an environment that changes throughout their life course. In exploring how young people carefully navigate the mending, protecting, and accepting of ‘family’, the article emphasizes the possibilities and limitations of kinship in the aftermath of collective violence.
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Songolo, Aliko. "Marie Béatrice Umutesi's Truth: The Other Rwanda Genocide?" African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (December 2005): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0040.
Abstract:
Une tragédie n'exclut pas l'autreet il n'existe aucune hiérarchie dans la souffrance.(One tragedy does not cancel out the other,and there is no hierarchy in suffering.)Calixthe Beyala (2005)There can be no reconciliation between Hutu and Tutsi withoutjustice, and no justice without truth. This proposition holds truefor all three states of former Belgian Africa.René Lemarchand (1998)The title of Marie Béatrice Umutesi's book, Fuir ou mourir au Zaïre: Le vécu d'une Réfugiée Rwandaise—or in its English version, Surviving the Slaughter: The Ordeal of a Rwandan Refugee in Zaïre—might prove confusing for some readers on at least two counts. Because the name Rwanda will forever be associated in our memory with the horror of the 1994 genocide, one might surmise that this is the story of a Tutsi survivor taking refuge in neighboring Zaire, as in previous massacres in 1959, 1963, and 1973. But then again, considering the disastrous wars that have raged in that country for the last decade, one might conclude that Umutesi's book tells the story of a Rwandan refugee caught in the crossfire between competing forces, Rwanda versus Uganda and their proxies within the former Zaire. Both assumptions would be only half true. The missing half in both inferences is that the ordeal of this refugee and her cohort originated in the Rwandan conflict that began in 1990 and culminated in the genocide four years later. Shrewdly orchestrated and largely perpetrated by the Tutsi-dominated regime that took power in Rwanda in the aftermath of the genocide, the slaughter of these Hutu refugees has been concealed behind a curtain of silence on the part of the international community. In the drama that unfolds in Umutesi's book, Zairian territory is the unwitting, albeit highly significant, theater of the cynically suppressed story of the disappearance of nearly a quarter million Hutu refugees from Rwanda at the hands of shadowy “rebels.”
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Yakti, Probo Darono. "The 1994 Hutu and Tutsi Ethnopolitics Conflict in Rwanda: Genocide Revenge Settlement Through the Gacaca Reconciliation System." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787.
Abstract:
The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes that occurred in Rwanda at the end of the 20th century opened the eyes of the international community that ethnic issues could escalate into a political issue which encouraged the crime of genocide. This politicization led to the deaths of more than 800 thousand Tutsis due to planned mass killings by the Hutu government. This justifies Gilroy and Wright's argument about ethnic politicization which can form an exclusive feeling in talking about one's nationality within the state. Likewise with Yun and Synder's opinion about racial issues affecting people's political preferences on a large scale and tend to see negative forms of nationalism when viewed from ethnicity. By using a discourse analysis and qualitative-explanatory research approach, a comprehensive approach is obtained to understand the problem in its entirety and explore the research questions: how to explain the conflict in Rwanda between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes from the aspect of politicizing the identity issue in the era of postcolonialism? In this paper, a number of issues will be raised, namely the fundamental differences between the Hutu and Tutsi, the chronology of the conflicts between the two tribes, the spread of these problems into regional conflicts, investigating the causes, settlement methods, and post-conflict life in Rwanda. So that it concludes that it is true that there is ethnic politicization in Rwanda. The importance of this paper is to be a lesson for other regions of the world that experience the same problems and can offer options for methods of conflict resolution as has been done by Rwanda: reconciliation, accommodation, and the Gacaca system. These four methods require a long process and a sense of relief from each individual community to forgive the actions of their own neighbors who become murderers for their own neighbors. So it is important to make lessons for conflicts based on other ethnic differences.
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Valerian, Hizkia Fredo. "Perjumpaan dengan Yang Lain: Refleksi Filosofis terhadap Film “Hotel Rwanda” dari perspektif Etika menurut Emmanuel Levinas." Jurnal Ledalero 20, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v20i1.224.143-159.
Abstract:
<p>This article presents a philosophical reflection on the story of Hotel Rwanda’s film from the Ethic’s perspective of Emmanuel Levinas. Hotel Rwanda’s Film tells a story about the conflict between two of Rwanda’s native tribes, Hutu and Tutsi, that highlighting violence and genocide as the impact of the racial discrimination paradigm. By analyzing some events that were pictures from the film, I saw that two interesting ideas to reflect by Levinas’ Ethic perspective. First, about the dangerous tendency of totality by stigmatizing other people by ideas. And the second is the philosophical idea regards to the meaning of encountering the face of the other, as the basis of responsibility to the other man. In that way, Hotel Rwanda’s film can be presenting a relevant illustration for some core on Levinas’ thought that focusing on the ethical problem concerning justice and humanity</p><p>Keywords: Hutu, Tutsi, Genocide, The Face, <em>The other, </em>Ethics.</p>
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Dumas, Hélène. "When children remember: A history of the Tutsi genocide through the eyes of children (1994–2006)." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 910 (April 2019): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000171.
Abstract:
AbstractDrawing on a corpus of accounts written by survivor children in 2006, this article looks at the Tutsi genocide through the eyes of children, enabling us to see the radical social and emotional transgressions of 1994 from a new angle. As members of society and prime targets of the genocide, these children tell how the world of their childhood was turned upside-down, through the unique intensity of their own words. An idealized “before”, inhabited by the beloved characters of their parents, brothers and sisters, is brutally swept away as everything they have known becomes inverted. Forced to watch killings and cruelty, they adopt survival strategies that show how thoroughly they understand the radical nature of what is unfolding. An extreme distrust of adults will forever mark these children – now orphans – who still live in “the time of the genocide”.
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Laws, Meghan C. "Recycled rhetoric: examining continuities in political rhetoric as a resilience strategy in pre-independence and post-genocide Rwanda." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 2 (June 2021): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000069.
Abstract:
AbstractSeen as one of Africa's most visionary and enlightened autocrats, Paul Kagame's presidency is often contrasted with the violence and ethnocentrism of his discredited predecessors. Drawing on rarely analysed primary sources, this article disputes this simplified narrative by revealing striking continuities in the ruling elite's rhetorical repertoire in the late colonial period (1956–1959) and present-day Rwanda. Both then and now, rhetorical calls to remove ethnic labels from public discourse in the name of national unity are key resilience strategies designed to shape regime relations with domestic and international audiences in ways that reinforce power concentration by a small (largely Tutsi) elite. Changes in the distribution of power and the scale of anti-Tutsi violence (most notably in 1994) help explain why a similar rhetorical strategy failed to prevent the dismantling of the Tutsi oligarchy in 1961 while strengthening its contemporary counterpart.
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Barnett, Victoria. "I. Teaching and Theologizing about Religion and Genocide: Some Reflections." Horizons 47, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2020.50.
Abstract:
A quarter of a century has passed since the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and the 1995 genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The anniversaries of these tragedies beckon us to reflect on the responsibility of theologians, scholars of religion, and religious educators to confront genocide. How should scholars use the tools of these disciplines to educate about genocide responsibly and promote peace and respect for human dignity and rights in the wake of such tragedy? How might they utilize their intellectual, spiritual, and material resources to help prevent violent extremism and genocide? Four scholars who have profoundly engaged these questions in their academic work generously agreed to contribute to this roundtable. One of them writes directly from his context of Rwanda, while another writes from her homeland in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The two scholars based in the United States have also systematically confronted the problem of ethnic and religious hatred and genocide, focusing on the Holocaust and the Bosnian genocide, respectively. All four contributors serve as remarkable examples of theologians and scholars of religion who have used their training and skills to promote a world where “never again” is not merely a slogan.
40
Ordóñez-Carabaño, Ángela, and María Prieto-Ursúa. "Forgiving a Genocide: Reconciliation Processes between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, no. 5 (June 2021): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211020438.
Abstract:
The purpose of this research was to study the interviewees’ experience of their reconciliation process and the influence of the Amataba Workshops on their healing process. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with five pairs ( N = 10) of Tutsi survivors of the Rwandan genocide and their perpetrators, members of the Hutu majority; they had all participated in an intervention to promote reconciliation. The Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) method was chosen to study the transcripts. Analysis resulted in nine main relevant categories that should be taken into account while designing a reconciliation-oriented intervention, including truth, listening to each other, justice, repairing the damage, and collaboration on joint projects. The results of this research show how these processes can occur when reconciliation-oriented interventions are facilitated. For some interviewees, these workshops have become a crucial turning point and helped them set aside the hatred and pain.
41
Diop, Boubacar Boris. "Denial Through Silence… (Africa Faced with the Genocide of the Tutsi)." Contemporary French and Francophone Studies 20, no. 2 (March 14, 2016): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17409292.2016.1144913.
42
Persad, Sian, and Cheng Xu. "The Social Determinants of Health and Genocide: Towards a Public Health Integrated Framework of Genocide and Mass Violence." Genocide Studies and Prevention 17, no. 2 (November 2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.17.2.1938.
Abstract:
This paper makes a normative argument about transformations of public health as a necessary condition required in any transitional justice process. We seek to bridge the gap between the fields of genocide and public health to understand the recursive relationship between genocide and the social determinants of health. We show that structures and institutions established during genocide create enduring impacts on the public health outcomes of victim and survivor groups even after the ousting of the original perpetrators. Our comparative analysis of the Rwandan Genocide and the colonial genocide of Indigenous communities in Canada surveys the available public health literature and argues that perpetrators of genocide deliberately design public health systems for the explicit purposes of destroying target communities over the longue durée. When these systems are insufficiently transformed, post-genocide societies face significant barriers to transitional justice and reconciliation as a direct result of their impacts on survivor communities. In Rwanda, delayed addressal of the HIV/AIDS epidemic engineered by the Hutu Power regime continued to victimize Tutsi women decades after the mass killings have ended; in Canada, legacies of family separation and the Indian Residential School system have straddled Indigenous communities with high rates of comorbidities and early death consistent with colonial genocide policies.
43
Des Forges, Alison. "The Ideology of Genocide." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 44–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502029.
Abstract:
Mobilizing thousands of Rwandans to slaughter tens of thousands of others required effective organization. Far from the “Failed State” syndrome that appears to plague some parts of Africa, Rwanda was too successful as a state. Extremists used its administrative apparatus, its military, and its party organizations to carry out a “cottage-industry” genocide that reached out to all levels of the population and produced between five hundred thousand and one million victims. Those with state power used their authority to force action from those reluctant to kill. They also offered attractive incentives to people who are very poor, giving license to loot and promising them the land and businesses of the victims. In some cases, local officials even decided ahead of time the disposition of the most attractive items of movable property. Everyone knew who had a refrigerator, a plush sofa, a radio, and assailants were guaranteed their rewards before attacking. But even with the powerful levers of threat and bribe, officials could not have succeeded so well had people not been prepared to hate and fear the Tutsi.
44
Dewi, Marisa Santi, and Mundi Rahayu. "Rwandan Genocide Conflict Represented in the Novel “Led by Faith”." Jurnal Pembelajaran Sastra 2, no. 01 (November 29, 2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.51543/hiskimalang.v2i01.35.
Abstract:
This study discusses the ethnic conflict in the Rwandan genocide in the novel Led by Faith: Rising from The Ashes of Rwandan Genocide written by Immaculée Ilibagiza. The novel is set in Rwanda, the country that was known as the place of the fastest killing in the world history, within 100 days killed more than 800.000 people. This novel is based on the author’s experience in surviving from the Rwandan genocide. Therefore, it is interesting to discuss how the author represented the genocide in the novel. This study applied conflict theory by Dahrendorf which focus on four aspect: Two aspects of society (conflict and consensus), power and authority, the groups involved in the conflict, and conflict and social change. The data are taken from the novel Led by Faith by using descriptive analysis techniques. The study reveals that the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi ethnics was represented as the power dynamics among the authorities. The conflict influenced the social change and social structure of the Rwandan society.
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Rudahindwa, Susan, Léon Mutesa, Eugene Rutembesa, Jean Mutabaruka, Annie Qu, Derek E. Wildman, Stefan Jansen, and Monica Uddin. "Transgenerational effects of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda: A post-traumatic stress disorder symptom domain analysis." AAS Open Research 1 (April 18, 2018): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/aasopenres.12848.1.
Abstract:
Background: A number of studies have investigated transgenerational effects of parental post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and its repercussions for offspring. Few studies however, have looked at this issue in the African context. Methods: The present study addresses this gap, utilizing confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), to investigate symptom severity within the three Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV (DSM-IV) PTSD symptom domains in mothers exposed to the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda (n=25) and offspring (n=25), and an ethnically matched control group of mothers (n=25) and offspring (n=25) who were outside of Rwanda during the genocide. All mothers were pregnant during the time of the genocide with the offspring included in the study. Missing data were excluded from the analyses. Results: We found that among the three symptom domains of PTSD, the re-experiencing symptom domain loaded most strongly onto PTSD among mothers directly exposed to the genocide (Beta = 0.95). In offspring of exposed mothers, however, the three symptom domains of PTSD yielded almost equal loading values (Beta range = 0.84-0.86). Conversely, among non-exposed mothers and their offspring, the hyperarousal symptom domain of PTSD loaded most strongly onto PTSD (Beta = 1.00, Beta = 0.94, respectively). As a secondary analysis, we also explored the relation between DNA methylation in the glucocorticoid receptor (NR3C1) locus, an important stress modulating gene, and individual PTSD symptom domains, finding a strong association between DNA methylation and re-experiencing among genocide-exposed mothers that exceeded any other observed associations by approximately two-fold. Conclusions: This is the first report, to our knowledge, of a symptom-based analysis of transgenerational transmission of PTSD in Africa. These findings can be leveraged to inform further mechanistic and treatment research for PTSD.
46
Korman, Rémi. "Mobilising the dead? The place of bones and corpses in the commemoration of the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (2015): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.1.2.6.
Abstract:
Representations of Rwanda have been shaped by the display of bodies and bones at Tutsi genocide memorial sites. This phenomenon is most often only studied from the perspective of moral dimensions. This article aims in contrast to cover the issues related to the treatment of human remains in Rwanda for commemorative purposes from a historical perspective. To this end, it is based on the archives of the commissions in charge of genocide memory in Rwanda, as well as interviews with key memorial actors. This study shows the evolution of memorial practices since 1994 and the hypermateriality of bodies in their use as symbols, as well as their demobilisation for the purposes of reconciliation policies.
47
Palmer, Nicola. "Immigration trials and international crimes: Expressing justice and performing race." Theoretical Criminology 25, no. 3 (April 19, 2021): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13624806211009157.
Abstract:
This article examines the performative collisions between the wrong of genocide and the invocation of this international crime as a means to secure carceral control of borders. Drawing on courtroom observations, legal transcripts and the media coverage of an immigration trial in the United States, the article explores the performative relationship between international criminal law and immigration law. It argues that this relationship helped to construct and racialize the category of the ‘criminalized migrant’ while establishing the perceived ‘civility’ of criminal law as a primary means of enacting domestic border control. While race was never made explicit in the trial, it emerged in a fractured but significant way, as the horror of the Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi reinforced the wrong of violating immigration law.
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Beloff, Jonathan R. "Rwandan Perceptions of Jews, Judaism, and Israel." Journal of Religion in Africa 52, no. 3-4 (September 7, 2022): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340230.
Abstract:
Abstract Religious studies of Rwanda typically focus on Christianity’s involvement before, during, and after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, also referred to as the Rwandan Genocide. Rwanda’s postgenocide reconstruction has witnessed new and changing political and social commitments by previously established religious organisations such as the Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Adventist Churches. The Rwandan government has taken a more progressive stance on divisions of power and religious institutions, and the promotion of religious freedoms that has benefitted the domestic Muslim population. This essay examines how Judaism, a previously unknown religion in the region, is impacting Rwandan identity formation. Jewish identity is increasingly being tied to the nation’s own reconstructed identity, with a strong focus on historical persecution, rebuilding after genocide, and development. This essay suggests that Rwandan identity and religious studies should include the ever-growing ties with Jews and Israel to better understand its political and social reconstruction since 1994.
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Geraghty, Mark Anthony. "Gacaca, Genocide, Genocide Ideology: The Violent Aftermaths of Transitional Justice in the New Rwanda." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (July 2020): 588–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000183.
Abstract:
AbstractThis article investigates the violent aftermaths of Rwanda's 1994 Genocide and Liberation war by analyzing its Gacaca Courts, which framed themselves as a “traditional” mechanism of transitional justice. These specialized genocide tribunals, in operation between 2002 and 2012, authorized laypersons to sentence their neighbors to up to life in prison. They passed judgment on almost two million cases, at an official conviction rate of 86 percent. I argue that through their practice, “genocide” came to be constituted as a crime whose contours extended far beyond the boundaries of any international legal definition. It included a wide range of acts, utterances, and inner states, as potentially infinite manifestations of a boundless criminal interiority named “genocide ideology,” the necessary ‘driving force’ behind acts of genocide. Within Gacaca, genocide ideology was constituted as the continuing destructive potential of Hutu to menace or even disrespect innocent Tutsi, who were constituted as metonymic of the “new” state. The paranoid hermeneutics of those trials led them to project such an interiority within ‘others,’ imagined as constantly on the verge of erupting into insurrectionary violence, threatening the state's very foundation. The figure of the “Hutu” was transformed into a negative political category operating as a spectral threat haunting the New Rwanda. Gacaca led to a realization throughout the vast population that it marked as “Hutu” that the crime of genocide could potentially inhabit any and perhaps even all of them, thereby producing a generalized fear and pervasive silence.
50
Longman, Timothy. "Twenty Years after Leave None to Tell the Story, What Do We Now Know about the Genocide of the Tutsi In Rwanda?" Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.042.
Abstract:
In 1999, Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) published an extensive account of genocide in Rwanda, Leave None to Tell the Story. Based on interviews and archival work conducted by a team of researchers and written primarily by Alison Des Forges, Leave None to Tell was quickly recognised as the definitive account of the 1994 genocide. In the ensuing two decades, however, much additional research has added to our understanding of the 1994 violence. In this paper, I assess Leave None to Tell the Story in light of the research conducted since its publication, focusing in particular on three major challenges to the analysis. First, research into the organisation of the genocide disputes the degree to which it was planned in advance. Second, micro-level research into the motivations of those who participated disputes the influence of ideology on the genocide. Third, research has provided increasing evidence and details of violence perpetrated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). I contend that despite these correctives, much of the analysis continues to hold up, such as the role of national figures in promoting genocide at the local level, the impact of the dynamics of local power struggles on the violence, and the patterns of violence, including the effort after the initial massacres to implicate a wide portion of the population. Finally, as a member of the team that researched and helped write Leave None to Tell, I reflect on the value of this rare sort of research project that engages human rights organisations in an academic research project.