Academic literature on the topic 'Génie de la Bastille (Paris, France)'

AbstractDuring the French Revolution, the Bastille prison had become synonymous with abuses of power and government secrecy. The Paris police had long exercised secrecy in its operations, but in the eighteenth century, they became a target of the revolutionaries as the most visible arm of a government that was seen as opaque but intrusive. Both the growing power of the modernising state and the rise of public opinion in this period contributed to changing attitudes towards government secrecy and to the valorisation of transparency in the political culture of the Revolution.

Dans son livre, “Le génie de la France : le vrai sens de la laïcité” Abdennour Bidar s’interroge sur la valeur républicaine de la fraternité et pose une question très actuelle : comment définir notre identité française ? Il démontre au fil des pages que la laïcité n’est pas seulement un cadre qui permettrait de “ne pas se taper dessus” entre croyants et non-croyants ou de permettre à différentes religions de coexister parmi les athées. Non, la laïcité selon lui, c’est beaucoup plus que cela. Elle est comme “un temple vide” dont l’espace inoccupé ne serait pas synonyme de néant mais au contraire une sorte de vacuité féconde. Il voit dans l’idée française de laïcité une spiritualité qui pourrait être comparée au concept du “divin absent” des religions orientales et extrême-orientales comme par exemple le bouddhisme ou le taoïsme.

Reflecting upon the current situation of world cinema, one can hardly get away from the gloomy news and dark predictions hailing from all directions: decline of national productions and cinema culture in general, Hollywood domination, style homogenisation - in other words, the end of cinema, the Millennium... Occasionally, however, good news comes our way, too. This time from France - where the legendary Cinémathèque, founded in 1936 by Henri Langlois and currently housed in the Palais de Chaillot in Paris, will soon be moving to new premises in the 12th arrondissement (the former American Centre near Bercy), together with the Film library (BIFI) situated today near the Bastille. The Cinémathèque's new home, Maison du cinéma, designed in 1994 by the renowned architect Frank Gehry (he has built the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao) is supposed to receive its new tenant in the year 2000.Situated in a popular quarter now in a process...

After storming the Bastille on 14 July 1789, Joseph Arné had little time to take in the significance of his actions. Earlier that day, the twenty-something soldier from Franche-Comté had led a daring assault, neutralized several Swiss Guards with his bare hands, and supposedly disabled a cannon that was pointed at his charging comrades. As the sun set, Arné was greeted by throngs of cheering Parisians, who joined the young grenadier in patriotic songs, chants, and dancing. What Arné perhaps did not understand when he finally went to sleep that night was that he was about to become a theatrical star and a public figure. The next morning, Arné was back in the streets, this time “drawn through Paris in a triumphal chariot.” Several weeks later, he was portrayed as the protagonist in La Fête du grenadier, the first play dedicated to the July events, which premiered at the Théâtre de l'Ambigu on 3 September. That evening, the real-life Arné, and not the actor who was playing him, was “enthusiastically celebrated by the spectators and at the end of the piece went onstage to standing ovations.”

At a time when a trip abroad was out of the reach of most women, even if they could not make the journey, Australian women could imagine “abroad” just by reading popular women’s magazines such as Woman (later Woman’s Day and Home then Woman’s Day) and The Australian Women’s Weekly, and journals, such as The Progressive Woman and The Housewife. Increasingly in the post-war period, these magazines and journals contained advertisements for holidaying abroad, recipes for international foods and articles on overseas fashions. It was not unusual for local manufacturers, to use the lure of travel and exotic places as a way of marketing their goods. Healing Bicycles, for example, used the slogan “In Venice men go to work on Gondolas: In Australia it’s a Healing” (“Healing Cycles” 40), and Exotiq cosmetics featured landscapes of countries where Exotiq products had “captured the hearts of women who treasured their loveliness: Cincinnati, Milan, New York, Paris, Geneva and Budapest” (“Exotiq Cosmetics” 36).Unlike Homer’s Penelope, who stayed at home for twenty years waiting for Odysseus to return from the Trojan wars, women have always been on the move to the same extent as men. Their rich travel stories (Riggal, Haysom, Lancaster)—mostly written as letters and diaries—remain largely unpublished and their experiences are not part of the public record to the same extent as the travel stories of men. Ros Pesman argues that the women traveller’s voice was one of privilege and authority full of excitement and disbelief (Pesman 26). She notes that until well into the second part of the twentieth century, “the journey for Australian women to Europe was much more than a return to the sources of family identity and history” (19). It was also:a pilgrimage to the centres and sites of culture, literature and history and an encounter with “the real world.”Europe, and particularly London,was also the place of authority and reference for all those seeking accreditation and recognition, whether as real writers, real ladies or real politicians and statesmen. (19)This article is about two Australian writers; Helen Seager, a journalist employed by The Argus, a daily newspaper in Melbourne Australia, and Gwen Hughes, a graduate of Emily McPherson College of Domestic Economy in Melbourne, working in England as a lecturer, demonstrator and cookbook writer for Parkinsons’ Stove Company. Helen Seager travelled to England on an assignment for The Argus in 1950 and sent articles each day for publication in the women’s section of the newspaper. Gwen Hughes travelled extensively in the Balkans in the 1930s recording her impressions, observations, and recipes for traditional foods whilst working for Parkinsons in England. These women were neither returning to the homeland for an encounter with the real world, nor were they there as cultural tourists in the Cook’s Tour sense of the word. They were professional writers and their observations about the places they visited offer fresh and lively versions of England and Europe, its people, places, and customs.Helen SeagerAustralian Journalist Helen Seager (1901–1981) wrote a daily column, Good Morning Ma’am in the women’s pages of The Argus, from 1947 until shortly after her return from abroad in 1950. Seager wrote human interest stories, often about people of note (Golding), but with a twist; a Baroness who finds knitting exciting (Seager, “Baroness” 9) and ballet dancers backstage (Seager, “Ballet” 10). Much-loved by her mainly female readership, in May 1950 The Argus sent her to England where she would file a daily report of her travels. Whilst now we take travel for granted, Seager was sent abroad with letters of introduction from The Argus, stating that she was travelling on a special editorial assignment which included: a certificate signed by the Lord Mayor of The City of Melbourne, seeking that any courtesies be extended on her trip to England, the Continent, and America; a recommendation from the Consul General of France in Australia; and introductions from the Premier’s Department, the Premier of Victoria, and Austria’s representative in Australia. All noted the nature of her trip, her status as an esteemed reporter for a Melbourne newspaper, and requested that any courtesy possible to be made to her.This assignment was an indication that The Argus valued its women readers. Her expenses, and those of her ten-year-old daughter Harriet, who accompanied her, were covered by the newspaper. Her popularity with her readership is apparent by the enthusiastic tone of the editorial article covering her departure. Accompanied with a photograph of Seager and Harriet boarding the aeroplane, her many women readers were treated to their first ever picture of what she looked like:THOUSANDS of "Argus" readers, particularly those in the country, have wanted to know what Helen Seager looks like. Here she is, waving good-bye as she left on the first stage of a trip to England yesterday. She will be writing her bright “Good Morning, Ma'am” feature as she travels—giving her commentary on life abroad. (The Argus, “Goodbye” 1)Figure 1. Helen Seager and her daughter Harriet board their flight for EnglandThe first article “From Helen in London” read,our Helen Seager, after busy days spent exploring England with her 10-year-old daughter, Harriet, today cabled her first “Good Morning, Ma’am” column from abroad. Each day from now on she will report from London her lively impressions in an old land, which is delightfully new to her. (Seager, “From Helen” 3)Whilst some of her dispatches contain the impressions of the awestruck traveller, for the most they are exquisitely observed stories of the everyday and the ordinary, often about the seemingly most trivial of things, and give a colourful, colonial and egalitarian impression of the places that she visits. A West End hair-do is described, “as I walked into that posh looking establishment, full of Louis XV, gold ornateness to be received with bows from the waist by numerous satellites, my first reaction was to turn and bolt” (Seager, “West End” 3).When she visits Oxford’s literary establishments, she is, for this particular article, the awestruck Australian:In Oxford, you go around saying, soto voce and aloud, “Oh, ye dreaming spires of Oxford.” And Matthew Arnold comes alive again as a close personal friend.In a weekend, Ma’am, I have seen more of Oxford than lots of native Oxonians. I have stood and brooded over the spit in Christ Church College’s underground kitchens on which the oxen for Henry the Eighth were roasted.I have seen the Merton Library, oldest in Oxford, in which the chains that imprisoned the books are still to be seen, and have added by shoe scrape to the stone steps worn down by 500 years of walkers. I have walked the old churches, and I have been lost in wonder at the goodly virtues of the dead. And then, those names of Oxford! Holywell, Tom’s Quad, Friars’ Entry, and Long Wall. The gargoyles at Magdalen and the stones untouched by bombs or war’s destruction. It adds a new importance to human beings to know that once, if only, they too have walked and stood and stared. (Seager, “From Helen” 3)Her sense of wonder whilst in Oxford is, however, moderated by the practicalities of travel incorporated into the article. She continues to describe the warnings she was given, before her departure, of foreign travel that had her alarmed about loss and theft, and the care she took to avoid both. “It would have made you laugh, Ma’am, could you have seen the antics to protect personal property in the countries in transit” (Seager, “From Helen” 3).Her description of a trip to Blenheim Palace shows her sense of fun. She does not attempt to describe the palace or its contents, “Blenheim Palace is too vast and too like a great Government building to arouse much envy,” settling instead on a curiosity should there be a turn of events, “as I surged through its great halls with a good-tempered, jostling mob I couldn’t help wondering what those tired pale-faced guides would do if the mob mood changed and it started on an old-fashioned ransack.” Blenheim palace did not impress her as much as did the Sunday crowd at the palace:The only thing I really took a fancy to were the Venetian cradle, which was used during the infancy of the present Duke and a fine Savvonerie carpet in the same room. What I never wanted to see again was the rubbed-fur collar of the lady in front.Sunday’s crowd was typically English, Good tempered, and full of Cockney wit, and, if you choose to take your pleasures in the mass, it is as good a company as any to be in. (Seager, “We Look” 3)In a description of Dublin and the Dubliners, Seager describes the food-laden shops: “Butchers’ shops leave little room for customers with their great meat carcasses hanging from every hook. … English visitors—and Dublin is awash with them—make an orgy of the cakes that ooze real cream, the pink and juicy hams, and the sweets that demand no points” (Seager, “English” 6). She reports on the humanity of Dublin and Dubliners, “Dublin has a charm that is deep-laid. It springs from the people themselves. Their courtesy is overlaid with a real interest in humanity. They walk and talk, these Dubliners, like Kings” (ibid.).In Paris she melds the ordinary with the noteworthy:I had always imagined that the outside of the Louvre was like and big art gallery. Now that I know it as a series of palaces with courtyards and gardens beyond description in the daytime, and last night, with its cleverly lighted fountains all aplay, its flags and coloured lights, I will never forget it.Just now, down in the street below, somebody is packing the boot of a car to go for, presumably, on a few days’ jaunt. There is one suitcase, maybe with clothes, and on the footpath 47 bottles of the most beautiful wines in the world. (Seager, “When” 3)She writes with a mix of awe and ordinary:My first glimpse of that exciting vista of the Arc de Triomphe in the distance, and the little bistros that I’ve always wanted to see, and all the delights of a new city, […] My first day in Paris, Ma’am, has not taken one whit from the glory that was London. (ibid.) Figure 2: Helen Seager in ParisIt is my belief that Helen Seager intended to do something with her writings abroad. The articles have been cut from The Argus and pasted onto sheets of paper. She has kept copies of the original reports filed whist she was away. The collection shows her insightful egalitarian eye and a sharp humour, a mix of awesome and commonplace.On Bastille Day in 1950, Seager wrote about the celebrations in Paris. Her article is one of exuberant enthusiasm. She writes joyfully about sirens screaming overhead, and people in the street, and looking from windows. Her article, published on 19 July, starts:Paris Ma’am is a magical city. I will never cease to be grateful that I arrived on a day when every thing went wrong, and watched it blossom before my eyes into a gayness that makes our Melbourne Cup gala seem funeral in comparison.Today is July 14.All places of business are closed for five days and only the places of amusement await the world.Parisians are tireless in their celebrations.I went to sleep to the music of bands, dancing feet and singing voices, with the raucous but cheerful toots from motors splitting the night air onto atoms. (Seager, “When” 3)This article resonates uneasiness. How easily could those scenes of celebration on Bastille Day in 1950 be changed into the scenes of carnage on Bastille Day 2016, the cheerful toots of the motors transformed into cries of fear, the sirens in the sky from aeroplanes overhead into the sirens of ambulances and police vehicles, as a Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel, as part of a terror attack drives a truck through crowds of people celebrating in Nice.Gwen HughesGwen Hughes graduated from Emily Macpherson College of Domestic Economy with a Diploma of Domestic Science, before she travelled to England to take up employment as senior lecturer and demonstrator of Parkinson’s England, a company that manufactured electric and gas stoves. Hughes wrote in her unpublished manuscript, Balkan Fever, that it was her idea of making ordinary cooking demonstration lessons dramatic and homelike that landed her the job in England (Hughes, Balkan 25-26).Her cookbook, Perfect Cooking, was produced to encourage housewives to enjoy cooking with their Parkinson’s modern cookers with the new Adjusto temperature control. The message she had to convey for Parkinsons was: “Cooking is a matter of putting the right ingredients together and cooking them at the right temperature to achieve a given result” (Hughes, Perfect 3). In reality, Hughes used this cookbook as a vehicle to share her interest in and love of Continental food, especially food from the Balkans where she travelled extensively in the 1930s.Recipes of Continental foods published in Perfect Cooking sit seamlessly alongside traditional British foods. The section on soup, for example, contains recipes for Borscht, a very good soup cooked by the peasants of Russia; Minestrone, an everyday Italian soup; Escudella, from Spain; and Cream of Spinach Soup from France (Perfect 22-23). Hughes devoted a whole chapter to recipes and descriptions of Continental foods labelled “Fascinating Foods From Far Countries,” showing her love and fascination with food and travel. She started this chapter with the observation:There is nearly as much excitement and romance, and, perhaps fear, about sampling a “foreign dish” for the “home stayer” as there is in actually being there for the more adventurous “home leaver”. Let us have a little have a little cruise safe within the comfort of our British homes. Let us try and taste the good things each country is famed for, all the while picturing the romantic setting of these dishes. (Hughes, Perfect 255)Through her recipes and descriptive passages, Hughes took housewives in England and Australia into the strange and wonderful kitchens of exotic women: Madame Darinka Jocanovic in Belgrade, Miss Anicka Zmelova in Prague, Madame Mrskosova at Benesova. These women taught her to make wonderful-sounding foods such as Apfel Strudel, Knedlikcy, Vanilla Kipfel and Christmas Stars. “Who would not enjoy the famous ‘Goose with Dumplings,’” she declares, “in the company of these gay, brave, thoughtful people with their romantic history, their gorgeously appareled peasants set in their richly picturesque scenery” (Perfect 255).It is Hughes’ unpublished manuscript Balkan Fever, written in Melbourne in 1943, to which I now turn. It is part of the Latrobe Heritage collection at the State Library of Victoria. Her manuscript was based on her extensive travels in the Balkans in the 1930s whilst she lived and worked in England, and it was, I suspect, her intention to seek publication.In her twenties, Hughes describes how she set off to the Balkans after meeting a fellow member of the Associated Country Women of the World (ACWW) at the Royal Yugoslav Legation. He was an expert on village life in the Balkans and advised her, that as a writer she would get more information from the local villagers than she would as a tourist. Hughes, who, before television gave cooking demonstrations on the radio, wrote, “I had been writing down recipes and putting them in books for years and of course the things one talks about over the air have to be written down first—that seemed fair enough” (Hughes, Balkan 25-26). There is nothing of the awestruck traveller in Hughes’ richly detailed observations of the people and the places that she visited. “Travelling in the Balkans is a very different affair from travelling in tourist-conscious countries where you just leave it to Cooks. You must either have unlimited time at your disposal, know the language or else have introductions that will enable the right arrangements to be made for you” (Balkan 2), she wrote. She was the experiential tourist, deeply immersed in her surroundings and recording food culture and society as it was.Hughes acknowledged that she was always drawn away from the cities to seek the real life of the people. “It’s to the country district you must go to find the real flavour of a country and the heart of its people—especially in the Balkans where such a large percentage of the population is agricultural” (Balkan 59). Her descriptions in Balkan Fever are a blend of geography, history, culture, national songs, folklore, national costumes, food, embroidery, and vivid observation of the everyday city life. She made little mention of stately homes or buildings. Her attitude to travel can be summed up in her own words:there are so many things to see and learn in the countries of the old world that, walking with eyes and mind wide open can be an immensely delightful pastime, even with no companion and nowhere to go. An hour or two spent in some unpretentious coffee house can be worth all the dinners at Quaglino’s or at The Ritz, if your companion is a good talker, a specialist in your subject, or knows something of the politics and the inner life of the country you are in. (Balkan 28)Rather than touring the grand cities, she was seduced by the market places with their abundance of food, colour, and action. Describing Sarajevo she wrote:On market day the main square is a blaze of colour and movement, the buyers no less colourful than the peasants who have come in from the farms around with their produce—cream cheese, eggs, chickens, fruit and vegetables. Handmade carpets hung up for sale against walls or from trees add their barbaric colour to the splendor of the scene. (Balkan 75)Markets she visited come to life through her vivid descriptions:Oh those markets, with the gorgeous colours, and heaped untidiness of the fruits and vegetables—paprika, those red and green peppers! Every kind of melon, grape and tomato contributing to the riot of colour. Then there were the fascinating peasant embroideries, laces and rich parts of old costumes brought in from the villages for sale. The lovely gay old embroideries were just laid out on a narrow carpet spread along the pavement or hung from a tree if one happened to be there. (Balkan 11)Perhaps it was her radio cooking shows that gave her the ability to make her descriptions sensorial and pictorial:We tasted luxurious foods, fish, chickens, fruits, wines, and liqueurs. All products of the country. Perfect ambrosial nectar of the gods. I was entirely seduced by the rose petal syrup, fragrant and aromatic, a red drink made from the petals of the darkest red roses. (Balkan 151)Ordinary places and everyday events are beautifully realised:We visited the cheese factory amongst other things. … It was curious to see in that far away spot such a quantity of neatly arranged cheeses in the curing chamber, being prepared for export, and in another room the primitive looking round balls of creamed cheese suspended from rafters. Later we saw trains of pack horses going over the mountains, and these were probably the bearers of these cheeses to Bitolj or Skoplje, whence they would be consigned further for export. (Balkan 182)ConclusionReading Seager and Hughes, one cannot help but be swept along on their travels and take part in their journeys. What is clear, is that they were inspired by their work, which is reflected in the way they wrote about the places they visited. Both sought out people and places that were, as Hughes so vividly puts it, not part of the Cook’s Tour. They travelled with their eyes wide open for experiences that were both new and normal, making their writing relevant even today. Written in Paris on Bastille Day 1950, Seager’s Bastille Day article is poignant when compared to Bastille Day in France in 2016. Hughes’s descriptions of Sarajevo are a far cry from the scenes of destruction in that city between 1992 and 1995. The travel writing of these two women offers us vivid impressions and images of the often unreported events, places, daily lives, and industry of the ordinary and the then every day, and remind us that the more things change, the more they stay the same.Pesman writes, “women have always been on the move and Australian women have been as numerous as passengers on the outbound ships as have men” (20), but the records of their travels seldom appear on the public record. Whilst their work-related writings are part of the public record (see Haysom; Lancaster; Riggal), this body of women’s travel writing has not received the attention it deserves. Hughes’ cookbooks, with their traditional Eastern European recipes and evocative descriptions of people and kitchens, are only there for the researcher who knows that cookbooks are a trove of valuable social and cultural material. Digital copies of Seager’s writing can be accessed on Trove (a digital repository), but there is little else about her or her body of writing on the public record.ReferencesThe Argus. “Goodbye Ma’am.” 26 May 1950: 1. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22831285?searchTerm=Goodbye%20Ma%E2%80%99am%E2%80%99&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.“Exotiq Cosmetics.” Advertisement. Woman 20 Aug. 1945: 36.Golding, Peter. “Just a Chattel of the Sale: A Mostly Light-Hearted Retrospective of a Diverse Life.” In Jim Usher, ed., The Argus: Life & Death of Newspaper. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing 2007.Haysom, Ida. Diaries and Photographs of Ida Haysom. <http://search.slv.vic.gov.au/MAIN:Everything:SLV_VOYAGER1637361>.“Healing Cycles.” Advertisement. Woman 27 Aug. 1945: 40. Hughes, Gwen. Balkan Fever. Unpublished Manuscript. State Library of Victoria, MS 12985 Box 3846/4. 1943.———. Perfect Cooking London: Parkinsons, c1940.Lancaster, Rosemary. Je Suis Australienne: Remarkable Women in France 1880-1945. Crawley WA: UWA Press, 2008.Pesman, Ros. “Overseas Travel of Australian Women: Sources in the Australian Manuscripts Collection of the State Library of Victoria.” The Latrobe Journal 58 (Spring 1996): 19-26.Riggal, Louie. (Louise Blanche.) Diary of Italian Tour 1905 February 21 - May 1. <http://search.slv.vic.gov.au/MAIN:Everything:SLV_VOYAGER1635602>.Seager, Helen. “Ballet Dancers Backstage.” The Argus 10 Aug. 1944: 10. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/11356057?searchTerm=Ballet%20Dancers%20Backstage&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=194>.———. “The Baroness Who Finds Knitting Exciting.” The Argus 1 Aug. 1944: 9. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/11354557?searchTerm=Helen%20seager%20Baroness&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=194>.———. “English Visitors Have a Food Spree in Eire.” The Argus 29 Sep. 1950: 6. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22912011?searchTerm=English%20visitors%20have%20a%20spree%20in%20Eire&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “From Helen in London.” The Argus 20 June 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22836738?searchTerm=From%20Helen%20in%20London&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “Helen Seager Storms Paris—Paris Falls.” The Argus 15 July 1950: 7.<http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22906913?searchTerm=Helen%20Seager%20Storms%20Paris%E2%80%99&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “We Look over Blenheim Palace.” The Argus 28 Sep. 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22902040?searchTerm=Helen%20Seager%20Its%20as%20a%20good%20a%20place%20as%20you%20would%20want%20to%20be&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “West End Hair-Do Was Fun.” The Argus 3 July 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22913940?searchTerm=West%20End%20hair-do%20was%20fun%E2%80%99&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.———. “When You Are in Paris on July 14.” The Argus 19 July 1950: 3. <http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/22906244?searchTerm=When%20you%20are%20in%20Paris%20on%20July%2014&searchLimits=l-title=13|||l-decade=195>.

What we wear signals our membership within groups, be theyorganised by gender, class, ethnicity or religion. Simultaneously our clothing signifies hierarchies and power relations that sustain dominant power structures. How we dress is an expression of our identity. For Veblen, how we dress expresses wealth and social stratification. In imitating the fashion of the wealthy, claims Simmel, we seek social equality. For Barthes, clothing is embedded with systems of meaning. For Hebdige, clothing has modalities of meaning depending on the wearer, as do clothes for gender (Davis) and for the body (Entwistle). For Maynard, “dress is a significant material practice we use to signal our cultural boundaries, social separations, continuities and, for the present purposes, political dissidences” (103). Clothing has played a central role in historical and contemporary forms of political dissent. During the French Revolution dress signified political allegiance. The “mandated costumes, the gold-braided coat, white silk stockings, lace stock, plumed hat and sword of the nobility and the sober black suit and stockings” were rejected as part of the revolutionary struggle (Fairchilds 423). After the storming of the Bastille the government of Paris introduced the wearing of the tricolour cockade, a round emblem made of red, blue and white ribbons, which was a potent icon of the revolution, and a central motif in building France’s “revolutionary community”. But in the aftermath of the revolution divided loyalties sparked power struggles in the new Republic (Heuer 29). In 1793 for example anyone not wearing the cockade was arrested. Specific laws were introduced for women not wearing the cockade or for wearing it in a profane manner, resulting in six years in jail. This triggered a major struggle over women’s abilities to exercise their political rights (Heuer 31).Clothing was also central to women’s political struggles in America. In the mid-nineteenth century, women began wearing the “reform dress”—pants with shortened, lightweight skirts in place of burdensome and restrictive dresses (Mas 35). The wearing of pants, or bloomers, challenged gender norms and demonstrated women’s agency. Women’s clothes of the period were an "identity kit" (Ladd Nelson 22), which reinforced “society's distinctions between men and women by symbolizing their natures, roles, and responsibilities” (Ladd Nelson 22, Roberts 555). Men were positioned in society as “serious, active, strong and aggressive”. They wore dark clothing that “allowed movement, emphasized broad chests and shoulders and presented sharp, definite lines” (Ladd Nelson 22). Conversely, women, regarded as “frivolous, inactive, delicate and submissive, dressed in decorative, light pastel coloured clothing which inhibited movement, accentuated tiny waists and sloping shoulders and presented an indefinite silhouette” (Ladd Nelson 22, Roberts 555). Women who challenged these dress codes by wearing pants were “unnatural, and a perversion of the “true” woman” (Ladd Nelson 22). For Crane, the adoption of men’s clothing by women challenged dominant values and norms, changing how women were seen in public and how they saw themselves. The wearing of pants came to “symbolize the movement for women's rights” (Ladd Nelson 24) and as with women in France, Victorian society was forced to consider “women's rights, including their right to choose their own style of dress” (Ladd Nelson 23). As Yangzom (623) puts it, clothing allows groups to negotiate boundaries. How the “embodiment of dress itself alters political space and civic discourse is imperative to understanding how resistance is performed in creating social change” (Yangzom 623). Fig. 1: 1850s fashion bloomersIn a different turn is presented in Mahatma Gandhi’s Khadi movement. Khadi is a term used for fabrics made on a spinning wheel (or charkha) or hand-spun and handwoven, usually from cotton fibre. Khadi is considered the “fabric of Indian independence” (Jain). Gandhi recognised the potential of the fabric to a self-reliant, independent India. Gandhi made the struggle for independence synonymous with khadi. He promoted the materials “simplicity as a social equalizer and made it the nation’s fabric” (Sinha). As Jain notes, clothing and in this case fabric, is a “potent sign of resistance and change”. The material also reflects consciousness and agency. Khadi was Gandhi’s “own sartorial choices of transformation from that of an Englishman to that of one representing India” (Jain). For Jain the “key to Khadi becoming a successful tool for the freedom struggle” was that it was a “material embodiment of an ideal” that “represented freedom from colonialism on the one hand and a feeling of self-reliance and economic self-sufficiency on the other”. Fig. 2: Gandhi on charkha The reappropriating of Khadi as a fabric of political dissent echoes the wearing of blue denim by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) at the 1963 National Mall Washington march where 250,000 people gather to hear Martin Luther King speak. The SNCC formed in 1960 and from then until the 1963 March on Washington they developed a “style aesthetic that celebrated the clothing of African American sharecroppers” (Ford 626). A critical aspect civil rights activism by African America women who were members of the SNCC was the “performance of respectability”. With the moral character of African American women under attack (as a way of delegitimising their political activities), the female activists “emphasized the outward display of their respectability in order to withstand attacks against their characters”. Their modest, neat “as if you were going to church” (Chappell 96) clothing choices helped them perform respectability and this “played an important performative role in the black freedom struggle” (Ford 626). By 1963 however African American female civil rights activists “abandoned their respectable clothes and processed hairstyles in order to adopt jeans, denim skirts, bib-and-brace overalls”. The adoption of bib-and-brace overalls reflected the sharecropper's blue denim overalls of America’s slave past.For Komar the blue denim overalls “dramatize[d] how little had been accomplished since Reconstruction” and the overalls were practical to fix from attack dog tears and high-pressure police hoses. The blue denim overalls, according to Komar, were also considered to be ‘Negro clothes’ purchased by “slave owners bought denim for their enslaved workers, partly because the material was sturdy, and partly because it helped contrast them against the linen suits and lace parasols of plantation families”. The clothing choice was both practical and symbolic. While the ‘sharecropper’ narrative is problematic as ‘traditional’ clothing (something not evident in the case of Ghandi’s Khandi Movement, there is an emotion associated with the clothing. As Barthes (6-7) has shown, what makes ‘traditional clothing,’ traditional is that it is part of a normative system where not only does clothing have its historical place, but it is governed by its rules and regimentation. Therefore, there is a dialectical exchange between the normative system and the act of dressing where as a link between the two, clothing becomes the conveyer of its meanings (7). Barthes calls this system, langue and the act of dressing parole (8). As Ford does, a reading of African American women wearing what she calls a “SNCC Skin” “the uniform [acts] consciously to transgress a black middle-class worldview that marginalised certain types of women and particular displays of blackness and black culture”. Hence, the SNCC women’s clothing represented an “ideological metamorphosis articulated through the embrace and projection of real and imagined southern, working-class, and African American cultures. Central to this was the wearing of the blue denim overalls. The clothing did more than protect, cover or adorn the body it was a conscious “cultural and political tool” deployed to maintain a movement and build solidarity with the aim of “inversing the hegemonic norms” via “collective representations of sartorial embodiment” (Yangzom 622).Fig. 3: Mississippi SNCC March Coordinator Joyce Ladner during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom political rally in Washington, DC, on 28 Aug. 1963Clothing in each of these historical examples performs an ideological function that can bridge, that is bring diverse members of society together for a cause, or community cohesion or clothing can act as a fence to keep identities separate (Barnard). This use of clothing is evident in two indigenous examples. For Maynard (110) the clothes worn at the 1988 Aboriginal ‘Long March of Freedom, Justice and Hope’ held in Australia signalled a “visible strength denoted by coherence in dress” (Maynard 112). Most noted was the wearing of colours – black, red and yellow, first thought to be adopted during protest marches organised by the Black Protest Committee during the 1982 Commonwealth Games in Brisbane (Watson 40). Maynard (110) describes the colour and clothing as follows:the daytime protest march was dominated by the colours of the Aboriginal people—red, yellow and black on flags, huge banners and clothing. There were logo-inscribed T-shirts, red, yellow and black hatband around black Akubra’s, as well as red headbands. Some T-shirts were yellow, with images of the Australian continent in red, others had inscriptions like 'White Australia has a Black History' and 'Our Land Our Life'. Still others were inscribed 'Mourn 88'. Participants were also in customary dress with body paint. Older Indigenous people wore head bands inscribed with the words 'Our Land', and tribal elders from the Northern Territory, in loin cloths, carried spears and clapping sticks, their bodies marked with feathers, white clay and red ochres. Without question, at this most significant event for Aboriginal peoples, their dress was a highly visible and cohesive aspect.Similar is the Tibetan Freedom Movement, a nonviolent grassroots movement in Tibet and among Tibet diaspora that emerged in 2008 to protest colonisation of Tibet. It is also known as the ‘White Wednesday Movement’. Every Wednesday, Tibetans wear traditional clothes. They pledge: “I am Tibetan, from today I will wear only Tibetan traditional dress, chuba, every Wednesday”. A chuba is a colourful warm ankle-length robe that is bound around the waist by a long sash. For the Tibetan Freedom Movement clothing “symbolically functions as a nonverbal mechanism of communication” to “materialise consciousness of the movement” and functions to shape its political aims (Yangzom 622). Yet, in both cases – Aboriginal and Tibet protests – the dress may “not speak to single cultural audience”. This is because the clothing is “decoded by those of different political persuasions, and [is] certainly further reinterpreted or reframed by the media” (Maynard 103). Nevertheless, there is “cultural work in creating a coherent narrative” (Yangzom 623). The narratives and discourse embedded in the wearing of a red, blue and white cockade, dark reform dress pants, cotton coloured Khadi fabric or blue denim overalls is likely a key feature of significant periods of political upheaval and dissent with the clothing “indispensable” even if the meaning of the clothing is “implied rather than something to be explicated” (Yangzom 623). On 21 January 2017, 250,000 women marched in Washington and more than two million protesters around the world wearing pink knitted pussy hats in response to the remarks made by President Donald Trump who bragged of grabbing women ‘by the pussy’. The knitted pink hats became the “embodiment of solidarity” (Wrenn 1). For Wrenn (2), protests such as this one in 2017 complete with “protest visuals” which build solidarity while “masking or excluding difference in the process” indicates “a tactical sophistication in the social movement space with its strategic negotiation of politics of difference. In formulating a flexible solidarity, the movement has been able to accommodate a variety of races, classes, genders, sexualities, abilities, and cultural backgrounds” (Wrenn 4). In doing so they presented a “collective bodily presence made publicly visible” to protest racist, sexist, homophobic, Islamophobic, and xenophobic white masculine power (Gokariksel & Smith 631). The 2017 Washington Pussy Hat March was more than an “embodiment tactic” it was an “image event” with its “swarms of women donning adroit posters and pink pussy hats filling the public sphere and impacting visual culture”. It both constructs social issues and forms public opinion hence it is an “argumentative practice” (Wrenn 6). Drawing on wider cultural contexts, as other acts of dissent note here do, in this protest with its social media coverage, the “master frame” of the sea of pink hats and bodies posited to audiences the enormity of the anger felt in the community over attacks on the female body – real or verbal. This reflects Goffman’s theory of framing to describe the ways in which “protestors actively seek to shape meanings such that they spark the public’s support and encourage political openings” (Wrenn 6). The hats served as “visual tropes” (Goodnow 166) to raise social consciousness and demonstrate opposition. Protest “signage” – as the pussy hats can be considered – are a visual representation and validation of shared “invisible thoughts and emotions” (Buck-Coleman 66) affirming Georg Simmel’s ideas about conflict; “it helps individuals define their differences, establish to which group(s) they belong, and determine the degrees to which groups are different from each other” (Buck-Coleman 66). The pink pussy hat helped define and determine membership and solidarity. Further embedding this was the hand-made nature of the hat. The pattern for the hat was available free online at https://www.pussyhatproject.com/knit/. The idea began as one of practicality, as it did for the reform dress movement. This is from the Pussy Hat Project website:Krista was planning to attend the Women’s March in Washington DC that January of 2017 and needed a cap to keep her head warm in the chill winter air. Jayna, due to her injury, would not be able to attend any of the marches, but wanted to find a way to have her voice heard in absentia and somehow physically “be” there. Together, a marcher and a non-marcher, they conceived the idea of creating a sea of pink hats at Women’s Marches everywhere that would make both a bold and powerful visual statement of solidarity, and also allow people who could not participate themselves – whether for medical, financial, or scheduling reasons — a visible way to demonstrate their support for women’s rights. (Pussy Hat Project)In the tradition of “craftivism” – the use of traditional handcrafts such as knitting, assisted by technology (in this case a website with the pattern and how to knit instructions), as a means of community building, skill-sharing and action directed towards “political and social causes” (Buszek & Robertson 197) –, the hand-knitted pink pussy hats avoided the need to purchase clothing to show solidarity resisting the corporatisation of protest clothing as cautioned by Naomi Klein (428). More so by wearing something that could be re-used sustained solidarity. The pink pussy hats provided a counter to the “incoherent montage of mass-produced clothing” often seen at other protests (Maynard 107). Everyday clothing however does have a place in political dissent. In late 2018, French working class and middle-class protestors donned yellow jackets to protest against the government of French President Emmanuel Macron. It began with a Facebook appeal launched by two fed-up truck drivers calling for a “national blockade” of France’s road network in protest against rising fuel prices was followed two weeks later with a post urging motorist to display their hi-vis yellow vests behind their windscreens in solidarity. Four million viewed the post (Henley). Weekly protests continued into 2019. The yellow his-vis vests are compulsorily carried in all motor cars in France. They are “cheap, readily available, easily identifiable and above all representing an obligation imposed by the state”. The yellow high-vis vest has “proved an inspired choice of symbol and has plainly played a big part in the movement’s rapid spread” (Henley). More so, the wearers of the yellow vests in France, with the movement spreading globally, are winning in “the war of cultural representation. Working-class and lower middle-class people are visible again” (Henley). Subcultural clothing has always played a role as heroic resistance (Evans), but the coloured dissent dressing associated with the red, blue and white ribboned cockades, the dark bloomers of early American feminists, the cotton coloured natural fabrics of Ghandi’s embodiment of resistance and independence, the blue denim sharecropper overalls worn by African American women in their struggles for civil rights, the black, red and orange of Aboriginal protestors in Australia and the White Wednesday performances of resistance undertaken by Tibetans against Chinese colonisation, the Washington Pink Pussy Hat marches for gender respect and equality and the donning of every yellow hi-vis vests by French protestors all posit the important role of fabric and colour in protest meaning making and solidarity building. It is in our rage we consciously wear the colours and fabrics of dissent dress. ReferencesBarnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. New York: Routledge, 1996. Barthes, Roland. “History and Sociology of Clothing: Some Methodological Observations.” The Language of Fashion. Eds. Michael Carter and Alan Stafford. UK: Berg, 2006. 3-19. Buck-Coleman, Audra. “Anger, Profanity, and Hatred.” Contexts 17.1 (2018): 66-73.Buszek, Maria Elena, and Kirsty Robertson. “Introduction.” Utopian Studies 22.1 (2011): 197-202. Chappell, Marisa, Jenny Hutchinson, and Brian Ward. “‘Dress Modestly, Neatly ... As If You Were Going to Church’: Respectability, Class and Gender in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Early Civil Rights Movement.” Gender and the Civil Rights Movement. Eds. Peter J. Ling and Sharon Monteith. New Brunswick, N.J., 2004. 69-100.Crane, Diana. Fashion and Its Social Agendas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. Davis, Fred. Fashion, Culture, and Identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.Entwistle, Joanne. The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress, and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000.Evans, Caroline. “Dreams That Only Money Can Buy ... Or the Shy Tribe in Flight from Discourse.” Fashion Theory 1.2 (1997): 169-88.Fairchilds, Cissie. “Fashion and Freedom in the French Revolution.” Continuity and Change 15.3 (2000): 419-33.Ford, Tanisha C. “SNCC Women, Denim, and the Politics of Dress.” The Journal of Southern History 79.3 (2013): 625-58.Gökarıksel, Banu, and Sara Smith. “Intersectional Feminism beyond U.S. Flag, Hijab and Pussy Hats in Trump’s America.” Gender, Place & Culture 24.5 (2017): 628-44.Goodnow, Trischa. “On Black Panthers, Blue Ribbons, & Peace Signs: The Function of Symbols in Social Campaigns.” Visual Communication Quarterly 13 (2006): 166-79.Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Routledge, 2002. Henley, Jon. “How Hi-Vis Yellow Vest Became Symbol of Protest beyond France: From Brussels to Basra, Gilets Jaunes Have Brought Visibility to People and Their Grievances.” The Guardian 21 Dec. 2018. <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/dec/21/how-hi-vis-yellow-vest-became-symbol-of-protest-beyond-france-gilets-jaunes>.Heuer, Jennifer. “Hats On for the Nation! Women, Servants, Soldiers and the ‘Sign of the French’.” French History 16.1 (2002): 28-52.Jain, Ektaa. “Khadi: A Cloth and Beyond.” Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal & Gandhi Research Foundation. ND. 19 Dec. 2018 <https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/khadi-a-cloth-and-beyond.html>. Klein, Naomi. No Logo. London: Flamingo, London, 2000. Komar, Marlen. “What the Civil Rights Movement Has to Do with Denim: The History of Blue Jeans Has Been Whitewashed.” 30 Oct. 2017. 19 Dec. 2018 <https://www.racked.com/2017/10/30/16496866/denim-civil-rights-movement-blue-jeans-history>.Ladd Nelson, Jennifer. “Dress Reform and the Bloomer.” Journal of American and Comparative Cultures 23.1 (2002): 21-25.Maynard, Margaret. “Dress for Dissent: Reading the Almost Unreadable.” Journal of Australian Studies 30.89 (2006): 103-12. Pussy Hat Project. “Design Interventions for Social Change.” 20 Dec. 2018. <https://www.pussyhatproject.com/knit/>.Roberts, Helene E. “The Exquisite Slave: The Role of Clothes in the Making of the Victorian Woman.” Signs (1977): 554-69.Simmel, Georg. “Fashion.” American Journal of Sociology 62 (1957): 541–58.Sinha, Sangita. “The Story of Khadi, India's Signature Fabric.” Culture Trip 2018. 18 Jan. 2019 <https://theculturetrip.com/asia/india/articles/the-story-of-khadi-indias-fabric/>.Yangzom, Dicky. “Clothing and Social Movements: Tibet and the Politics of Dress.” Social Movement Studies 15.6 (2016): 622-33. Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. New York: Dover Thrift, 1899. Watson, Lilla. “The Commonwealth Games in Brisbane 1982: Analysis of Aboriginal Protests.” Social Alternatives 7.1 (1988): 1-19.Wrenn, Corey. “Pussy Grabs Back: Bestialized Sexual Politics and Intersectional Failure in Protest Posters for the 2017 Women’s March.” Feminist Media Studies (2018): 1-19.

L'opéra "Samson et Dalila" de Saint-Saëns, monté par Pier Luigi Pizzi à l'opéra Bastille en 1991, nous sert d'exemple pour relever le lien qui existe entre l'histoire de l'art et l'opéra. Pizzi, décorateur et metteur en scène à la fois, se prête bien à ce genre d'étude : ses spectacles sont surtout portés vers les beaux-arts et, notamment, vers la peinture. Le thème de "l'image scénique" est donc le pivot de notre recherche. On a essayé de dégager des références culturelles (beaux-arts, musique, littérature, film, etc. ) qui ont ou auraient pu nourrir et composer l'image scénique. Notre choix, souvent subjectif, reste ouvert à l'imagination libre du lecteur, ce qui s'explique en outre par le fait que l'image scénique (en soi) est censée susciter des images mentales et virtuelles. L'image scénique présente un tableau d'ensemble dont les éléments divers ont été définis, voire aménagés différemment au fil des époques. Ici, on a examiné leur position dans l'ensemble de l'opéra et leurs rôles au carrefour de l'esthétique romantique et contemporaine en particulier, l'esthétique du chant a été surtout liée à la notion de l'âme et de la pensée à l'époque romantique; elle trouve aujourd'hui le corps comme vecteur (d'expression). Comment l'âme et le corps sont-ils alors rendus maintenant en fonction de l'image scénique, comment se traduisent et se définissent-ils à l'intérieur de la représentation scénique, voire à celui des institutions des arts ? Cette question nous amène à examiner l'identité des institutions lyriques de Paris, "l'opéra national de Paris" (la mise en scène de "Samson et Dalila" de Pizzi y fait largement allusion), leur relation entre elles et leur position au sein des institutions de l'art en général
The opera "Samson et Dalila" by Camille Saint-Saëns produced on stage by Pier Luigi Pizzi at the opera "Bastille" in 1991 served as an example for pointing out the link which exists between art history and opera. Pizzi, who is both stage designer and producer, offers an excellent example for this kind of study: his stage representations mainly turn toward the fine arts and especially toward painting. The subject of his stage design is the topic of our research. We tried therefore to determine the cultural references (fine arts, music, literature, film, etc. ) Which have been our could have been used for the stage design. Our choices, often personal, still are open to the free imagination of the reader, which may be explained by the fact that the stage design by itself is supposed to stimulate an imaginative response in the spectator. The stage design presents a composition of opera as a whole and also its part in crossing over between romantic and contemporary esthetics. Especially the esthetics of singing was linked to the idea of the "soul" and the "mind" in the romantic period. Today the "body" itself represents the means of expression. How now to render "soul" and "body" according to stage design ? How to translate and to define them in the context of stage representation, as well as in other institutions of art ? These questions lead to an analysis of the identity of the parisian opera houses such as the "national opera of paris" (the stage setting of "Samson et Dalila" by Pizzi widely referred to them), their relationships among themselves, and their position among art institutions in general

Les ouvrages de défense de Paris ayant fait cruellement défaut en 1814-1815, lors de l'invasion des troupes alliées, leurs construction est décidée en 1840 par Thiers, chef du gouvernement, sous le règne du roi Louis-Philippe. Ils sont réalisés de 1841- à 1846 et comportent une enceinte bastionnée constituée de 94 bastions et de 16 forts détachés. Cette enceinte, comme les forts était du type Vauban. Ce dispositif resta sans utilisation défensive jusqu'en 1870, date à laquelle éclata la guerre franco-prussienne. Ils étaient déjà obsolètes, face à la puissance de l'artillerie prussienne. D'ailleurs, l'ennemi n'a jamais véritablement attaqué la capitale, s'en contentant d'en faire le siège. Les deux sièges de Paris par les armées allemandes et versaillaises imposèrent brutalement le résultat des évolutions techniques depuis 1840. La nécessité d'un nouveau programme de fortifications s'imposait à l'esprit de tous les observateurs politiques et militaires. Un Comité de Défense, créé le 28 juillet 1872 élabora un programme de fortifications couvrant l'ensemble des frontières, en se basant sur les rapports établis par les inspecteurs du Génie. Les projets adoptés devaient beaucoup à leur rapporteur, le général Séré de Rivières qui fut nommé chef du Génie le 28 janvier 1874 et dirigea les travaux du camp retranché de Paris. Ce sont 18 forts, 5 redoutes ou réduits et 34 batteries qui furent construits entre 1874 et 1881. A peine terminés, les ouvrages de Séré de Rivières étaient périmés. La mise au point en 1885, d'un explosif nouveau, la mélinite, rendaient caduques toutes les fortifications existantes. Alors que les efforts de modernisation des forts se portaient surtout sur les lignes frontières comme le camp retranché de Verdun, Paris est délaissé, y compris les forts de la deuxième ceinture qui commençaient à dater. Toutefois, la réalisation du chemin de fer de Grande Ceinture permettait de relier les forts entre eux, ce qui facilitait le mouvement des troupes. Les enceintes de pierre et de terre dont Paris avait été doté ne sont plus d'actualité et un projet de loi concernant le déclassement d'une partie de l'enceinte de Paris est étudié. La ville de Paris propose en 1884 la destruction de l'enceinte urbaine. Des débats ont lieu mais pratiquement rien ne change jusqu'au moment où la guerre de 1914 éclate. Gallieni, gouverneur militaire de Paris fit entreprendre la mise en état de l'enceinte de Paris, sachant que la capitale n'était pas prête à recevoir le choc de l'ennemi. Ce fut avec un certain soulagement que Gallieni apprit par une reconnaissance aérienne, confirmée par la cavalerie que les allemands obliquaient vers le sud-est. Dans ces conditions, Paris cessait d'être menacé. La victoire de la Marne ne pouvait pas avoir pour conséquence immédiate de supprimer définitivement tout danger mais elle délivrait Paris d'une menace imminente
The defence of Paris was non-existent when allied army access to Paris in 1814-1815. Many discussions between civilians and military people take place between 1818 and 1836. After this period, outworks were decided by Thiers in 1840, he was Louis-Philippe ministry. The conception of defence was organized by a surrounding wall around Paris and 16 forts outside of the city. The technics were already decayed in front of German artillery. Anyway, the prussians never attack Paris but lay siege around Paris. The two sieges of paris imposed a technical evolution in the defence of the city. A new programm of fortress was decides and general Séré de Rivieres, in charge of sappers managed the projects. From 1874 to 1881, it was built 18 outworks, 5 redoubts and 34 batteries around Paris. Just finished, these constructions were already out-of-date. In 1885, a new explosive called "Melinite" broken down all walls without beton. A projetc was studied for pulling down the old wall of the city. But the war of 1914 started and nothing happens. Gallieni? General governer of paris decided to retore the outworks because Paris was again in danger. By chance, the german army move in the south-east direction and in this position, Paris was safe

Il s'agit des gens embastillés pour délit de librairie des années 1750-1789. Dans la première partie, 360 personnes sont étudiées avec les archives de la Bastille: elles représentent 62 libraires et imprimeurs, 27 compagnons-imprimeurs, 21 colporteurs, 5 relieurs, un imprimeur en taille-douce, 32 nouvellistes, 111 auteurs et 101 distributeurs. En tant que fabricants et commerçants, les gens de métier et les distributeurs sans qualité à la bastille sont presque victimes de l'ancien régime du livre fondé sur le privilège. Ils sont plutôt "vairons" que "carpes", c'est-à-dire mineurs de la communauté des gens du livre. Comme la source des mauvaises attitudes, les nouvellistes et les auteurs sont aussi mineurs dans la république des lettres, parce que les grands philosophes comme voltaire, Diderot et Rousseau quittent prudemment Paris pour échapper à la prison après avoir lancé l'écrit scandaleux. D'après les activités de ces prisonniers, on constate donc un phénomène du mouvement philosophique sur le plan à la fois économique et idéologique. Dans la deuxième partie, l'étude des livres interdits puisée dans une source policière concernant leur pilon complète celle des embastillés. Elle renseigne sur les marchandises illégales et leur contenu. À travers ce dernier, on constate le changement du gout des lecteurs. Comme on le sait bien, à la fin du dix-septième siècle, la police a saisi les produits dont plus d'une moitié sont de caractère théologique. Mais, le 14 juillet 1789, les vainqueurs de la bastille ont trouvé à son dépôt d'archives une collection d'imprimés saisis dont sur dix titres sept concernent l'histoire et les belles lettres qui n'atteignent que 17% au crépuscule du siècle précèdent. Au total, cette étude a pour but de comprendre le monde du livre à la fin d'ancien régime à travers les activités des prisonniers de librairie et le contenu philosophique des livres prohibés

La période qui s'étend de 1750 à 1830 voit en Europe la mise en place d'une nouvelle physique qui se caractérise surtout par la mise en mathématique de phénomènes comme la chaleur et l'électricité, par la prise en compte de l'état gazeux et des quantités impondérables et par la création de la cristallographie qui se sépare avec la chimie de l'histoire naturelle. Cette physique s'enseigne, et jamais la physique enseignée n'a été aussi proche de celle du chercheur, ce qui fait une nette différence avec la situation d'aujourd'hui, mais aussi avec la situation des années précédentes. Le propos de cette thèse est de s'intéresser aux conditions de l'expérimentation dans l'enseignement de la physique et de la chimie sur cette période. La thèse s'articule autour de l'étude de cas de lieux d'enseignement, en commençant par une approche locale, à savoir Nantes avec le collège des Oratoriens, son évolution en école centrale et en lycée, puis avec l'École royale du Génie de Mézières et l'École Polytechnique et enfin avec le Collège de France, tout en posant la question d’une spécificité française par rapport à la situation européenne. Il s'agit de voir les conditions d'un enseignement des sciences physiques et de son évolution, de la part accordée à l’expérimentation, et de montrer comment l’opposition ou la complémentarité de la science du chercheur d’avec celle de l’ingénieur a structuré l’enseignement de celle-ci en France à cette époque, en lien avec les enjeux politiques et éducatifs, sujets clés de ces temps de bouleversements de société
La période qui s'étend de 1750 à 1830 voit en Europe la mise en place d'une nouvelle physique qui se caractérise surtout par la mise en mathématique de phénomènes comme la chaleur et l'électricité, par la prise en compte de l'état gazeux et des quantités impondérables et par la création de la cristallographie qui se sépare avec la chimie de l'histoire naturelle. Cette physique s'enseigne, et jamais la physique enseignée n'a été aussi proche de celle du chercheur, ce qui fait une nette différence avec la situation d'aujourd'hui, mais aussi avec la situation des années précédentes. Le propos de cette thèse est de s'intéresser aux conditions de l'expérimentation dans l'enseignement de la physique et de la chimie sur cette période. La thèse s'articule autour de l'étude de cas de lieux d'enseignement, en commençant par une approche locale, à savoir Nantes avec le collège des Oratoriens, son évolution en école centrale et en lycée, puis avec l'École royale du Génie de Mézières et l'École Polytechnique et enfin avec le Collège de France, tout en posant la question d’une spécificité française par rapport à la situation européenne. Il s'agit de voir les conditions d'un enseignement des sciences physiques et de son évolution, de la part accordée à l’expérimentation, et de montrer comment l’opposition ou la complémentarité de la science du chercheur d’avec celle de l’ingénieur a structuré l’enseignement de celle-ci en France à cette époque, en lien avec les enjeux politiques et éducatifs, sujets clés de ces temps de bouleversements de société

La crue de 1910 de la Seine a eu une incidence directe sur le fonctionnement des différents réseaux (réseau électrique, assainissement des eaux usées, transport, eau potable). Le réseau RATP a été particulièrement atteint dans son fonctionnement. Les dommages qu’une crue centennale pourrait engendrer aujourd’hui risquent d’être plus importants encore car le réseau actuel est plus vulnérable du fait des nombreux équipements électriques et informatiques qu’il comporte. La majorité des émergences (les entrées d’eau) de la RATP est située en zone inondable. Lors d’une crue majeure de la Seine, les écoulements dus aux inondations se propagent directement dans la partie souterraine et centrale du réseau (Métro et RER) par le biais de ces émergences. Cette thèse s'intéresse à la simulation hydrodynamique des écoulements dans le réseau RATP en utilisant le logiciel MIKE URBAN dédié à la modélisation des réseaux d’assainissement. Cette modélisation nécessite une bonne connaissance de l’origine des écoulements pour mieux les prendre en compte. En effet, le réseau RATP est inondé par les eaux superficielles et les eaux d’infiltration. Afin de mieux quantifier les volumes entrants dans le réseau, un modèle physique d’une bouche de métro type a été réalisé. Les résultats des essais physiques ont permis de valider un modèle numérique qui caractérise les écoulements autour d’une bouche de métro et quantifie les volumes entrants. Cela a permis également de proposer une formule théorique de débit tenant compte de la géométrie d’une bouche de métro. Les écoulements par infiltration sont quant à eux modélisés en fonction de la charge de la nappe et validés avec des mesures in situ. Ce travail de recherche a comme objectif d’améliorer et valider un modèle de simulation. Il s’agit de mettre en œuvre un outil opérationnel d’aide à la décision qui permettra à la cellule inondation de la RATP de bien comprendre le fonctionnement de son réseau afin d’améliorer son plan de protection contre le risque inondation
The 1910 flood of the Seine had a direct impact on the functioning of the different networks (Electricity network, sewerage, transport, water distribution). The RATP network was particularly affected in its functioning. The damage that centennial flood could cause today may be even greater because the current network is more vulnerable because of the numerous electrical and computer equipment that it comprises. The majority of the emergences (The water ingress) of the RATP is located in flood areas. During a major flooding of the Seine, the flows due to the floods propagate directly into the underground and central part of the network (Metro and RER) through these emergences. This thesis is interested in a hydrodynamic simulation by MIKE URBAN, Model used to model the RATP network due to its MOUSE engine developed by DHI for the sewerage networks. This work also presents the results obtained on a physical model of a subway station. The experimental data were used to model water ingress within the RATP network from the subway station. Network protection against infiltration requires a thorough knowledge of underground flow conditions. Infiltrations through the tunnels are estimated numerically. The aim of this research is to improve and validate a simulation model. It is a question of implementing an operational decision support tool which will allow the flood cell of the RATP to understand the functioning of its network in order to improve its flood risk protection plan

This chapter examines the presence of Muslim envoys in France as an intentional political act from France's periphery that thrust concerns about France's global position—the very substance of royal authority—to the fore. Those concerns were reflected and refracted in the exploding pamphlet literature, images, and newspapers of the period leading up to the Estates General and in the “crisis of representation” that emerged after the Bastille fell in July 1789. The chapter shows how the “Muslim question” appeared in many different forms in the pamphlet war of 1788–1789. In fact, as a result of the changing geopolitical circumstances, Muslims were indeed passing through Paris, and some had real connections to the revolutionary ferment. These figures of real—and already politicized—Muslims were appropriated, caricatured, and ventriloquized in the pamphlet literature and on the stage.

This chapter traces the origins of the Enlightenment in France. The Enlightenment in France depended partially on foreign influences, generally coming from England and the Dutch Republic. That does not detract from the brilliance of its leading lights nor the courage of the denizens of its clandestine markets. All were eager to make a profit, to be sure, but they also wanted a different social and political order, a secular order with fewer churchmen, less censorship, more tolerance, and justice for the poor and oppressed. The chapter then studies the role of booksellers in revealing the nature of the Enlightenment, especially if they specialized in the materialist and pornographic and had the misfortune to be imprisoned in the Bastille for their illegal trade. The genre of materialist works must be broadly defined to include the rabidly anticlerical and anti-Catholic.

Abstract The French Revolution began in 1789 at the very moment that the newAmerican national government was getting under way. When the meetingof the Estates-General in May 1789 was followed by the formation ofthe French National Assembly in June, the fall of the Bastille in July, andthe Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in August 1789, Americanscould only conclude that France was well on its way to emulatingtheir own revolution. Most Americans gratefully recalled how France hadcome to their aid during their revolutionary struggle with Great Britain.Now Americans were repaying that debt by spreading the spirit of libertyabroad. Indeed, they hoped that their revolutionary ideals would eventuallyextend throughout the entire world.The liberal nobleman the Marquis de Lafayette, who in 1777 at theage of twenty had joined Washington’s army, certainly saw the insurrectionof July 1789 as a response to American principles. After assumingleadership of the Paris National Guard in July 1789, Lafayette sent Washington the key to the Bastille as a token of his gratitude for havingbeen taught what freedom was during his participation in the AmericanRevolution. And it was right that he did so, declared ThomasPaine, for the idea “that the principles of America opened the Bastilleis not to be doubted.

James Watt was deeply alarmed by the promotion of republicanism and democracy in the industrial Enlightenment. In an age of the mob this was not entirely unusual but, near the end of the century, riot and republicanism became a heady mixture. In France, the breach of the Bastille was a symbol not simply of liberty but of the wider collapse of authority. If Watt needed any reminder, it was surely in Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France which predicted the decay of social cohesion. Watt’s fears were soon reflected in the Priestley riots, and especially in the apparent spread of Tom Paine’s Rights of Man. His reaction was also clearly personal along with Watt’s well-known worries over James, junior, who dabbled in dangerous democratic alliances in Manchester and Paris. Watt senior determined he should act by secretly revealing much about local circumstances to the law officers of the Crown.

Abstract Whatever Claire’s financial misjudgements, she was safe in London, where she took up her new life during 1847, before the year of revolutions on the Continent. The riots, which began in Sicily during January 1848, spread to the streets of Paris during February. In March the poet Lamartine issued a revolutionary declaration to the nations of Europe which threw Mary Shelley into trembling alarm. France, she wrote to Claire, was spreading ‘wicked and desolating principles among the nations’. The Days of June in Paris, 23-25June 1848, brought the bloodiest fighting its streets had ever seen, as the army fought its way from the west through barricades to the headquarters of the revolutionary forces in the Place de la Bastille. Had Claire remained in Clichy, she might have been trapped between the two. Revolution kindled in Central Europe. The emperor of Austria abdicated, Metternich’s government fell and with it his repressive system. Charles was at risk, since he went three times a week to the Schonbrunn Palace to give English lessons to the two younger brothers of the emperor.

This chapter talks about men having sex with other men in France that regularly found themselves in front of officers of the king's justice. It likens eighteenth-century Paris to London, which had a well-developed subculture wherein men attracted to other men could find each other, socialize, or go for gens de la manchette (cruise for sex). It also details how these French men lived under constant surveillance by the police, ever ready to move in to make an arrest. The chapter looks at transcriptions conserved in the archives of the Bastille that resulted from interrogations wherein the question of same-sex marriage appears several times. It recounts the case of a man named Gobert, who says he has lived in a house with a young man for four years and refers to another good-looking boy with whom he had lived like man and wife.

Abstract Putting aside his early Jesuit education, Francis-Marie Arouet de Voltaire (1694– 1778) set himself to writing satirical anti-clerical essays that led to his being exiled to Holland in 1713 and imprisoned in the Bastille in 1717. Released in 1718, he turned to writing plays that won him considerable literary fame; but a quarrel with the powerful Chevalier de Rohan nevertheless mandated another exile in 1726, this time to England. There he learned English, read widely in philosophy, law and science and came to admire the British empiricism of Bacon and Locke and the rigor of Newtonian science. Returning to France in 1729, he published a set of reflections on liberalism and empiricism that were, in essence, a critique of l’ancien régime. Lettres Philosophiques (1743) forced another retreat from Paris. In Lorraine, under the protection of Mme du Châtelet, he studied physics, metaphysics and history. Through the influence of Mme de Pompadour, he was named historiographer of France and elected to the French Academy in 1746. In 1750, he was invited to the court of Frederick the Great to serve for three years as an intellectual in residence. After quarreling with Frederick, he spent some years in Geneva and returned to France in 1759. A shrewd investor, he became wealthy, acquired an estate and settled to write essays, plays, a philosophical dictionary, treatises, poems, novels, letters. Addressing serious topics in ethics, law, theology and the philosophy of history, he retained a witty, mocking tone even when he was most indignant and outraged. Of metaphysics, he said “Metaphysics, in my opinion, is made up of two things, what all men of good sense know, the second what they will never know.”