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Klaas, Zachary. "The political and electoral geography of Quebec: A critical analysis of the 1998 Quebec provincial election." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28957.
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The results of the 1998 provincial election in Quebec reveal the existence of six distinct "electoral regions" in the province. The concentration of the vote for the three major political parties, the Parti Quebecois (PQ), the Parti liberal du Quebec (PLQ) and the Action democratique du Quebec (ADQ) defines these regions, in conjunction with information provided by a geographical and statistical database of indicators representing spaces, actors and rationales of action. The portrait of Quebec afforded us by an analysis of such a research database suggests strongly that there are "many Quebecs" rather than a unitary Quebec. A Quebec seeking to remain a political unity must culturally recognise the existence of six distinct regions within it, a number of which differ on basic matters with the majority culture of the province.
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Mirota, Michel D. "Geochemistry of Aphebian carbonates Albanel Formations, North Central Quebec." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5586.
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Burbidge, Geoffrey Harrison. "A late quaternary submarine outwash fan at St. Lazare, Quebec." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4815.
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De, Silva Nilmini. "Sri Lankan women's career identity evolution after immigration to Montreal, Quebec, Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103455.
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Immigration is a significant component of Canada's population growth, and immigration policies are designed to attract and retain qualified immigrants to improve the likelihood of successful integration into Canadian society. However, many professionals who migrate do not fare well in the Canadian labour market, which is problematic because workforce integration is an important aspect of successful resettlement. This dissertation describes the career experiences and career identity evolution of ten Sri Lankan Sinhalese women who immigrated to Quebec, Canada between 1977 and 2007. This qualitative study uses a narrative methodology to explore these women's career identity development in Sri Lanka, their career experiences in Quebec, and their retrospective lifespan career identity development. The findings showed that career identity development in Sri Lanka was encouraged by family and support networks, and propelled by sociocultural and economic factors that encouraged women's education and employment. Participants demonstrated career behaviours that were goal-oriented and self-directed and had career goals that aligned with career values and personality traits. They embarked on their intended career trajectories and several had well-established careers in Sri Lanka. After immigrating to Montreal, Canada, participants experienced significant barriers to career development from immigration, educational, sociocultural and employment systems. The experience of these barriers was associated with profound affective and cognitive changes to career identity and modifications to career behaviours, career aspirations, career values, and career trajectories. Identification with their career and career satisfaction sharply decreased initially, as participants experienced losses associated with their career changes, as well as feeling overwhelmed by the multiple demands of resettlement and the dual burdens of parenting and income-generation. The longest-residing participants attained a modest level of career satisfaction after changing their career goals and identities while others ranged between hopeful expectation and resignation to current occupations. This dissertation makes an initial examination of the career identities and career experiences of a population of South Asian immigrant women which may inform future research. This study concludes with recommendations for theory, practice, and policy related to immigrant employment and resettlement.<br>L'immigration constitue une composante importante de croissance de la population canadienne. Les politiques d'immigration sont élaborées pour attirer et retenir des immigrants qui réussiront leur intégration au sein de la société canadienne. Pourtant, plusieurs professionnels immigrant au Canada ne vivent pas une intégration professionnelle réussie, ce qui entraîne des conséquences au niveau de l'intégration sociale. Cette thèse décrit les expériences de travail ainsi que l'évolution de l'identité de carrière de dix Sri Lankaises d'ethnie cingalaise ayant immigré au Québec, au Canada, entre 1977 et 2007. Cette thèse qualitative se sert d'une méthodologie narrative afin d'explorer le développement de l'identité de carrière au Sri Lanka, les expériences de travail au Québec et la rétrospective du développement de carrière au cours de la vie. Les résultats démontrent un développement de carrière au Sri Lanka encouragé par la famille et les systèmes de soutien, et propulsé par des facteurs socioculturels et économiques favorisant l'éducation et l'emploi. Les participantes ont démontré des comportements de carrière autonomes visant des buts professionnels assortis aux valeurs professionnelles et aux traits de personnalité. Plusieurs d'entre elles avaient une carrière bien établie. Après leur immigration à Montréal, au Canada, les participantes ont été confrontées à plusieurs obstacles au développement de carrière, ces derniers provenant des systèmes d'immigration, d'éducation, du marché du travail et du contexte socioculturel. L'expérience de ces obstacles est associée à de profonds changements affectifs et cognitifs liés à l'identité de carrière et des changements de comportement, d'aspirations professionnelles, de valeurs d'emploi et de cheminement professionnel. L'identification de carrière et la satisfaction d'emploi ont initialement chuté, alors que les participantes ont vécu des pertes reliées aux changements professionnels. De plus, elles étaient accablées par les exigences de l'adaptation et les fardeaux familiaux et financiers. Celles ayant vécu le plus longtemps au Québec ont atteint un niveau de satisfaction professionnelle modeste après avoir modifié leurs objectifs de carrière, tandis que les autres se situent entre l'espoir et la résignation professionnelle. Cette étude se conclut avec des recommandations pour l'amélioration de la recherche, la pratique d'activités de counselling et des politiques reliées à l'emploi et à l'intégration des immigrants.
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Bernard, Marion. "Repossession of a cultural space in Francophone native literature from Quebec." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2005. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2756/.
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Francophone Native literature from Quebec is a relatively recent phenomenon. Although Native writing started as early as the 18th century with the teaching of missionaries, it is only since the 1970s that Native authors from Quebec began to write fictional works increasingly. Due to their historical past, social and economic situation, Native authors have only recently slightly moved away from political issues. This thesis aims at highlighting the core elements of this literature and at demonstrating its specificities. The main corpus for this research is composed of seventeen works written by nine authors. Poetry and plays tend to be favoured by Native authors over novels and short stories; their closeness to oral tradition can be seen as one of the main reasons for such choices. By way of introduction, I summarise the historical, social and literary evolution of Native people in Quebec. I problematize my research with references to postcolonial theories as the authors’ situation as ex-colonised people echoes the issues raised in this particular field. However, I also refer to other theorists like Doreen Massey or Anthony Giddens when necessary. The focus of the next chapters derives from these considerations. The second chapter examines how they represent themselves and others. The third chapter highlights how their recurrent representations of past events serve to the construction of a Native discourse. The fourth chapter is concerned with their representations of their own environment and demonstrates how they tie in past conceptions of nature with modern needs. The final chapter shows how using the French language can contribute to their repossession of a cultural space within Quebec society.
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Boisvert, Donald Luc. "Religion and nationalism in Quebec: The Saint-Jean-Baptiste celebrations in sociological perspective." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5570.
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This thesis is a sociological study of la Fete de la Saint-Jean-Baptiste in Quebec, from its beginnings until the present. It argues that la Fete was a stage for the express-sion and unification of three sets of polarities found within Quebec society: nationalism vs. religion, the elite vs. the masses, and popular religiosity vs. clerical authority. Its five chapters can be divided into three general parts: the historical (Chapters I, II and III), the theoretical (Chapter IV) and the analytical (Chapter V). The Introduction, in addition to summarizing the contents of the thesis, briefly discusses some major theoretical contributions to the sociology of religion and the rapport between religion and the feast. Chapter I is a review of the relationship between the Catholic Church and Quebec society. This is meant to provide the basic foundation for subsequent analyses. The history of Quebec Catholicism is considered in terms of the customary breakdown: New France, post-Conquest, ultramontanism and the Quiet Revolution. Particular attention is paid, in this chapter, to the manner in which the Church had an impact upon structures of belief, both religious and secular. The next two chapters deal specifically with the celebrations and the group with which they are most often associated. Chapter II discusses la Fete itself, both in terms of its history and its symbolic and ritualistic components. The celebrations are analyzed on the basis of three historical periods: the Patriotes, ultramontanism or the period of clerical domination, and the Quiet Revolution and its aftermath. Chapter III takes a look at the Societe Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montreal, not so much in terms of its detailed history as its ideological profile and influence. Chapter IV concentrates on examining the central theoretical concepts which run throughout the thesis: nationalism, ideology, class, secularization and popular religion. In the last two sections of this chapter, a sociological perspective on the notion of the feast is suggested, and the three sets of polarities are introduced. The concluding chapter, Chapter V, attempts a systematic analysis of the polarities, as these were reflected during each of the three historical periods associated with la Fete. There is a brief discussion of rituals in the opening pages. The formal Conclusion to the thesis summarizes the central arguments, in the context of some of the themes introduced earlier. An appendix discusses three topics in greater detail: participation rates in the public gatherings, other associations spawned by the Societe, and membership figures.
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Sami, Terry. "Episodic sedimentation on an early Silurian, storm-dominated carbonate ramp, Anticosti Island, Quebec." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5833.
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Harris, Ross E. "Breeding biology of the short-billed dowitcher in the Schefferville area, Quebec-Labrador." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5911.
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Guénette, Cynthia. "The effects of ethnicity and gender on occupational attainment the case of Quebec teachers." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4737.
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Gotz, Adela. "Open federalism and the 2006 federal election in Quebec: Did Quebecers accept the olive branch?" Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86760.
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The purpose of this study is to establish whether or not Open Federalism contributed to the rise in the Conservative party's vote share in Quebec in the 2006 Canadian federal election. Open Federalism represented a fresh, constructive approach to Quebec-Ottawa relations, which had soured considerably since the 1960s. Given the importance of national unity and intergovernmental relations in Quebec politics, there is reason to believe that this campaign proposal motivated many Quebecers to support the Conservatives in 2006. Using data from the Canadian Election Study and the Observatory on Media and Public Policy, this study provides empirical tests of the effects of Open Federalism on voting behaviour in Quebec. It is demonstrated that the proposal did in fact contribute to the Conservative vote share among Quebecers, even once other relevant factors such as the sponsorship scandal, conservative values, and strategic voting are taken into account.<br>L'objectif de cette étude est de déterminer si le fédéralisme d'ouverture a contribué à l'augmentation des appuis obtenus par le parti Conservateur à l'élection fédérale canadienne de 2006. Le fédéralisme d'ouverture symbolisait une approche nouvelle et constructive du rapport entre Québec et Ottawa, qui a dégénéré de manière notable depuis les années soixante. Étant donné l'importance des enjeux de l'unité nationale et des relations intergouvernementales en politique québécoise, il est raisonnable de croire que cette promesse électorale à poussé un certain nombre de Québécois à appuyer le parti Conservateur en 2006. En utilisant les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne et de l'Observatoire sur les médias et les politiques publiques, il est démontré que la proposition de fédéralisme d'ouverture a influencé le vote des Québécois en faveur du parti Conservateur, par-delà l'effet d'autres facteurs importants tel que le scandale des commandites, les valeurs conservatrices et le vote stratégique.
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Elhag, Faisal Abdalla. "Density-damage relationships and chemical control of the Northern corn rootworm, Diabrotica barberi (Coleoptera : Chrysomelidae), in Quebec." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74045.
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Taner, Havva. "The nature, origin and physicochemical controls of hydrothermal Mo-Bi mineralization in the cadillac and preissac deposits, Quebec /." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55640.
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Bernier, Marc A. "Geomorphology and shallow overburden elemental and heavy mineral studies in southwestern Gaspésie, Quebec - possible aids to gold exploration." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61981.
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Melvin, Catherine Eda. "Cross-cultural representations: The construction of "America" after September 11th in English Canadian, Quebec and French print media." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26982.
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The cultural turn in Translation Studies is the name given to the shift from an inter-lingual approach to the study of translation to an inter-cultural one. Since the cultural turn, meaning is no longer considered to be reducible to the level of word, sentence or even text within a specific situation of utterance. Instead, culture as a whole is considered to be the prime locus of meaning. Translators, then, are not expected to be simply bilingual, but to be bi-cultural.
This thesis is a comparative discourse analysis that explores how pre-existing discourses in English Canada, Quebec and France affect the representation of the United States in print media coverage following terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11th, 2001. More specifically, the impact of the discourse of counter-Americanism in English Canada is analyzed in a corpus of newspaper articles selected from five major Canadian dailies. Similarly, articles from Le Devoir and La Presse are analyzed in relation to the discourse of americanite in Quebec and articles from Le Monde are analyzed in relation to the discourse of anti-Americanism in France. In each case, the construction of an American identity can be traced to the specific geographical, historical, political and economic relationships of each country to the U.S. This means that representations of an American Other serve primarily to support representations of self, thus revealing the relative and constructed nature of national identity.
Drawing on scholars in both Cultural Studies and Communications, this study outlines how discourse constructs national identity. In addition, it illustrates how identity discourses affect the construction and interpretation of meaning, thus meriting attention in the field of Translation Studies. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Chapman, Diane. "Impact of alpine ski trail corridors on a beech-maple forest community, Mont-Ste-Marie, Quebec spatial variation of edge effects." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5105.
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Lyons, Adam James. "The 1711 expedition to Quebec : politics and the limitations of global strategy in the reign of Queen Anne." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1688/.
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To mark the 300th anniversary of the event in question, this thesis analyses the first British attempt to conquer the French colonial city of Quebec. The expedition was a product of the turbulent political environment that was evident towards the end of the reign of Queen Anne. Its failure has consequently proven to be detrimental to the reputations of the expedition’s commanders, in particular Rear-Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker who was actually a competent and effective naval officer. True blame should lie with his political master, Secretary of State Henry St John, who ensured the expedition’s failure by maintaining absolute control over it because of his obsession with keeping its objective a secret. After recently celebrating a succession of tercentenaries concerning the War of the Spanish Succession, this thesis hopes to draw attention away from the famous military commander, the Duke of Marlborough, and instead focus upon a little known combined operation. The expedition helped to alter British strategy by renewing an interest in ‘blue-water’ operations that would see huge success later in the century, ultimately resulting in the eventual conquest of French North America in the Seven Years War.
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Swanson, Drew J. "The End of Medicare or Did Anything Even Change? Examining Discourses in the wake of Chaoulli v Quebec." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28788.
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In the immediate aftermath of Chaoulli vs. Quebec (Attorney General), it seemed that this decision would constitute a turning point in the way public health care is delivered in Canada. However, the lack of change in the following years has left this theory largely suspect. This thesis sets out to establish how two separate, yet equally powerful reactions to this case, proliferated in the wake of this decision. It aims to validate an original hypothesis that suggests that the treatment of the case from academia and from the print media (Canadian daily newspapers) constituted the most dominant discourses in the wake of the Chaoulli case. Furthermore it examines whether these two sectors were predominantly homogenous in their views of the case. However, this thesis concludes that, while these were two of the most dominant reactions to the Chaoulli case, the boundaries of these discourses and their respective supporters were not relegated exclusively to any given sector.
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Blacksmith, George. "The intergenerational legacy of the Indian residential school system in the Cree communities of Mistissini, Oujebougamau, and Waswanipi: an investigative research on the experience of the James Bay Cree of Northern Quebec." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96748.
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This study examined the effects of the residential school system on the Cree and their communities. The four guiding questions for this study were: (i) How has the legacy of the residential school system affected the lives of the survivors in Cree communities? (ii) How do the residential school experiences continue to make an impact on the social and cultural fabric of the Cree communities of Mistissini, Oujé-Bougoumou and Waswanipi? (iii) What lessons can we collectively learn from the stories of survivors that will promote healing and enable future generations to move forward in positive directions? And finally (iv), What is the role of education in this process, and what knowledge is necessary to help the process along?Narratives were collected from 34 individuals ranging in age from 20 to 90 years old. A series of semi-structured and open-ended questions were used to draw out their stories. These narratives were then transcribed and coded for emergent themes. The theoretical framework draws on contemporary post-colonial and critical scholarship using an Aboriginal conceptual framework for analysis. First and second generation survivors had personal experiences with the residential school system and told similar stories of being forced to leave their communities under threats of economic sanctions and the incarceration of their families if they did not comply. Once removed from their homes, many were subjected to extreme physical, emotional and sexual abuses in these institutions. They were not allowed to speak their own language and had difficulty returning to and fitting in with their communities and families. They tell stories of family breakdown due to alcohol and drug abuse, a phenomenon that was largely unheard of in3Cree communities prior to this time in our history. The third generation, who did not attend residential school, tell of emotionally traumatized parents who have struggled for decades to cope with their experiences. Each generation agreed on the importance of teaching Cree language, values and culture to Cree students, and that the history of the Canadian government's treaties and residential schools should be an essential part of the curriculum.The most compelling message emerging from this study was the need to look at fundamentally opposed value systems in the ways education is imagined and delivered and which continue to undermine the social and educational development of Cree children. The residential school traumas continue to reverberate and generate harm throughout the Cree community, both actively through memories and passively through silence and shame. The findings of this study speak volumes to the long-term cultural and social impact on these communities. Culturally, this social engineering experiment had devastating implications for Cree Elders. Our Elders were once valued and respected authorities who were responsible for the education and well being of our people. Many former educational and community leaders are now reduced to having diminished roles, and the resulting cultural changes have been significant.There is a dire need for the history, chronology of leadership, and the development of each Cree community, be taught to the children. It is recommended that the history of the residential school system and the effects of industrial development and encroachment on Cree lands through treaties also be an essential part of the school curriculum.<br>Cette étude examine l'effet du système d'écoles résidentielles sur les Cris et leurs communautés. Les quatre questions directrices pour l'étude furent:(i) Comment les séquelles du système d'écoles résidentielles affectèrent la vie des survivants dans des communautés cris? (ii) Comment l'expérience des écoles résidentielles continue-t-elle de faire un impact sur le tissue social et culturel des communautés cris de Mistissini, Oujé-Bougoumou et Waswanipi? (iii) Quelles leçons pouvons-nous collectivement tirer des histoires de ces survivants qui encourageront la guérison et permettront aux générations futures d'avancer dans des directions positives? (iv) Quel est le rôle de l'éducation dans ce processus et quels savoirs sont nécessaires pour le mener à bien?Les témoignages de 34 individus âgés entre 20 et 90 ans furent recueillis. Une série de questions ouvertes, semi-structurées, furent utilisées pour faire émerger leurs histoires. Ces témoignages furent ensuite transcrits et codés pour faire ressortir les thèmes dominants. Le cadre théorique découle des travaux critiques et post-coloniaux contemporains en utilisant un cadre conceptuel autochtone pour l'analyse. Des survivants des première et deuxième générations eurent des expériences personnelles avec le système d'écoles résidentielles et racontèrent des histoires semblable qui détaillent comment ils furent forcés de quitter leurs communautés sous les menaces de sanctions économiques et de l'incarcération d'êtres chers. Une fois sortis de leurs communautés, plusieurs furent victimes d'abus émotionnels, physiques et sexuels extrêmes dans ces institutions. Il leur fut interdit de parler leur langue maternelle et ils eurent de la difficulté à réintégrer leurs familles et communautés. Ils racontent des histoires d'échec familial dus à l'abus d'alcool et de drogue, un phénomène qui était largement étrange au communautés cris avant5cette période de l'histoire. La troisième génération, qui ne fréquenta pas les écoles résidentielles, parle de parents traumatisés émotionnellement qui ont lutté pendant des décennies pour faire face à leurs expériences. Les générations s'entendirent par rapport à l'importance de l'enseignement de la langue, de la culture et des valeurs cris aux étudiants cris. De plus, tous estimèrent que l'histoire des traités du gouvernement canadien et des écoles résidentielles devrait être une partie essentielle du programme scolaire. Le message le plus criant à émerger de cette étude fut le besoin d'observer des systèmes de valeurs fondamentalement opposés, par rapport à la façon d'imaginer et de transmettre l'éducation, qui continuent de nuire le développement social et éducationnel des enfants cris. Le traumatisme des écoles résidentielles continue de se réverbérer et de faire du mal dans la communauté cri; activement par les souvenirs et passivement par le silence et la honte. Les trouvailles de cette étude en disent beaucoup à propos des effets sociaux et culturels sur ces communautés à long terme. Culturellement, cette expérience de génie social eut des implications dévastatrices pour les aînés cris. Nos aînés furent historiquement des autorités respectés et valorisés qui étaient responsables du bien-être de notre peuple. Plusieurs anciens dirigeants communautaires et éducationnels sont maintenant réduits à des rôles de moindre importance et les changements culturels résultant furent significatifs. Il y a un besoin urgent d'enseigner l'histoire, la chronologie politique et le développement de chaque communauté cri à nos enfants. Il est recommandé que l'histoire du système d'écoles résidentielles, des effets du développement industriel et de l'empiètement sur les terres cris soit également une partie essentielle du programme.
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Gordon, Maria. "Experiences of Children with Inflammatory Bowel Disease and their Families in General Education Classrooms." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23759.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate how children with Inflammatory Bowel Disease (IBD) and their families perceived their school experiences in Québec. IBD is one of many “invisible” chronic diseases. It is considered invisible because it occurs internally without significant observable external symptoms. However, children with IBD experience painful and fluctuating physical symptoms caused by intestinal inflammation, as well as the side effects from medications. As a result, they require special accommodations while they attend public or private school. The Québec Education Act (2010) stipulates that adequate services for a diverse student population must be provided. Consequently, the research sought to answer the following questions: What are the experiences of parents and children with IBD enrolled in general education classrooms? And, what are the experiences of their brother or sister? To research these questions, a case study method was used with five families. The two instruments used to collect the data were, (1) individual semi-structured interviews that followed a modified version of Seidman’s (2006) in-depth interviewing approach and (2) drawings of the family by siblings. The data were analyzed inductively. This study was the first to use a qualitative approach with multiple methods that were guided by Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1979) and Turnbull and Turnbull’s family systems theory (2001). The findings revealed that, unlike many studies on families of children with special needs, these families with a child with IBD functioned relatively well. At the microsystem level, mothers assumed responsibility as the primary caregiver. Siblings experienced their own challenges, such as feelings of parental neglect. Nonetheless, they also maintained nurturing roles. Within the mesosystem level, the home and school relationship was impacted. Parents and children with IBD experienced school personnel who lacked awareness of IBD and provided insufficient classroom support, especially at public schools. Hence, parents-(predominantly mothers) played an integral role in advocating for necessary accommodations on their child’s behalf. In contrast to many studies on children with disabilities, children with IBD in this research had many friends in and outside of school. In the exosystem, parents struggled with feelings of guilt at having to balance employment and the high financial expense of caring for a child with IBD. They relied on assistance from government services and their IBD association. At the macrosystem level, family members believed that children with IBD were perceived negatively by society because of the lack of public awareness and the stigma that surrounds the topic of incontinence. This study makes contributions to systems theories and provides practical recommendations to school personnel and parents.
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Fortin, Marie. "Anglicisms in the French Language : A comparative study of English loanwords in French from France and Quebec." Thesis, Mid Sweden University, Department of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-9220.
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<p>The aim of this study was to find out if there are differences in the use of Anglicisms in the</p><p>French language from Quebec and from France. This was done with the help of a well-known</p><p>sitcom named <em>Un gars, une fille</em>. The Quebecers and the French have adopted their own</p><p>version of this sitcom to their cultures. Nine similar sequences from both countries on the</p><p>theme of sports and six different on the theme of renovation/DIY were analyzed. The analysis</p><p>concentrated on the English loanwords used by the characters. It was found that the</p><p>Quebecers, in the sitcom, used more English loanwords than the French. Both French and</p><p>Quebecers employed many loanwords that are considered as integrated into their language,</p><p>but they also used loanwords that have a negative connotation because there is a French word</p><p>to replace it, but the Anglicisms used appears more fashionable. Finally, it is interesting to</p><p>note the divergence of opinions among scholars in the field of study. Where one scholar</p><p>considers an Anglicism as a part of the French language (integrated) another scholar deems it</p><p>to be a negative influence, a loanword that should not be used.</p>
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Jézéquel, Anne-Marie. "Louis Dupré: Les Espaces de l’Écriture." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1147965583.
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Bond, Bruno. "L'Entente sur les répercussions et les avantages (ERA) dans le secteur minier: Un instrument qui permet de minimiser les risques et de maximiser les avantages d'un projet minier pour les communautés autochtones Le cas de l'ERA Raglan, au Nunavik (Nord-du-Quebec)." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29043.
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In recent years, Aboriginal peoples in remote and northern regions of Canada have become increasingly involved in mining activities. In order to take advantage of the significant benefits that mining can offer, Aboriginal communities conclude Impact and Benefit Agreements (IBAs) with mining companies and occasionally with governments. IBAs, usually confidential, reinforce the involvement of Aboriginal communities in mining projects and guarantee the communities that they will receive benefits that will compensate them for any potential harmful impacts resulting from such projects. The benefits can vary significantly among IBAs, but in general, such an agreement offers business and employment opportunities and opportunities for sharing in the profits of the mining operations, as well as income from royalties and significant economic spin-offs.
Not all the outcomes of the operation of a mine and the implementation of an MA are positive. There are also certain risks involved, and both the environment and the Aboriginal communities can be affected. For example, pollution can have an impact on water, wildlife and flora; revenues generated by the IBA may not be equally distributed; social structures can break down; and traditional and mixed economies may be disrupted. If these impacts are not fully managed, they can have serious consequences for susceptible Aboriginal communities, both during the operation of a mine and after its closure, and they can compromise the sustainability of Aboriginal communities. IBAs are currently not adequately formulated to minimize the cultural and socio-economic risks to Aboriginal communities from both mining projects and the agreements themselves. Moreover, it must be noted that, as yet, no formal decision-making framework for managing these risks has been built into IBAs.
This study consists of two components. In the first, a review of available documentation on IBAs, particularly the Raglan IBA (Nunavik, Northern Quebec), leads us to question whether these agreements actually further the establishment of sustainable Aboriginal communities. Because of the numerous gaps in IBAs, they may be unable to contribute to the achievement of this objective. For example, IBAs do not fully cover the socio-economic development and economic diversification of Aboriginal communities affected by mines, particularly after their closure. Moreover, IBAs do not always attach the necessary importance to management of the socio-economic and cultural risks posed by their implementation and by mining operations. In the second component of the study, we apply a risk-management decision framework to the Raglan mine and IBA as a case study. Of the frameworks available to us, we decided to base our approach on the Health Canada Decision-Making Framework for Identifying, Assessing and Managing Health Risks. Although this framework was not designed for purposes of managing the cultural and socio-economic risks associated with mines and IBAs, it nevertheless provided us with information that will be useful in work on existing and future risk-management approaches. Based on our study, we consider it essential that a formal framework be put in place to manage the consequences and risks posed by mines and IBAs to Aboriginal communities.
We believe that if a formal decision-making framework was incorporated into the Raglan MA and other similar agreements, and if risks were minimized and benefits maximized, mining operations and IBAs could be instrumental in the building of sustainable Aboriginal communities, even after mines have closed.
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Johnson, Alexander James Cook. "Charting the imperial will : colonial administration & the General Survey of British North America, 1764-1775." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3458.
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This dissertation explores how colonial administrators on each side of the Atlantic used the British Survey of North America to serve their governments’ as well as their personal objectives. Specifically, it connects the execution and oversight of the General Survey in the northern and southern theatres, along with the intelligence it provided, with the actions of key decision-makers and influencers, including the Presidents of the Board of Trade (latterly, the Secretaries of the American Department) and key provincial governors. Having abandoned their posture of ‘Salutary Neglect’ towards colonial affairs in favour of one that proactively and more centrally sought ways to develop and exploit their North American assets following the Severn Years’ War, the British needed better geographic information to guide their decision making. Thus, the General Survey of British North America, under the umbrella of the Board of Trade, was conceived. Officially sponsored from 1764-1775, the programme aimed to survey and analyse the attributes and economic potential of Britain’s newly acquired regions in North America, leading to an accurate general map of their North American empire when joined to other regional mapping programmes. The onset of the American Revolution brought an inevitable end to the General Survey before a connected map could be completed. Under the excellent leadership of Samuel Holland, the surveyor general of the Northern District, however, the British administration received surveys and reports that were of great relevance to high-level administration. In the Southern District, Holland’s counterpart, the mercurial William Gerard De Brahm, while producing reports of high quality, was less able to juggle the often conflicting priorities of provincial and London-based stakeholders. Consequently, results were less successful. De Brahm was recalled in 1771, leaving others to complete the work.
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Silva, Thiago José da. "Limites à vinculação de administradores a acordo de acionistas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2132/tde-27012015-164557/.
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Esta dissertação analisa os limites e a conveniência da vinculação de administradores a acordo de acionistas. Com a promulgação da lei nº 10.303, de 31 de outubro de 2001, foram incluídos os §§ 8º e 9º, ao art. 118 da lei nº 6.404, de 15 de dezembro de 1976 (LSA), que indisputavelmente passaram a vincular os administradores de companhias aos termos dos acordos de acionistas arquivados em suas sedes. Desde então, inexiste consenso doutrinário e jurisprudencial acerca dos limites de tal vinculação. A dissertação analisa, pois, as principais posições doutrinárias que variam desde a vinculação genérica, até a vinculação relativa. A primeira é capaz de abranger todos os atos da administração; a segunda, por sua vez, limita a possibilidade de vinculação da administração apenas com relação aos atos que não sejam de sua competência privativa previstos em lei ou pelo estatuto e, ainda, preserva o poder (dever) finalístico do administrador, previsto no art. 154 da LSA, de buscar e privilegiar o interesse da companhia. A dissertação tece, ainda, diversos comentários e posicionamentos sobre a conveniência de se vincular administradores.<br>This dissertation analyses the limits and the convenience of binding administrators to the shareholders\' agreement. With the promulgation of law nº 10,303, of October 31, 2001, §§ 8º and 9º were included to the article 118 of law nº 6,404, of December 15, 1976 (LSA), which indisputably began to bind companies administrators to the terms of the shareholder agreements filed in their headquarters. Since then, there is no consensus in the doctrine or the precedents about the limits of such binding situation. The dissertation analyses, thus, the main doctrinal positions ranging from the generic binding form until the relative one. The first is able to cover all acts of the administration; the second, on it turn, limits the possibility of binding the administration only with respect to acts that are not part of its competence provided for by law or by companies by-laws, and also preserves the finalistic power (duty) of the administrator provided for in article 154 of the LSA, of pursuing and giving priority to the companies interest. The dissertation also weaves several commentaries and positions on the desirability to bind administrators.
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Bonaldi, Vincent-Marie. "Protocole de recherche clinique en imagerie tdm hepatique : comparaison d'une acquisition spiralee et d'une acquisition conventionelle ; etude prospective randomisee de 168 patients realisee a l'hopital general de montreal/quebec/canada, entre le 1er novembre 1992 et le 1er avril 1993." Nice, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994NICE6501.
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Gherzouli, Sonia. "L'influence du droit de l'Union européenne sur l'évolution de la gestion déléguée des services publics." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1069.
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Depuis le début des années 2000, la Commission européenne suivie par la Cour de Justice de l'Union européenne (CJUE), ont déterminé les exigences du droit de l'Union dans de nombreux domaines concernant l'organisation et le fonctionnement de l'action administrative en matière de services publics. L'interprétation des règles dictées par le Traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne, fixe les modalités de la gestion publique, qu'il s'agisse de la création des services d'utilité publique ; de leurs formes de gestion quelles soient structurelles ou conventionnelles ; des droits particuliers accompagnant leur bon fonctionnement ; ou encore de l'encadrement des aides publiques nécessaires à leur financement. Ces progressions qui devraient être normalisées par l'adoption d'une future directive, ont largement influencé la manière de concevoir, en France, la gestion des services publics autant que la participation publique dans l'économie. La recherche de l'optimisation du fonctionnement des services et de l'efficacité économique de l'opération, motive désormais le recours au procédé de la gestion déléguée. Source d'inspiration, le droit de l'Union et particulièrement le travail de la CJUE, contribuent à la réflexion sur l'enrichissement des mécanismes de gestion des services publics, qui disposent en outre, d'un cadre privilégié à l'échelon local. Pour autant, cette influence est réciproque. Renouvelée au travers du concept de « partenariat public- privé », la concession est envisagée comme un outil clef pour la relance économique de l'Europe, et demeure une référence en matière de montages contractuels complexes<br>Since the beginning of 2000, The European Commission and the European Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), have determined the requirements of European Union Law in various areas relating to the organization and the functioning of the administrative action on public services matters. The interpretation of rules dictated by the Treaty on the functioning of the European Union is setting out the terms of the public management whether the creation of public utility, their forms of management , structural or contractual, special rights accompanying their proper functioning, or even the framework of public aid to finance it. These progressions which should be normalized by the adoption of a future directive have greatly influenced the way to perceive in France, the management of public services as much as the participation in the economy. The search for optimizing the functioning of the services and the economic efficiency of the operation is urging from now on to use the delegated management process. The European Union Law, source of inspiration, and more particularly the work of the CJEU, are contributing to a reflection on the enrichment of the mechanisms of the management of public services, which have furthermore a privileged frame locally. However, this influence is reciprocal. Renewed through the concept of “public-private partnership”, the concession is envisaged as a key tool for the recovery of the European Economy, and remains a reference on complex contractual arrangements
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Posler, Brian David. "Reaping gains through the organizational party: Delegation to party leaders of the United States House of Representatives." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/19199.
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Why do House members delegate authority to party leaders? This dissertation provides a new theory to address this question. It explains why it is individually and collectively rational for congressional members to delegate authority to party leaders, when we ought to expect that delegation will occur, as well as what form of delegation provides maximum benefit with minimal risk to members. This dissertation provides a new principal-agent theory of variable leadership involvement, progressive in nature across the stages of legislation as the risks of defection diminish. Members minimize the risks of delegation though screening and selection mechanisms, as well as through institutional checks throughout the legislative process.
This work empirically tests and finds support for the predictions derived from the agency theory at four distinct stages of the legislative process. Leadership selection, bill introduction and referral, party scheduling with the Rules Committee, and conference committees are all found to conform to the hypotheses generated by this framework. The powers of the leadership are cumulative in nature as one passes through the stages of legislation. By severely curtailing the powers of leaders at earlier stages, the risk of adverse results is greatly minimized, allowing the members to safely delegate more authority to save the exponentially increasing transaction costs borne by leaders in the later stages.
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MCANDREW, WILLIAM ROBERT. "DETERMINANTS AND JUSTIFICATIONS FOR THE USE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE IN SEPARATIST SITUATIONS (NORTHERN IRELAND, QUEBEC, CANADA)." Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/13235.
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An argument that the use of terror in cases of national separatism, particularly for the cases of the IRA in Northern Ireland and the FLQ in Quebec, is not indiscriminant or mindless, but part of an overall strategy used by groups based on societal determinants and the long term and short term goals of the terrorist group.
The main societal determinants appear to be the past use of violence in the area under question and the ability for the nationalist community to effectively control its situation through political representation. For the terrorist group, while separation is the obvious long term goal, other goals for the group, the community it represents, the system in which it acts and the government from which it wishes independence also play an important role in the choice of violence and its possible effects on interfering with accomplishment of other goals.
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Kilibarda, Anja. "Principle and prejudice : attitudes toward ethnic minorities in Quebec." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16224.
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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.<br>Immigrant integration poses a particular challenge to sub-state minority nations where citizens are more prone to perceive immigrants as cultural and political threats. However, different ethnic groups might be seen as differentially threatening. This study investigates whether francophone citizens in Quebec perceive different ethnic minority groups differently and whether they are more negative towards these groups than other Canadians. To the extent that negativity exists, the study seeks to understand whether it is grounded principally in racial prejudice or in concerns about culture. Results from national and provincial data show that Quebec francophones are specifically negative toward religious minorities, not racial minorities, and that their negativity is largely couched in concerns over secularism and cultural security. Ethnic antipathy among Quebec’s majority francophone population thus appears to be more group-specific and culturally principled than generalized and racially based.
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Kichian, Maral. "A dynamic general equilibrium evaluation of the federal goods and services tax for the province of quebec." Thèse, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/1148.
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Vallée-Dubois, Florence. "About time : life-cycle and cohort effects on support for Quebec sovereignty." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16227.
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L’appui à la souveraineté du Québec diminue-t-il avec l’âge, ou est-il le reflet de
préférences générationnelles ? Cette recherche se base sur les théories du changement
générationnel et de la socialisation politique pour répondre à cette question. À l’aide de
données de sondages de 1985 à 2014, nous mesurons l’impact de l’âge et de la génération
sur l’appui à cette option constitutionnelle chez les Québécois francophones. Nos deux
hypothèses de recherche sont confirmées dans une certaine mesure. Premièrement, les
Québécois ont moins tendance à appuyer la souveraineté en vieillissant. La relation négative
entre ces variables devient par contre plus faible au début des années 2000. Deuxièmement,
les Baby boomers (nés entre 1945 et 1964) ont une probabilité plus élevée d’être souverainistes
que les autres générations, et ce peu importe leur âge. Ils sont suivis, dans l’ordre,
par les Aînés (nés en 1944 et moins), la Génération X (nés entre 1965 et 1979) et les
Milléniaux (nés en 1980 ou plus).<br>Can life-cycle and cohorts effects help explain support for Quebec sovereignty? This
research attempts to answer this question by drawing on theories of generational change
and political socialization. It uses longitudinal survey data from 1985 to 2014 to measure
the impact of age and generation on support for this constitutional option among
francophone Quebeckers. Our results confirm, to a certain extent, these two hypotheses.
First, as they age, Quebeckers become less likely to support sovereignty. However, the
relationship between age and support for independence weakens at the beginning of the
2000s. Second, Baby boomers (born between 1945 and 1964) are more likely to support
sovereignty than any other generation, regardless of their age. They are followed by the
Oldest generation (born in 1944 or before), Generation X (born between 1965 and 1979)
and the Millennial generation (born in 1980 and later).
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Bennett, Amanda. "From Reasonable Accommodation to Understanding: Reconsidering Diversity Management Practices in Quebec." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9842.
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En 2007, le Premier ministre du Québec, monsieur Jean Charest, a établi la Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différences culturelles afin de donner suite aux conflits émanant des différences ethniques et culturelles. La commission a pour mandat de dresser le bilan des pratiques d’accommodement au Québec, d’analyser la problématique, de consulter la population et de formuler des recommandations au gouvernement afin d’assurer la conformité des pratiques d’accommodement avec les valeurs de la société québécoise. En premier lieu, ce mémoire démontrera que deux facteurs, dont l’évolution de l’identité de la majorité francophone et l’évolution des pays d’origine des immigrants, ont contribué à un malaise de gestion de la diversité et, par conséquent, ont rendu l’établissement de la commission pertinent. En deuxième lieu, m’appuyant sur une revue de la méthodologie, des conclusions et des recommandations de la commission, ainsi que la réplique du Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, je vais illustrer que, malgré un mandat pertinent et achevé, la réponse gouvernementale fut inadéquate. Finalement, je démontrerai que les modèles de gestion de diversité soutenus par le rapport de la Commission, la laïcité inclusive et l’interculturalisme, sont des aspects nécessaires de la gestion de la diversité. Cependant, ils en découlent des philosophies politiques de neutralisme et pluralisme dont la force et le compromis en sont les buts. Je crois que le Québec peut être meilleur gestionnaire de sa diversité et peut obtenir de vraies réconciliations en prônant la conversation; une approche patriotique de la gestion de diversité.<br>In 2007 and in response to conflicts stemming from ethnic and religious difference, Quebec Premier Jean Charest established the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences. The Commission’s mandate was to take stock of accommodation practices in Quebec, analyse the issues, consult the population and formulate recommendations to the government to ensure accommodation practices’ congruence with the values of Quebec society. This mémoire will first argue that two factors, namely the evolution of the francophone majority population’s identity and changes to immigrants’ origins, contributed to Quebec’s malaise with diversity management and thus made the establishment of the Commission relevant. Second, through a review of the Commission’s methods, findings, recommendations and the Ministry of Immigration and Cultural communities’ response to the recommendations, it will be argued that while the Commission’s mandate was both pertinent and fulfilled, the government’s response was inadequate. Finally, it will be argued that while open secularism and interculturalism, diversity management methods proffered by the Commission’s report, are necessary components of diversity management, they espouse the political philosophies of neutralism and pluralism which respectively result in force and compromise. I will argue that Quebec can manage difference more effectively and achieve true reconciliation by embracing conversation, a patriotic approach to diversity management.
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Petrovich, Milan. "Morbidity characteristics related to cardiovascular outcomes in French Canadian Families of the Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean region of Quebec." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10572.
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PROBLÉMATIQUE: L’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé (OMS) considère les maladies cardiovasculaires (MCVs) comme l'hypertension, la maladie coronarienne (par exemple, infarctus du myocarde), l'insuffisance cardiaque ainsi que les accidents cérébrovasculaires, parmi les principales causes de mortalité dans le monde. Les MCVs sont des maladies multifactorielles caractérisées par des interactions complexes entre le génome et l'environnement et dont la prévalence augmente rapidement dans toutes les populations du globe, ce qui vient compliquer d'autant l'étude de leurs bases héréditaires. Nos études précédentes sur la population fondatrice des familles Canadiennes-françaises de la région du Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean (SLSJ) au Québec ont permis d’obtenir une carte des loci significativement liés à des déterminants qualitatifs et quantitatifs de l’hypertension et ses déterminants métaboliques [1, 2].
HYPOTHÈSE ET OBJECTIF: Puisque nos données préliminaires nous suggèrent que la mort prématurée consécutive aux MCVs possède des composantes génétique et environnementale, notre hypothèse de départ est que les maladies avec occurrences fatales et non fatales (OF et ONF, respectivement) ont des caractéristiques distinctes, surtout lorsqu’en lien avec le système CV. Pour réaliser ce projet, nos objectifs sont d’analyser les causes de morbidité/mortalité d’hypertendus avec ou sans obésité chez des familles de la région du SLSJ. Nous accomplirons ceci en interrogeant les registres des hôpitaux et de l'état civil de même que les données généalogiques de 1950 jusqu'à maintenant. Nous voulons décrire et étudier les OF pour les comparer aux NFO.
RÉSULTATS: Nous avons identifié un total de 3,654 diagnostiques appartenant aux OF et ONF chez les 343 sujets étudiés. Pour les OF, nous avons trouvé que: (1) un grand total de 1,103 diagnostiques du système circulatoire ont affecté 299 sujets avec 555 occurrences et 247 premières occurrences; (2) 333 des sujets participants ont reçu 1,536 diagnostiques non-CV avec 195 occurrences et 107 premières occurrences; (3) 62 diagnostiques de toutes autres causes chez 62 des sujets participants avec 81 occurrences et 11 premières occurrences. Pour les ONF: (1) 156 diagnostiques du système circulatoire ont affecté 105 sujets; (2) 60 diagnostiques de causes non-CV chez 53 des sujets; (3) et 718 diagnostiques de toutes autres causes chez 252 des sujets. Pour les OF, 109 des 333 sujets affectés par les maladies non-CV et 58 des 62 par toutes autres maladies étaient atteints simultanément par des MCV. Nous avons décrit les caractéristiques des maladies avec occurrences fatales et non fatales. Les MCVs prédominaient dans les résultats des premières occurrences et occurrences totales tandis que les maladies non-CV étaient les plus élevées pour les diagnostiques. De plus, les OF CV ont affecté 67.1% de notre échantillon de population, incluant les sujets co-affectés par les maladies non-CV ou de toutes autres causes. En fait, nos sujets ont un risque trois fois plus élevé de développer des MCVs (p<0.0001; χ2=1,575.348), tandis qu’il diminue de moitié pour les maladies non-CV comparativement au reste de la population du SLSJ (p=0.0006; χ2=11.834). Enfin, le risque de développer des tumeurs malignes est diminué de moitié dans notre échantillon comparativement à l’incidence régionale.
CONCLUSION: Cette étude a apporté une nouvelle perspective sur les OF et ONF chez nos sujets de la région SLSJ du Québec après 11 ans. Quand on observe ces résultats en conjonction avec les MCVs, ce risque double.<br>BACKGROUND: The World Health Organization (WHO) recognizes cardiovascular diseases (CVD), such as high blood pressure (hypertension; HBP), coronary heart disease (e.g. myocardial infarction), cerebrovascular disease (stroke) and heart failure, as the major cause of death globally. Furthermore, CVD are multifactorial traits with a steeply rising prevalence worldwide, determined by a complex interplay of interactions between genome and environment, which renders their hereditary analysis a complicated task. Our previous studies in the founder population of French-Canadian families from the Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean (SLSJ) region of Quebec revealed the largest set of significantly linked loci to hypertension and its metabolic components [1, 2].
HYPOTHESIS AND OBJECTIVE: Since our preliminary findings suggest that early mortality from CVD has genetic and environmental factors, we hypothesize that our population will have distinct characteristics from diseases with and without fatal outcomes (FO and NFO, respectfully), especially in relation to CV cause. Our objectives are to analyze morbidity causes, their temporal characteristics and their clustering in the hypertensive families with or without obesity from the SLSJ region, using hospital, civic death registries and genealogical records from 1950 to the present. We want to describe and study FO and compare them to NFO.
RESULTS: In total, we identified 3,654 diagnosis from FO and NFO in 343 participating subjects. For FO, we report: (1) 299 participants suffered from diseases of the circulatory system with a grand total of 1,103 diagnosis, 555 outcomes and 247 first outcomes; (2) 333 of the participating subjects were affected by non-CV systems with a total of 1,536 diagnosis, 195 outcomes and 107 first outcomes; (3) all other diseases were responsible for a total of 81 diagnosis, 30 outcomes and 11 first outcomes in 62 of the participating subjects; and for NFO: (1) the circulatory system affected 105 of the participating subjects with a total of 156 diagnosis; (2) non-CVD, 53 of participating subjects with a total of 60 diagnosis; (3) all other diseases were found in 252 of participating subjects with a total of 718 diagnosis. For FO, 109 of 333 affected subjects by non-CVD and 58 of 62 by all other diseases had also a concomitant CVD. We were able to show characteristics from both FO and NFO. In both first outcomes and total outcomes, CVD predominated over non-CV and all other diseases. When examining CV co-affection with non-CV or all other diseases, 67.1% of our sample population was affected by CV FO. In fact, our sample showed a threefold risk increase in developing CVD (p<0.0001; χ2=1,575.348) when compared to the general population of SLSJ, while it diminished by half for non-CVD (p=0.0006; χ2=11.834). Finally, the relative risk for developing malignancies decreased by half in our sample in contrast to the same region.
CONCLUSION: This 11 year follow-up study provided a unique insight into affections for both FO and NFO. When looking at malignancies in conjunction with CVD, this risk grew twofold in our sample.
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Coutu, Simon-Pierre. "Génération souverainiste? L'engagement des jeunes au sein du mouvement souverainiste québécois : le cas du Parti québécois." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16218.
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Depuis la défaite du Oui au référendum de 1995, nous observons une perte de vitesse du mouvement souverainiste québécois. Cette dernière est d’abord perceptible d’un point de vue électoral où nous observons une baisse constante des appuis aux partis souverainistes, et ensuite relativement au fractionnement social et idéologique du mouvement souverainiste. Dans un tel contexte, nous nous attardons, dans le cadre de ce mémoire, à l’engagement des jeunes âgé-e-s de 20 à 26 ans au sein du Parti québécois (PQ). Ces personnes ont commencé à s’impliquer dans ce parti alors que le mouvement souverainiste était déjà caractérisé par une perte de vitesse et n’ont jamais connu les moments effervescents de celui-ci. Suite à seize entrevues semi-directives réalisées avec des militant-e-s du PQ, ce mémoire a pour but de comprendre les processus d’engagement de ces personnes. À l’aide d’une analyse sociologique des parcours d’engagement, nous démontrons d’abord que plusieurs types de parcours ont pu mener ces jeunes à s’engager au PQ. Ensuite, nous soulignons le fait que des éléments du passé, notamment par l’entremise des cours d’histoire et de la socialisation familiale, ont eu une plus grande importance que ceux d’actualité pour leur prise de conscience souverainiste. Nous montrons aussi que ces jeunes appartiennent à une génération politique pour laquelle les grands évènements de l’histoire du mouvement souverainiste ne peuvent plus être considérés comme étant des moments critiques des parcours d’engagement. Nous démontrons finalement que l’analyse des orientations politiques des personnes permet de mieux comprendre les différences entre les différents processus d’engagement.<br>Since the defeat of the Yes campaign in the 1995 referendum, the Quebec sovereignty movement has been in decline. We can demonstrate this by analyzing the electoral results of the different sovereignist parties as well as the social and ideological division of the sovereignty movement over the past 20 years. This thesis seeks to analyse the involvement of Parti québécois (PQ) members between the ages of 20 and 26. These members began their involvement while the movement was already in decline and therefore have not lived through the most significant events of the Quebec sovereignty movement. With 16 semi-structured interviews, this study seeks to understand the political commitment processes of these individuals. Through a sociological analysis of their experiences of involvement in politics, we demonstrate that different types of processes can lead a person to join the PQ. We then argue that elements from the past, such as history classes and family socialization, have greater influence on a person’s awareness of the sovereignty issue than do current events. We proceed to establish that these individuals belong to a political generation for which the major events of the sovereignty movement cannot be considered as critical junctures in their political involvement. Finally, we demonstrate that the analysis of the individuals’ political orientations can help us better understand the differences between the different political commitment processes.
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Lavoie, Charles. "La conciliation études-travail chez les jeunes Québécois : travailler pour étudier, étudier pour travailler ou concilier pour étudier?" Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20367.
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Dumas, Patricia. "La naissance de la traduction officielle au Canada et son impact politique et culturel sous le gouvernement militaire et civil du general James Murray Quebec (septembre 1759 a juin 1766) /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ99300.
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Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Translation.<br>Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-167). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ99300
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Del, Duchetto Jean-Charles. "Le marketing politique chez les partis politiques québécois lors des élections de 2012 et de 2014." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19404.
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L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’évaluer l’adoption du marketing politique par les partis politiques québécois. Nous entendons par marketing politique une succession d’étapes intégrées (processus marketing) qui permet à un parti politique d’identifier un besoin chez l’électorat et de créer un produit visant à y répondre. Ainsi, à la question de recherche «Est-ce que les quatre principaux partis politiques québécois (Parti Québécois, Parti libéral du Québec, Coalition Avenir Québec et Québec solidaire) ont eu recours au marketing politique lors des élections provinciales de 2012 et de 2014? », nous posons l’hypothèse que le contexte québécois en 2012 et 2014 ne permettait pas aux partis politiques d’adopter une approche marketing au cours des campagnes. À cet égard, nous avons mené une étude qualitative basée sur des entrevues faites auprès des responsables des campagnes électorales de 2012 et 2014 pour chacun des partis. Notre collecte de données et notre analyse construite autour deux éléments (les acteurs du marketing politique et l’application qu’ils ont faite du processus marketing), nous ont permis d’infirmer notre hypothèse initiale et d’établir, faits à l’appui, que certains partis ont eu recours à l’approche marketing au cours des deux dernières élections alors que d’autres s’en sont tenus à l’approche publicitaire.<br>This dissertation studies the adoption of political marketing by the political parties in Québec. We hear by political marketing a succession of integrated steps (marketing process) which allows a political party to identify a need from the electorate and to create a product to answer it. Thereby, to the question, "Did the four main political parties in Québec (Parti Québécois, Parti libéral du Québec, Coalition Avenir Québec and Québec solidaire) used political marketing during the past provincial elections of 2012 and 2014?" we had the hypothesis that the Québec context, in 2012 and 2014, did not allow the political parties to adopt a marketing approach during their campaign. In this respect, we led a qualitative study based on interviews led with political campaign managers from each party, who worked during the past elections of 2012 and 2014. A collection of qualitative data and an analysis based on two elements (political marketers and the way they followed the marketing process) allowed us to counter our initial hypothesis and to establish that the some political parties used the political marketing during the elections of 2012 and 2014, while others focused on tactical marketing.
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Guersan, Daniel. "La participation politique des immigrants au Québec." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9961.
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Comment expliquer la spécificité de la participation politique des immigrants au Québec, alors qu’elle échappe aux explications usuelles ?
Si une multitude de facteurs expliquent bien la participation politique dans un cadre général comme le produit d’une rationalité individuelle, rationalité vers laquelle nos politiques sont orienté, ces facteurs peinent empiriquement à saisir pourquoi les immigrants participent et pourquoi ils évitent certains espaces politiques.
Plutôt que de reprendre une approche fondée sur une rationalité cognitive ce travail suggère de compléter les approches classiques par celles de la psychologie sociale, et de choisir un spectre original axé sur les facteurs de développement d’un sentiment d’appartenance au Québec socio-affectif.
Deux intérêts majeurs accompagnent cette démarche.
En premier lieu, elle permet d’inclure le rôle des émotions dans la compréhension de la participation politique et ouvre la voie à des explications complémentaires jusqu'alors négligées.
En second lieu, elle permet de séparer la dimension identitaire de la dimension affective, encore fusionnées dans la plupart des approches. En cela elle offre au chercheur un nouveau cadre conceptuel qui permet la prise en compte du poids des affects dans l’étude de la participation politique, dans des cas atypiques tels que l’immigration ou les sociétés en mutation rapide.
Enfin, la recherche effectuée dans ce mémoire permet d’éclaircir le comportement politique des immigrants du Québec en démontrant l’échec des politiques d’intégration à développer un sentiment d’appartenance chez ses arrivants.<br>How to understand specificities of political participation in the case of Quebec’s immigrants, as it evades from usual explanations? If a multitude of factors explain well the political participation in the common case, the main explanation feats with personal rationality. Politics are usually oriented by this statement. Still, these factors hardly give an empirical explanation of why does immigrants participate or avoid some public spaces. Instead of taking the classical approach, based on cognitive rationality, this paper suggests completing usual explanations statements through the original mediation of socio-affective factors of Quebecoise belonging development. Such a demarche gives policy science two advancements. First, it opens the way to the inclusion of emotions for a better understanding of political participation and gives complementary explanations, largely forsaken. Secondly, it set a separation between id dimension and affective dimensions, still fused in most approaches. This way gives new statements to the researchers which open the way to a better consideration of the weight of affective explanations in the study of political participation in atypical cases like immigration and fast changing societies. At last, our research explains the political behaviour of Quebecoise immigrants by establishing Quebec’s integration policies inability to create a Quebecoise belonging.
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Fragasso-Marquis, Vicky. "La couverture médiatique de Pauline Marois dans Le Devoir et La Presse durant les élections provinciales de 2008." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10735.
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Depuis quelques années, les femmes deviennent de plus en plus présentes dans les hautes sphères du pouvoir politique. Cela a encouragé de nombreux scientifiques à s’intéresser à la question des femmes en politique, notamment en ce qui concerne leur traitement médiatique. Nous avons choisi d’observer le cas de Pauline Marois, qui a été la première femme d’un grand parti, en 2008, à se présenter aux élections provinciales. En étudiant les chroniques et les éditoriaux de La Presse et du Devoir, nous avons cherché à savoir si la chef du Parti québécois avait été traitée différemment par rapport à ses adversaires, Jean Charest, chef du Parti libéral du Québec et premier ministre sortant et Mario Dumont, chef de l’Action démocratique du Québec. Nous avons découvert entre autres que Pauline Marois avait été associée davantage aux enjeux sociaux alors que Jean Charest et Mario Dumont avaient été rapprochés à l’économie. En outre, les commentateurs ont beaucoup plus abordé la question de l’apparence dans le cas de la chef du Parti québécois, alors que cela a été minime chez les autres chefs. Même si plusieurs nuances s’appliquent, notamment le contexte de la campagne électorale, nous avons conclu que Pauline Marois avait eu une couverture médiatique différente, surtout en ce qui a trait à la variable de l’apparence.<br>Over the last few years, women all over the world got involved increasingly in politics. In a lot of countries, female politicians became head of the state. Women as political leaders is now a popular research subject for political science experts, particularly on their media coverage. We were interested by Pauline Marois’ case, who was the first women, in 2008, to run for a major political party to be premier of the province of Quebec. We studied columns and editorials from La Presse and Le Devoir to observe if the Parti québécois leader had a different media coverage compared to her opponents, Jean Charest, incombent premier and Parti libéral du Québec’s leader and Mario Dumont, the Action démocratique du Québec’s leader. We found that Pauline Marois was associated most of the time with social issues, while Jean Charest and Mario Dumont were matched with economic issues. Moreover, we discovered that observers from the medias talked a lot about Pauline Marois’ looks compared to the other masculine leaders. Even if we have to take into consideration of the context of the election campaign, we concluded that the Parti québécois’ leader had a different media coverage, especially on the appearance variable.
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Gamache, Rachel. "Adopter Tchekhov : étude sociolinguistique de trois traductions québécoises d'Oncle Vania (1983-2001)." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3705.
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Depuis le début des années 1980, le milieu théâtral québécois manifeste un intérêt croissant pour Tchekhov. Pourtant, les pièces traduites ne répondent pas à la tendance qui, dans le Québec des années 1970-1980, consistait à adapter les classiques du théâtre étranger de façon ethnocentrique, notamment en les traduisant en québécois. Pour Tchekhov, les traducteurs et les praticiens semblent davantage préoccupés par la dimension dramaturgique de la langue que par l'adaptation au contexte sociolinguistique d'accueil. Intriguée par ce phénomène, nous avons cherché à le vérifier et à le comprendre dans le présent mémoire en analysant trois traductions québécoises d’Oncle Vania, représentées entre 1983 et 2001.
Notre travail se trouve au carrefour de deux disciplines : la traductologie et l’analyse dramaturgique. Il cherche à démontrer l’ancrage proprement dramaturgique des différentes stratégies de traduction d’Oncle Vania en étudiant la série de leurs concrétisations, du texte source jusqu’à la mise en jeu cible. Le corpus se compose de deux traductions à visée mimétique et d’une réécriture. Dans l'Oncle Vania de Michel Tremblay (1983), l'idiolecte du personnage de Marina a été traduit en joual de façon à recréer l'effet dramaturgique source. Dans Uncle Vanya (1993), une production anglaise du Théâtre du Centaur, les répliques de Sérébriakov ont été traduites en français par Jean-Louis Roux, l'interprète du personnage, et mettent en valeur plusieurs traits distinctifs de celui-ci. La troisième pièce à l'étude est une réécriture de la pièce par Howard Barker, (Uncle) Vanya, traduite au Québec par Paul Lefebvre (2001). La vulgarité de la langue de cette pièce a été traduite de façon sémantique pour recréer la relation déstabilisante spectacle/spectateur propre au Théâtre de la Catastrophe de Barker.
Très différentes les unes des autres, ces versions d'Oncle Vania démontrent que la traduction peut s'inscrire, en tant que processus d'analyse dramaturgique, au sein de la critique et de la réflexion sur l'œuvre de Tchekhov. En effet, ces traductions semblent participer davantage de l'histoire globale de l'interprétation du théâtre de Tchekhov en français que d’un projet sociopolitique. Ce mémoire contribue ainsi aux études de traductologie, en y intégrant des modalités d’analyse dramaturgique et apporte un nouvel éclairage à l’histoire de la traduction théâtrale au Québec.<br>Since the beginning of the 1980’s, Quebec's theatrical milieu interest for Chekhov plays is growing. However, the translated plays do not reflect the tendency which, in the 1970’s and the 1980’s, consisted in adapting the foreign classics of theater in an ethnocentric way, especially by translating them into québécois French. For Chekhov, the translators and the practitioners seemed more worried about the dramaturgic aspects of the language than by the sociolinguistic adaptation of the plays to the context of reception. Intrigued by this phenomenon, we tried to verify and understand it by analyzing three Uncle Vania plays translated and produced in Quebec between 1983 and 2001.
Our work is at the crossroads of two disciplines : traductology and dramaturgical analysis. It tries to demonstrate the strictly dramaturgic roots of the various translations strategies for Uncle Vania by studying the series of their concretizations, from the source text to the target mise en jeu. The corpus consists of two mimetic translations and a rewriting. The first play is Oncle Vania, translated by Michel Tremblay (1983), where the idiolect of Marina, one of the characters, was translated in joual in order to recreate the dramaturgic effect of the source text. In the second translation, Uncle Vanya, played in English at the Centaur Theater (1993), the lines of professor Serebryakov were translated into French by Jean-Louis Roux, the character's interpreter, and emphasize several of his characteristics. The third play of the corpus is a rewriting of Chekhov's, (Uncle) Vanya by Howard Barker, translated in Quebec by Paul Lefebvre (2001). The vulgarity of the language of this last play was translated in a semantic way, in order to recreate the show/spectator relation particular to the Barker’s Theatre of Catastrophe.
These Uncle Vania’s versions are very different from one another and demonstrate that translation, as a process of dramaturgic analysis, can contribute to the criticism and the reflection on the work of Chekhov. In fact, these translations seem to participate more in the global history of the interpretation of Chekhov’s theater in French, than in a sociopolitical reading of theatrical translation in Quebec. In contributing top translation studies by the mean of dramaturgical analysis, this work also sheds new light on the history of theatrical translation in Quebec.<br>Réalisé en codirection avec Hélène Buzelin
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Bédard-Provencher, Ariane. "Une analyse intersectionnelle des relations entre féministes islamiques et séculières au Québec." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20135.
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St-Maurice, Alexis. "« De véritables débits de poisons » : analyse des référendums de prohibition dans les provinces canadiennes entre 1898 et 1921." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25630.
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Les résultats historiques des différents référendums et plébiscites tenus au Canada depuis la Confédération ont révélé de très grandes oppositions entre plusieurs provinces. Le Québec s’est particulièrement distingué du reste du pays lors de certains référendums. En effet, cette province francophone est la seule à s’être opposée majoritairement à la circonscription, à la prohibition, et à avoir voté à deux reprises pour se séparer du reste du Canada. Or, notre compréhension de l’origine des distinctions d’opinions entre les provinces canadiennes, et plus particulièrement celle du Québec, demeure encore floue aujourd’hui. Il est donc important de remonter dans le temps pour voir si celles-ci étaient présentes au début du 20e siècle, notamment en étudiant l’enjeu de santé publique lié à la prohibition. Ce mémoire s’intéresse donc à la relation entre plusieurs variables socio-démographiques et les résultats du vote lors de différents référendums. Des mouvements en faveur de la prohibition se sont formés au milieu du 19e siècle au Canada et aux États-Unis avec des succès inégaux. Le mouvement prohibitionniste canadien n’a jamais réussi à étendre son influence contrairement aux États-Unis, mais celui-ci a quand même réussi à s’introduire au niveau des municipalités à l’aide de la loi sur la tempérance (1878). Le référendum national (1898) fut révélateur d’une forte opposition à cette politique publique au Québec. Les origines de ces disparités régionales, entre le Québec et le reste du Canada, mais aussi au niveau des municipalités au Québec, demeurent inexpliquées aujourd’hui. Or, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent ces différences ? La littérature sur la tempérance indique que la religion est le facteur explicatif principal de l’appui à la prohibition. D’autres facteurs existent comme l’origine ethnique, la proportion urbaine et rurale, la présence des groupes d’intérêt brassicoles ou le vote des femmes. Néanmoins, la littérature au Canada ne semble pas unanime sur le sujet. À partir d’une analyse de régressions linéaires des moindres carrés ordinaires (MCO) et de modèles linéaires généralisés (MLG) sur les données du recensement canadien (1901, 1921), les votes des référendums et du rapport annuel de la Commission des Liqueurs du Québec (1921-1922), il sera possible de déterminer les facteurs explicatifs de l’appui à la prohibition. Les attitudes des francophones et des catholiques en dehors du Québec seront analysées lors des référendums au Nouveau-Brunswick (1920) et en Nouvelle-Écosse (1920). Un lien avec les attitudes politiques sur la légalisation du cannabis nous pousse à croire que la distinction du Québec s’articule toujours dans sa vision de la santé publique.<br>The historical results of different referendums and plebiscites held in Canada since the Confederation revealed a high level of opposition between the provinces. Quebec particularly distinguishes itself from the rest of the country during these referendums. Indeed, this province was the only one to oppose conscription, the prohibition and to hold two referendums to secede from Canada. Our understanding of the origins of these differences in the Canadian provinces, and Quebec in particular, is still vague today. It is important to look back in time to see these distinctions at the beginning of the 20th century by studying the multiple issues linked to alcohol and prohibition. This thesis aims to explain the relationship between socio-demographic variables and prohibition plebiscite results. Temperance movements have been founded in the mid-19th centuries in Canada and the United States, with unequal success. Canadian temperance movements never really succeed to extend their influence nationwide, but it was successfully introduced in communities later by the Scott Act (1878). The national referendum of 1898 revealed a strong opposition to prohibition in Quebec. The origins of these regional disparities, between the province of Quebec and the rest of Canada, and at the community-based level in Quebec, has yet to be explained. Which factors account for these differences? In the following analysis, several different variables like ethnic origins, rural and urban proportion, and gender are used to explain the support or opposition toward prohibition. With the data analysis of the Canadian census (1901, 1921), the plebiscite results and the Quebec Liquor Commission annual report (1921-1922), ordinary least squares models (OLS) and generalized linear models (GLM) will be used to analyze multiple variables in support of prohibition. The attitudes of Catholics and French-speaking communities outside Quebec will be analyzed during the New Brunswick (1920) and Nova Scotia plebiscite (1920). A link with the actual political attitudes about the legalization of cannabis tends to show that these distinctions persist through time concerning public health issues in Quebec.
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Hmimssa, Azeddine. "Ethnographie de la citoyenneté en périodes de tension au sein de groupes catholiques, musulmans et sécularisés et dans leurs relations mutuelles." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21134.
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Boyer, Geneviève. "Le deuil au Québec : rituels spontanés et informels." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22765.
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Mazot-Oudin, Antoine. "La politique au camping : analyse comparée des rapports au politique des classes populaires en France et au Québec." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25409.
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Cotutelle internationale de thèse réalisée entre l'Université de Montréal et l'Université de Lille<br>Résumé
Victoire inattendue de Donald Trump aux États-Unis lors de la campagne présidentielle de 2016 ; succès du camp du Brexit au Royaume-Uni la même année ; disparition des deux partis de gouvernement au deuxième tour de la campagne présidentielle en France lors de l’élection de 2017 ; victoire majoritaire d’un tiers-parti, la Coalition Avenir Québec, lors de l’élection provinciale de 2018 au Québec : des deux bords de l’Atlantique, d’importantes recompositions des scènes partisanes et des résultats électoraux inopinés agitent les analyses politiques, médiatiques et pour partie universitaires. Ces phénomènes sont parfois interprétés au travers du prisme de la « montée des populismes ». Certains travaux pointent du doigt le « peuple » et sa propension à se laisser séduire, voire berner, par des leaders « populistes ». L’explication, souvent sur la base d’enquêtes de sondage, serait à trouver dans le vote, pêlemêle, des « perdants de la mondialisation », des classes populaires ou encore du monde ordinaire des zones rurales. Le constat d’un champ politique apparemment chamboulé par les franges dominées du monde social s’accompagne du paradoxe de pauvres votant contre leurs intérêts supposés.
En France, ces questionnements s’inscrivent en partie dans des débats autour du vote des classes populaires dans un contexte d’effacement du clivage gauche-droite comme référent politique. Au contraire, au Québec, la scène partisane est présentée comme de plus en plus polarisée autour de ce clivage en raison du moindre attrait de la cause souverainiste tandis que la notion de classes populaires n’est pas aussi centralement mobilisée par les analyses politiques. En comparant ces deux cas distincts, ce travail de recherche vise à éclairer sous un jour qualitatif les rapports à la politique et au politique des classes populaires en France et au Québec.
Sur la base d’une enquête ethnographique dans deux campings populaires dans le Pas-de-Calais et dans la partie sud de la région de Québec, ce travail étudie par le bas et dans une perspective comparée les représentations et les attitudes politiques de campeuses et de campeurs saisonniers dans des contextes de loisirs. Je mobilise comme données d’enquête une campagne d’une cinquantaine d’entretiens, des observations ethnographiques réalisées pendant deux saisons estivales dans ces deux campings et dans d’autres espaces de loisirs.
En analysant les représentations ordinaires des sphères partisanes et les sens sociaux du vote auprès des enquêté-e-s rencontré-e-s, ce travail souligne une même distance soupçonneuse vis-à-vis du champ politique auprès de groupes sociaux aux propriétés sociales comparables. Le vote y apparait comme une information politique équivoque et parfois difficilement interprétable. A rebours des seuls schèmes savants de compréhension du jeu politique, ce travail souligne la mobilisation parmi les classes populaires françaises et québécoises d’outils profanes comparables, les indices et les rumeurs, qui observés in situ illustrent la pluralité des modes d’appréhension de la politique.
Pour partie faiblement connectées aux enjeux du champ politique, souvent en écho à des expériences personnelles, les attitudes politiques des classes populaires nécessitent d’être étudiées dans une perspective plus large. Ces rapports au politique se comprennent davantage en réinscrivant ces représentations politiques et du monde social dans les relations qu’entretiennent ces enquêté-e-s à l’État et dans les frontières identitaires et de classe qu’ils et elles mobilisent pour se situer socialement. Cette recherche souligne ainsi les divergences et les effets de trajectoires sociales et de lieu dans les visions du monde que mobilisent les classes populaires dans ces deux espaces nationaux.
Ma contribution vise donc à éclairer sous un autre jour les recompositions des scènes partisanes en France et au Québec en abordant la question au travers des rapports ordinaires à la politique des classes populaires. Elle esquisse une sociologie politique des classes populaires au Québec et prend position dans les débats portant sur la droitisation des classes populaires et sur la « montée des populismes » en France et au Québec en proposant une contribution méthodologique à l’ethnographie du politique.<br>Abstract
Donald Trump’s unforeseen victory in the U.S’s 2016 presidential campaign. The unexpected Brexit in the U.K. the same year. The disappearance of the two governing political parties in France at the 2017 elections. The electoral success of a third party, the Coalition Avenir Québec, during the provincial elections in 2018 in Quebec. On both sides of the Atlantic, unpredicted electoral results and a large reshuffling of partisan scenes are upsetting political, media and academic analyses. These phenomena are sometimes summed up as part of the “rise of populism”. Some works single out the “people” and their habit of being seduced, sometimes of being fooled, by “populist” leaders. The (jumbled) causes – built through statistical explications – are usually found with the “losers of the globalization”, the popular social classes or with ordinary people of rural regions. The observation of a political world turned upside down by the more dominated margins of society is usually brought up with the paradox of poor people voting against their supposed interests.
In France, these reflections are part of the larger debate concerning the voting habits of the popular classes in the context of the slow demise of the right-left divide as the main political reference. On the contrary, in Quebec, the partisan sphere is seen as being more and more polarized around this divide, as the question of sovereignty loses its significance. At the same time, the notion of popular social classes is not as centrally used by analysts in Quebec. Comparing these two cases allows this research to shed – a qualitative – light on the popular classes’ relations to politics and political sides in France and in Quebec.
This work is based on an ethnographic fieldwork in two lower class campgrounds in Pas-de-Calais (in France) and in the south of the “ region of Québec ”. It is a study, from the bottom-up and in a comparative perspective, of the representations and political attitudes of seasonal campers in a leisurely context. My analysis is based on around fifty interviews and a set of ethnographic observation made during two summer seasons in two campgrounds and in other spaces of leisure.
In my analysis of the research participants, ordinary representations of the political parties and of the social significance of voting underlines a suspicious distance from the political realm that is common to socially comparable groups. Voting habits appear to give ambiguous political information that is often difficult to interpret. Far from the erudite patterns of understanding the political game, my work emphasizes common secular tools used by popular classes in France and in Quebec. When such tools, like the use of clues or of rumors for instance, are observed on site, they illustrate the plurality of the participants’ understanding of and relationship to the political.
The political attitudes of the popular classes are very loosely connected to the issues of the political realm and are usually rooted in personal experiences. They thus need to be studied in a larger perspective. These relationships to the political are better understood when they are connected to the participants’ relationship to the State and to their own mobilization of identities which allows them to situate themselves socially. My work therefore underscores the divergences and effects of diverse social and spatial trajectories on the social representations and world visions that the popular social classes muster in these two distinct national spaces.
My work consequently aims at shedding a different light on the reshuffling of the partisan scenes in France and in Quebec by orienting the debate towards the ordinary relationships of the popular classes to the political. This thesis points at a political sociology of popular classes in Quebec. It also takes a stand in the debates on the shift to the right of these lower classes and on the “rise of populism” in France and in Quebec. This stand is rooted in a methodological contribution to the ethnography of the political.
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Martel, Marc-Antoine. "La stratégie numérique des partis politiques québécois lors de la campagne électorale de 2018." Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22757.
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Bouthillette, Jean François. "Une étude des conceptions de l’opinion publique chez les chroniqueurs politiques et éditorialistes québécois." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3771.
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Dans les démocraties occidentales, la notion d’opinion publique occupe une place importante dans l’action des politiciens et le discours des médias. Elle y renvoie généralement à la somme des opinions individuelles des citoyens, aux résultats de sondages. Or, les limites de l’opinion publique ainsi conceptualisée apparaissent de plus en plus clairement aux chercheurs en sciences sociales, et cela jette un doute sur sa valeur comme guide des politiques publiques. Pour mieux comprendre la place de l’opinion publique dans le processus démocratique québécois, nous avons cherché à connaître les conceptions qu’en ont certains acteurs-clés : les chroniqueurs politiques et éditorialistes francophones du Québec. Au moyen d’entrevues, nous avons documenté leurs « théories profanes » à ce sujet, c’est à dire leurs façons de voir l’opinion publique et sa place dans le processus démocratique. L’exercice nous apprend que ces « commentateurs habituels » distinguent plusieurs formes d’opinion publique, de valeur inégale. Celle qui revêt le plus d’intérêt pour eux est une « opinion publique latente », qui intègre des dimensions d’intensité et de propension à changer. Ils jugent les sondages utiles mais insuffisants pour appréhender l’opinion publique; aussi l’interprètent-ils à partir de conversations et d’un certain « sens de l’opinion publique ». Selon eux, les médias peuvent influencer l’opinion publique, mais surtout influencer la tenue d’une délibération publique et la façon dont les décideurs lisent l’opinion publique. Ils estiment aussi pouvoir, par leur travail journalistique, favoriser l’émergence d’une opinion publique raisonnée, ce qui est conforme à leur idéal de démocratie participative.<br>The notion of public opinion is central to political action and media coverage of politics, in western democracies. It usually refers to the sum of all citizens’ individual attitudes, and to survey results. Yet, the limitations of public opinion thus conceptualized appears ever more clearly to scholars, calling into question its value as an input to the political process. In order to better understand the role of public opinion in the political process in Quebec, we have been seeking to understand how some important political actors — elite francophone political columnists and editorialists — view public opinion. By interviewing those journalists, we gathered their “lay theories”, i.e. the way they understand public opinion and its place in the democratic process. We found out that these pundits distinguish different types of public opinion, which are of unequal value to them. They are mostly interested in “latent public opinion”, a concept that includes dimensions of intensity and transformation potential of opinion. They believe surveys are somewhat useful, but incomplete tools for assessing public opinion. Therefore, they turn to other means of knowing it: conversations, and a certain “public opinion sense”. According to them, the media can have an influence on public opinion, but above all it can have an influence on public deliberation and on the way politicians view public opinion. Respondents also believe they can contribute, by their journalistic work, to the construction of a more considered public opinion — which is in tune with their ideal of participatory democracy.
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Blackburn, Marie-Ève. "Les représentations sociales de la pharmacogénomique au Québec : éléments de prospective." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9857.
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Cette thèse porte sur les représentations sociales de la pharmacogénomique (PGx) chez deux groupes d’acteurs centraux du développement et des applications en PGx au Québec. L’objectif est de comprendre comment les chercheurs en PGx et les étudiants en médecine se positionnent à l’égard des découvertes en PGx et de leurs éventuelles applications en pratique médicale. Cette étude a aussi pour objectifs de mieux comprendre comment il est possible d’anticiper l’arrivée de la PGx dans la pratique médicale par le contraste des représentations des chercheurs et des étudiants et de concevoir comment les informations circulent entre les deux groupes.
Pour atteindre ces objectifs, l’utilisation du cadre théorique des représentations sociales, et plus particulièrement des représentations sociales dites professionnelles, est retenue. Une démarche multiméthodologique est déterminée pour cerner les représentations des deux groupes. En effet, une approche qualitative par entretiens semi-dirigés est réalisée dans un premier temps auprès des chercheurs et, ensuite, une enquête par questionnaire est effectuée auprès des étudiants en médecine.
Les positionnements des deux groupes sont contrastés au sujet de trois concepts clés : les médicaments, la génomique et la PGx. Les principes organisateurs des représentations sociales des étudiants en médecine et des chercheurs, eu égard à ces trois concepts, permet de positionner le niveau des représentations sociales des étudiants en médecine vers leur professionnalisation dans un schéma proposé par Bataille (2000). Ainsi, les étudiants en médecine fournissent des représentations des médicaments assez près de celles des chercheurs. Leurs représentations des avancées en génomique sont beaucoup moins professionnalisées, tandis que l’on remarque une organisation restreinte pour ce qui est de leur représentation de la PGx. Le contexte de formation médicale est interrogé dans cette thèse puisqu’il laisse peu de place aux découvertes et aux recherches de pointe. Les chercheurs autant que les étudiants affirment que la solution pour améliorer leurs connaissances dans le domaine de la PGx est d’ajouter ces connaissances dans leur cadre de leur formation médicale.<br>This thesis pertains to social representations of pharmacogenomics (PGx) in two groups of central actors in PGx development and application in Québec. The objective is to understand how PGx researchers and medical students stand with regard to PGx discoveries and their potential medical practice applications. This study also aims at better understanding how the arrival of PGx in medical practice can be anticipated, by contrasting researchers’ and students’ representations, and at grasping how the information flows between these two groups.
To meet these objectives, the theoretical framework of social representations, and more particularly the so-called professional social representations, is used. The two groups’ representations are identified through a multi method approach. Indeed, a qualitative method consisting of semi-structured interviews with the researchers is used, followed by a questionnaire survey of the medical students.
The two groups’ positions are compared with respect to three key concepts: medication, genomics and PGx. The organizing principles of the medical students’ and researchers’ social representations, in consideration of these three concepts, enables us to position the social representation levels of the medical students relative to their professionalization in a chart proposed by Bataille (2000). The medical students’ representations of medication are thus similar to those of the researchers. Their representations of advances in genomics are far less professionalized, while there is an absence of organization in their representation of PGx. The medical training context is questioned in this thesis since it leaves little room for discovery and advanced research. Researchers and students both say that the solution for improving their knowledge in the field of PGx is to make it part of their medical training.
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Arsenault, Gabriel. "La mise à l’agenda du « problème » de la sous-représentation des Autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale au Québec, 1960-2010." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/5286.
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À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme.
Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones.<br>With the emergence of a territorially-based Quebec identity in the 1960s intellectuals and pressure groups began to construct the “problem” of aboriginal under-representation in Quebec’s national history program. We compare the importance of this “problem” on the agenda of the designers of the last two high school national history teaching programs in Quebec: History of Quebec and Canada (1982-2008) and History and Education Citizenship (2007/2008-). We show that this “problem” only gained prominence on the agenda of the second program’s designers.
To explain this difference between the agenda of the two programs’ designers, we use John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams approach. We show that in the 1990s and 2000s, all the elements favouring the agenda setting of this “problem” were present: the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, the political entrepreneur and the policy window. In contrast, we argue that in the late 1970s, one element was missing: the politics stream, more specifically the national mood. To make the concept of national mood less a-historical, we use Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s typology (1993) and distinguish three levels of beliefs constitutive of the national mood. We assert that a change occurred at the deepest and most unalterable level of beliefs held by Quebec’s intellectual and political élite between the late 1970s and the 1990s in favour of the recognition of aboriginal peoples.
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Tessier, Geneviève. "Le téléroman, un mode de connaissance du social : l’entrée dans la vie adulte de quatre jeunes personnages de Yamaska." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11541.
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