Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Gender politics'
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Lippmann, Quentin. "Gender, Institutions and Politics." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLEH002.
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Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un hommeThis thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one
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McLeod, Laura Jane. "Gender politics and security discourse." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14993/.
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Since the United Nations Security Council adopted UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in October 2000, there have been debates about how to achieve "gender security". This thesis explores competing modes of constructions about "gender security" within feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia, highlighting the ways that personal-political imaginations of Serbia's conflict and post-conflict pasts, presents and futures affect the logics of "gender security". Part one explores the configurations of "gender security" amongst feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia. Post-structural discourse analysis strategies are deployed to investigate the personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict constituting how feminism and security is thought about. Utilising field research conducted in Serbia during 2008 and 2009, the discursive construction of competing modes of thought about gender and/or security amongst activists is revealed, highlighting that the way that conflict and post-conflict is thought about profoundly affects these modes of thought. Part two is an in-depth examination of the performance of UNseR 1325 within two case studies. UNSCR 1325 is taken to be the site of discursive contact between gender and security, and is productive of the articulation and representation of gender security policies and agendas. The first case study centres upon the feminist-pacifist debate, focussing upon Women in Black. UNSCR 1325 is utilised as a political tool to support the advocacy work of Women in Black. In contrast, the second case study explores ways specific discourses of gender security has stimulated political action. An investigation of the broader domestic violence debate in Serbia makes clear how international gender security discourses triggered an increasing concern about small arms and light weapons (SALW) abuse within domestic violence. Subsequently, activists have pushed SALW concerns higher up the domestic violence agenda in Serbia. The variations in how UNSCR 1325 is utilised is a consequence of the particular configuration of gender security, arising from personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict amongst activists.
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Lilliefeldt, Emelie. "European Party Politics and Gender : Configuring Gender-Balanced Parliamentary Presence." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-63628.
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In the late 20th century, the proportions of women and men elected into European national parliaments became increasingly equal. Political parties shape these outcomes by selecting and fielding candidates in elections. Scholars recognise that parties' actions do not occur in isolation; yet there is little systematically comparative research about the configurations of conditions in which these actions occur. Previous research also often relies on studies of West European parties. This doctoral thesis investigates how conditions inside and outside parties combine to create gender-equal parliamentary presence. The thesis examines the extent to which Western European experiences apply to Central and East European parties, and explores the conditions that stand in the way of progress towards gender balance. It presents three empirical studies. The first is a qualitative comparative analysis of 57 West European parties during the late 1980s, a period in which the trend towards equality accelerated. The second study applies the knowledge produced in the first analysis to cases in Central and Eastern Europe. It uses an original dataset covering six parties in four EU member states in a structured focused comparison. Finally, the thesis presents an in-depth case study of an unexpectedly gender-balanced Latvian party. The analyses show that gender-equal parliamentary presence is achieved when conditions inside and outside parties combine, and that no condition is necessary or singularly sufficient. The absence of gender-equal parliaments is sustained by combinations other than the absence of those that lead to gender-balance. Operationalisations from Western Europe turn out to be largely applicable to cases in Central and Eastern Europe. These latter cases also demonstrate that organisational instability need not impede women’s presence in elected office.Under sent 1900-tal har andelen kvinnor och män i nationella demokratiska parlament i Europa blivit alltmer jämstora. Politiska partier formar politisk representation genom att välja egna kandidater till val. Forskare har visat att partiers beteende på den punkten inte sker i isolering, men det finns ändå en brist på systematiskt jämförande studier om vilka kombinationer av villkor som leder till jämn könsrepresentation i nationella parlament. Dessutom vilar tidigare studier ofta på kunskap om situationen i Västeuropa. Den här doktorsavhandlingen undersöker hur villkor i och utanför politiska partier kombineras för att uppnå jämställd parlamentarisk representation. Den utforskar i vilken grad de västeuropeiska erfarenheterna är användbara i Öst- och Centraleuropa, och studerar villkoren som upprätthåller manlig dominans i parlamentariska partier. Den presenterar tre empiriska studier. Den första är en kvalitativt jämförande studie (fsQCA) av 57 Västeuropeiska partier under sent 1980-tal, en period då andelen kvinnor i nationella parlament ökade. Den andra studien tillämpar kunskapen från den första studien på fall i Öst- och Centraleuropa. Studien bygger på ett unikt dataset med sex partier från fyra EU-stater, i en strukturerad fokuserad jämförelse. Slutligen presenteras en fallstudie av ett ovanligt jämställt parti i Lettland. Analyserna visar att lika andelar kvinnor och män i nationella parlament åstadkoms när villkor i och utanför partier kombineras, och att inget villkor är nödvändigt eller ensamt tillräckligt. Frånvaro av jämn representation upprätthålls av andra kombinationer än de som leder till jämn representation. Operationaliseringarna som utvecklades för Västeuropa är applicerbara i Öst- och Centraleuropa. De senare fallen visar också att organisatorisk instabilitet inte behöver hindra en jämställd parlamentarisk närvaro.
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Monforte, Enric. "Gender, Politics, Subjectivity: Reading Caryl Churchill." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/1659.
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This doctoral dissertation approaches three plays written by British playwright Caryl Churchill (1938- ): Cloud Nine (1979), Top Girls (1982), and Blue Heart (1997). Her plays deal mainly with systems of oppression and their effects on the individual or on groups of people. These systems of oppression, reminiscent of the Foucauldian power structures, exert their restrictive power over the dispossessed -the working class, women, or gays and lesbians. The main objective of this dissertation is to demonostrate how a gender and politics-oriented approach to theatre can help to subvert some of the patriarchal and conservative assumptions implicit in traditional theatre. In this respect, the three plays analysed share the presence of recurrent themes: patriarchal society, the nuclear family, colonisation at several levels (race, gender, sexuality), and the capitalist system.
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Morton, Bevely. "Gender politics in the lion's den /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm8891.pdf.
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Thomas, Melanee. "Gender and psychological orientations to politics." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106458.
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Since the 1950s, women's lives have changed dramatically in established democracies, but the gender gaps in political interest and subjective political competence have not. This is problematic, as psychological orientations to politics – political interest and subjective political competence – play a key role in democratic functioning. The conventional explanations found in the political science literature suggest that women's enhanced levels of socioeconomic resources, as well as changing gender roles and feminist socialization, should have narrowed and closed these gaps over time. And yet, throughout the post-industrial world, these gaps persist. Why is this the case? This dissertation tests two conventional explanations. The first is predicated on socioeconomic resources, the second on gender role change. Results demonstrate that these conventional explanations garner little to no empirical support. Levels of education, income, and occupational status cannot explain why women are less interested in politics, and less confident in their political abilities than are men. Similarly, gender role change and feminist socialization did not eliminate these gaps as predicted. Several alternative explanations for these gaps are also tested. Results show that in some cases, gender and time condition the effects of socioeconomic resources on political interest and subjective political competence. Thus, women derive fewer political benefits from some socioeconomic resources than do men, and the importance of these resources for women's psychological engagement with politics has diminished over time. These conditional effects offset the socioeconomic gains women have made over time. Surprisingly, the dual demands of motherhood and labour force participation rarely impair women's political interest and subjective political competence. Instead, religiosity consistently boosts political interest, suggesting that increasing secularization actually helps perpetuate this gap. Finally, results show that increasing the number of women in elected office helps significantly narrow the gender gap in political interest. However, comparable effects are not found for subjective political competence, nor are other effects found for social policies such as maternity and parental leave, childcare, or taxation. These findings carry important implications for future attempts to secure gender equality in the political sphere. Exciting, innovative avenues for future research also stem from these results. Both are discussed in the conclusion.Depuis les années 1950, la vie des femmes a dramatiquement changé dans les démocraties établies mais l'écart avec les hommes en matière d'intérêt politique et de compétence politique subjective est resté le même. Ceci est problématique puisque les orientations psychologiques envers la politique – intérêt politique et compétence politique subjective – jouent un rôle clé dans le fonctionnement des démocraties. La littérature en science politique a longtemps suggéré que l'amélioration du statut socioéconomique des femmes, en plus du bouleversement du rôle traditionnel des femmes et de la socialisation dans un contexte féministe auraient dû rétrécir sinon éliminer avec le temps l'écart observé entre les hommes et les femmes. Pourtant, à travers le monde postindustriel, cet écart persiste. Pourquoi? Cette thèse de doctorat met à l'épreuve deux explications fréquemment citées dans la littérature, de même que plusieurs explications alternatives qui toutes tentent d'expliquer pourquoi l'écart existe et s'est maintenu jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Les résultats tendent à démontrer que les femmes ne sont pas moins intéressées par la politique que les hommes ni moins confiantes en leurs aptitudes politiques pour des raisons liées à leur plus faible éducation, leur statut économique plus précaire, leur statut professionnel moins valorisé ou encore leurs fréquentes absences du milieu du travail. On assiste plutôt, dans certains cas, à des situations où les femmes retirent moins de bénéfices de leurs ressources socioéconomiques. De plus, l'importance de ces ressources pour l'engagement psychologique des femmes envers la politique a diminué dans le temps. Résultat surprenant, les demandes doubles de la maternité et du travail limitent rarement l'intérêt politique et la compétence politique subjective des femmes. C'est plutôt la religiosité de celles-ci qui semble jouer un rôle positif important. On peut donc penser que la sécularisation accélérée des sociétés postindustrielles pourrait contribuer à maintenir l'écart avec les hommes. Alors que les changements dans les rôles traditionnels et la socialisation féministe n'ont pas éliminé les écarts entre les femmes et les hommes tels que prédit par la littérature en science politique, augmenter le nombre de femmes dans les postes élus aide à diminuer de façon significative cet écart en matière d'intérêt politique. Par contre, on ne trouve pas d'effets comparables du côté de la compétence politique subjective, ni d'effets en matière de politiques sociales telles que les congés de maternité et parentaux, les services de garde, ou la taxation.Cette thèse de doctorat se termine par une discussion sur les implications de ces conclusions sur les recherches futures ainsi que sur les tentatives à venir pour obtenir une égalité entre hommes et femmes dans la sphère politique.
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Chapman, Kiera Ann. "Scandal : gender, publicity, politics 1789-1850." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1444606/.
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This thesis, an exercise in cultural history, puts forwards two main lines of argument. Firstly, I explore the way in which scandal was used by early nineteenth century reformers to argue for the inclusion of a wider range of individuals in political debate. I contrast the approaches of Rousseau and Bentham to publicity, exploring the manner in which the latter became especially useful to radicals after the 1790s, as the former became associated with dangerous Jacobinism. Chapters three and four discuss the interplay between these two ways of thinking about scandal in the Mary Ann Clarke affair (1809) and the Queen Caroline affair (1820-1). I show that while scandal allowed the case for reform to be dramatized in an especially vivid way, encouraging ordinary people to get involved in politics, its attention to particular details could also damage the radical cause by distracting attention away from abstract arguments for reform. The second strand of argument deals with the relationship between publicity and feminism. Scandal did not just entrench the sexual double standard rather, debates about publicity provided a way for early feminists to demand recognition of woman's legal and political identity. However, attitudes amongst women towards the balance to be struck between individual self-determination and social convention varied widely. Germaine de Stael and Geraldine Jewsbury reworked the ideas of Rousseau to argue that a woman's ability to follow her feelings rather than moral conventions signalled her suitability for citizenship, and in the Caroline affair, many ordinary women claimed a right to engage in political debate on the grounds of their feelings of sympathy for the Queen. On the other hand, Maria Edgeworth argued for a rapprochement between reason and social duty, while Rosina Bulwer-Lytton used scandal against her husband in order to press for recognition of woman's separate legal identity.
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Taylor, Erin N. Bickford Susan. "Specious poisons? reputation, gender, and democratic politics /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,426.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Gibb, Camilla C. T. "Religion, politics and gender in Harar, Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321548.
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Kershaw, Angela. "Gender, politics and fiction in 1930s France." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14337/.
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This study examines French political fiction of the 1930s, taking gender as its primary category of analysis. It considers texts by female novelists whose work has been largely excluded from critical attention, in order to bring their particular contribution to inter-war French literature to light. It integrates this analysis into a consideration of relevant and representative texts of the exclusively male canon of French political fiction dating from the 1930s, exploring points of contact and divergences to show how the work of the female authors relates to the wider context of French inter-war literary activity. Texts by eight writers are considered in detail, namely Madeleine Pelletier, Edith Thomas, Henriette Valet, Louise Weiss, Louis Aragon, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, André Malraux and Paul Nizan. The analysis of the female-authored novels informs the study of their male counterparts, whose texts also offer fertile ground for an analysis in terms of gender. The corpus is approached, in broad terms, through the themes of commitment, sexuality and the body. These themes permit an investigation of the gendering of politicization as it is manifested in 1930s literature.
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de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.
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Gabryszewska, Maria. "Gender, Party, and Political Communication in the 114th Congress." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3744.
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This dissertation investigates the interaction of gender and party in the political communication of members of Congress (MCs). The study focuses on the tweets of all MCs in the House of Representatives during two weeks of the 114th Congress (9,374 tweets from 431 MCs). I conduct an in-depth content analysis of these tweets to extract important message characteristics related to issue areas, electoral behaviors, and constituency targeting.
I find that MCs emphasize their partisan ties when they tweet about women’s or men’s issues, but Democratic congresswomen and Republican congressmen go further to address feminine and masculine issue areas respectively. In their electoral behaviors, congresswomen posted more advertising tweets than congressmen, especially Republican congresswomen. Republican congresswomen took individual credit for legislation at high rates and shared very little, while Democratic congresswomen shared credit almost as much as they took individual credit. Furthermore, while both Democratic and Republican congresswomen see themselves as “surrogate representatives” (Carroll 2000) of the women beyond the boundaries of their districts, Democratic congresswomen target national constituencies significantly more often than their colleagues. These results provide evidence that gender is not enough to understand how MCs communicate – the key lies at the nexus of gender and partisanship.
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Alat, Zeynep. "Politics of gender and sexuality in teachers' lives." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3186944.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Curriculum and Instruction, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-12, Section: A, page: 4279. Adviser: Ellen Brantlinger. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 11, 2006).
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Fiske, Jo-Anne. "Gender and politics in a Carrier Indian community." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29101.
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This thesis presents a study of the political processes of Stoney Creek, Saik'uz, a Carrier Indian community in British Columbia. The primary goal is to account for the central role of women in public decision making. The focus is on the political significance of women's domestic authority, of their influence in kinship groups, of their social rank in the clan/potlatch complex, and of their roles in the elected council and the administrative structure, and of their voluntary associations.
The study is approached from three directions. First, women's changing socio-economic position is described and analyzed. Second, the influence of traditional culture on modern life is considered. Third, the current socio-political organization of the community is examined in relation to prevailing conditions of economic dependency. Here the focus is on the management of scarce social and economic resources and on the competition for decision-making positions.
This study argues that women's public presence is the result of three tightly interwoven factors: women's economic autonomy (which includes control over critical domestic resources); the prevailing ideology of respect for older women's knowledge and wisdom; and the socio-economic structure, in which public and private interests are essentially undifferentiated.
These factors coalesce to provide economic and cultural foundations for women's unique political strategy: the formation of voluntary associations that interact successfully with the formal political structure to influence public decisions and to advance family and community interests. Women's voluntary associations compete successfully with the elected council in obtaining limited economic and political resources and provide a special forum in which women can retain and advance family honour and political fortunes.
The study also examines a number of approaches to the impact of colonization and capitalism on indigenous women. The findings refute the argument the capitalism automatically erodes the position of women in indigenous communities. They support the contrary view that in conditions of political-economic marginality, a domestic sector of production exists along side capitalist production. Because the domestic sector is organized around kinship and the creation of use-values, this mode of production protects or even enhances women's personal autonomy and social influence.
The analysis of political processes in which women are equal participants requires moving away from common assumptions of female subordination to analytical models that reveal the complex, and often contradictory, structural relations that develop between women and men as women come to occupy a variety of social positions. In seeking to understand women's central position in this community, this study points to the need for theoretical models grounded in the routines of social relations. Theoretical formulations are needed that will take into account the simple fact that women and men are visible and active in the public domain. In conclusion, it is argued that approaching women's political participation through theoretical perspectives that stress female subordination obscures the relative power available to indigenous women as a consequence of ascribed rank and personal competence.Arts, Faculty of
Sociology, Department of
Graduate
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au, Alison Lee@uts edu, and Alison Lee. "Gender and Geography: Literacy Pedagogy and Curriculum Politics." Murdoch University, 1992. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20051129.144620.
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This thesis is an investigation into processes of gendered subject production in literate practices in school settings. Focusing on student writing in geography, the study explores gender differences in written texts with a view to asking what is differently at stake for girls and for boys in 'becoming literate' in school geography.
The study is an ethnographic case study of a geography classroom, focusing in particular on contexts for the production of two texts which are subject to close textual analysis. Drawing on a range of theoretical and methodological perspectives: curriculum studies, linguistics and feminist theory, the thesis argue that classrooms are sites of multiple and competing discourses. Student texts are oriented discursively and generically in different ways. These orientations both reflect and produce wider discursive alignments within the discipline of geography and elsewhere. The thesis investigates the politics of these differences.
Part I builds a detailed account of the Year 11 geography classroom as a set of curriculum contexts within which students' literate practices are located. Readings are produced of the official curriculum resources, focusing in particular on the syllabus and the classroom textbook material. The spoken language dynamics of the classroom are investigated in terms of the materiality of processes of speaker positioning along gender lines in the production and negotiation of geographical meanings.
Part II produces detailed readings of two student essays: one by a girl, one by a boy. Differences between the two are investigated, drawing links between the texts and the discursive contexts of their production and reception. The argument is made that the two texts enact a significant gender difference in and through different geographies.
Part III discusses the consequences of the thesis findings for contemporary debates about literacy pedagogy. This includes a critique of one dominant framework within which the notion of 'critical literacy' is being engaged: that of educational linguistics. Finally, the argument is made that existing accounts of 'subject-specific literacy' need to be expanded to engage two senses of the word 'subject': both the specificity and multiplicity of the discourses of subject-disciplines and the concomitant production of different human subject positions through textual practice. To investigate the implications of this, theories of literacy pedagogy, it is argued, need to engage more substantially with available theories of the subject, such as feminist theories, while at the same time engaging sophisticated analytics for the exposure of the material workings of discursive practices in school-literate productions.
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Poldma, Tiiu Vaikla. "Gender, design and education : the politics of voice." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape8/PQDD_0026/MQ50557.pdf.
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Hill, Kathryn Marie. "Gender and livelihood politics in Naga City, Philippines." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/975.
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This thesis examines how livelihood diversification is also a site in which gender relations are unsettled, maintained and (re)configured. With the aim of strengthening the links between feminist and agrarian change scholarship, I present ethnographic material from Naga, a medium-size city in Bicol, Philippines, to explore how daily discourses, practices and performances of livelihood change are instrumental in mapping ways of life that are
gendered.
In the first part of the thesis, attention is devoted to the inadequate, or at least outdated, attention to gender relations in previous models of livelihood change, and to spell out some of the implications its integration may bring. In the remaining part of the thesis my aim is to indicate how this integration should be achieved. Specifically, I highlight some of the problems stemming from ‘structural’ analyses of gender, and emphasize the fresh
perspectives opened up by a post-structural, performative approach.
I then proceed to the Naga context, where I present two case studies to ‘flesh out’ these theoretical claims in more depth. Part One traces the involvement of state institutions in these changing political economies. Specifically, I consider how local state policies and practices associated with agrarian change are not simply implicated in people’s tendency to diversify, but also in the (re)production of gender identities. Notions of male responsibility
and women’s rightful position in the home emerge as particularly important in this respect. In Part Two, I move to Pacol, a small farming community located on Naga’s peri-urban fringe. By drawing on interview and focus group material provided by ten ‘diversifying’ households, I consider how these discourses come into being; how they are worked through and (re)produced inperformances.
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Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Elena. "Gender, Islam and the Sahrawi Politics of Survival." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517121.
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Hemzaček, Kristina. "Which Gender Is Being Mainstreamed in Global Politics?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43359.
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Gender mainstreaming is a transnational policy process that has been underway for close to three decades. This paper aims to uncover “which gender is being mainstreamed in global politics” through conducting a textual analysis on twenty global policy documents. The text of the documents was coded into two categories of gender: abolitionist and affirmative. The predictions were that (1) there is a movement toward an affirmative concept of gender and away from an abolitionist one; (2) “women” are being replaced with “gender” in global policies; (3) there is a shift away from sex-based and toward gender-based provisions in global policies; (4) the affirmative concept of gender is being mainstreamed; and (5) that the abolitionist concept of gender is not being mainstreamed. It was found that, out of the five predictions, only the third one is supported by the evidence, i.e., the gender that is being mainstreamed in global politics is abolitionist. Although the results were almost entirely contrary to the predictions, it is important not to underestimate the potential implications of erasing sex-based provisions. In recasting provisions for women as “gender-based” one runs the risk of making them provisions for “femininity”, which consequently could mean limits to female political participation.
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Zulfiqar, Chaudhry Sadia. "African women writers and the politics of gender." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5202/.
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This thesis examines the work of a group of African women writers who have emerged over the last forty years. While figures such as Chinua Achebe, Ben Okri and Wole Soyinka are likely to be the chief focus of discussions of African writing, female authors have been at the forefront of fictional interrogations of identity formation and history. In the work of authors such as Mariama Bâ (Senegal), Buchi Emecheta (Nigeria), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (Nigeria), Tsitsi Dangarembga (Zimbabwe), and Leila Aboulela (Sudan), there is a clear attempt to subvert the tradition of male writing where the female characters are often relegated to the margins of the culture, and confined to the domestic, private sphere. This body of work has already generated a significant number of critical responses, including readings that draw on gender politics and colonialism; but it is still very much a minor literature, and most mainstream western feminism has not sufficiently processed it. The purpose of this thesis is threefold. First, it draws together some of the most important and influential African women writers of the post-war period and looks at their work, separately and together, in terms of a series of themes and issues, including marriage, family, polygamy, religion, childhood, and education. Second, it demonstrates how African literature produced by women writers is explicitly and polemically engaged with urgent political issues that have both local and global resonance: the veil, Islamophobia and a distinctively African brand of feminist critique. Third, it revisits Fredric Jameson’s claim that all third-world texts are ‘national allegories’ and considers these novels by African women in relation to Jameson’s claim, arguing that their work has complicated Jameson’s assumptions.
21
Lee, Alison. "Gender and geography: literacy pedagogy and curriculum politics." Thesis, Lee, Alison (1992) Gender and geography: literacy pedagogy and curriculum politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1992. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/149/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an investigation into processes of gendered subject production in literate practices in school settings. Focusing on student writing in geography, the study explores gender differences in written texts with a view to asking what is differently at stake for girls and for boys in 'becoming literate' in school geography.
The study is an ethnographic case study of a geography classroom, focusing in particular on contexts for the production of two texts which are subject to close textual analysis. Drawing on a range of theoretical and methodological perspectives: curriculum studies, linguistics and feminist theory, the thesis argue that classrooms are sites of multiple and competing discourses. Student texts are oriented discursively and generically in different ways. These orientations both reflect and produce wider discursive alignments within the discipline of geography and elsewhere. The thesis investigates the politics of these differences.
Part I builds a detailed account of the Year 11 geography classroom as a set of curriculum contexts within which students' literate practices are located. Readings are produced of the official curriculum resources, focusing in particular on the syllabus and the classroom textbook material. The spoken language dynamics of the classroom are investigated in terms of the materiality of processes of speaker positioning along gender lines in the production and negotiation of geographical meanings.
Part II produces detailed readings of two student essays: one by a girl, one by a boy. Differences between the two are investigated, drawing links between the texts and the discursive contexts of their production and reception. The argument is made that the two texts enact a significant gender difference in and through different geographies.
Part III discusses the consequences of the thesis findings for contemporary debates about literacy pedagogy. This includes a critique of one dominant framework within which the notion of 'critical literacy' is being engaged: that of educational linguistics. Finally, the argument is made that existing accounts of 'subject-specific literacy' need to be expanded to engage two senses of the word 'subject': both the specificity and multiplicity of the discourses of subject-disciplines and the concomitant production of different human subject positions through textual practice. To investigate the implications of this, theories of literacy pedagogy, it is argued, need to engage more substantially with available theories of the subject, such as feminist theories, while at the same time engaging sophisticated analytics for the exposure of the material workings of discursive practices in school-literate productions.
22
Lee, Alison. "Gender and geography : literacy pedagogy and curriculum politics /." Lee, Alison (1992) Gender and geography: literacy pedagogy and curriculum politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1992. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/149/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an investigation into processes of gendered subject production in literate practices in school settings. Focusing on student writing in geography, the study explores gender differences in written texts with a view to asking what is differently at stake for girls and for boys in 'becoming literate' in school geography.
The study is an ethnographic case study of a geography classroom, focusing in particular on contexts for the production of two texts which are subject to close textual analysis. Drawing on a range of theoretical and methodological perspectives: curriculum studies, linguistics and feminist theory, the thesis argue that classrooms are sites of multiple and competing discourses. Student texts are oriented discursively and generically in different ways. These orientations both reflect and produce wider discursive alignments within the discipline of geography and elsewhere. The thesis investigates the politics of these differences.
Part I builds a detailed account of the Year 11 geography classroom as a set of curriculum contexts within which students' literate practices are located. Readings are produced of the official curriculum resources, focusing in particular on the syllabus and the classroom textbook material. The spoken language dynamics of the classroom are investigated in terms of the materiality of processes of speaker positioning along gender lines in the production and negotiation of geographical meanings.
Part II produces detailed readings of two student essays: one by a girl, one by a boy. Differences between the two are investigated, drawing links between the texts and the discursive contexts of their production and reception. The argument is made that the two texts enact a significant gender difference in and through different geographies.
Part III discusses the consequences of the thesis findings for contemporary debates about literacy pedagogy. This includes a critique of one dominant framework within which the notion of 'critical literacy' is being engaged: that of educational linguistics. Finally, the argument is made that existing accounts of 'subject-specific literacy' need to be expanded to engage two senses of the word 'subject': both the specificity and multiplicity of the discourses of subject-disciplines and the concomitant production of different human subject positions through textual practice. To investigate the implications of this, theories of literacy pedagogy, it is argued, need to engage more substantially with available theories of the subject, such as feminist theories, while at the same time engaging sophisticated analytics for the exposure of the material workings of discursive practices in school-literate productions.
23
Blomqvist, Linnéa. "Gender Quotas in the Constitution : A method to achieve gender equality?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-154135.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing on earlier research and theories regarding female political representation and its effects on gender equality, the attempt in this study is to investigate whether political gender quotas, legislated in the constitution, has a positive association and effect on gender equality in a society. A substantial number of studies supports the notion that quotas increase female representation in the political context. Yet, few studies examine gender quotas effect on women’s everyday life. The study investigates the variation in gender equality amongst new democracies where countries with gender quotas are compared to countries without. The overall findings appoint that political gender quotas demonstrate more far-reaching effects than to increase the number of women elected. Having a high female representation does affect women’s everyday life and a quota will increase gender equality in a society. This should be regarded as a solid argument in favour of an implementation of a gender quota. Additionally, the results from this study indicate that Anne Phillips theory the Politics of Presence, which points out the importance of having high female representation, does exert an effect.
24
Petrus, John Stephen. "Gender Transgression and Hegemony: the Politics of Gender Expression and Sexuality in Contemporary Managua." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429609857.
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Lyons, Tanya. "(Mis)representations of Africa and the politics of gender /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl991.pdf.
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Moore, Linda Miriam Georgina. "Gender counts : men, women and electoral politics, 1893-1919." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of History, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4342.
Full textAbstract:
Gender has seldom been considered in accounts of electoral politics and voting in early
twentieth century New Zealand. This thesis approaches the question of gender and electoral
politics in three ways. The first is a case-study of the 1893 election campaign in Christchurch
based on qualitative data. Gender threaded through both political organisation and debates in
this election campaign. Men and women organized separately and invoked gender difference
in the discussion of election issues. The second approach is a quantitative study across time
and space comparing men's and women's participation rates in general elections from 1893
until 1954. Women's turnout was significantly lower than men's in the 1890s, but the
difference had largely disappeared by the late 1940s. Moreover, although broad social
changes increased women's participation relative to men's, factors such as party organisation
and the nature and content of political debates were also important. The third approach is a
statistical analysis comparing men's and women's voting preferences on the liquor issue and
for the political parties at electorate level from 1893 until 1919. The analysis is of an
ecological nature. It is designed to overcome the absence of individual-level voting data and
to limit the ecological fallacy problem which is the error of assuming that relationships
evident at the group level reflect relationships at the individual or sub-group level. The thesis
reviews and trials five methods for ecological inference: Goodman's ecological regression,
King's parametric and non-parametric methods, a semi-parametric method and the
homogeneous method. King's non-parametric method is then used to estimate men's and
women's support for Liberal, Reform and opposition candidates and for and against
prohibition from 1893 until 1919. Significant differences between men's and women's
preferences are revealed by the estimates. Together these three approaches indicate that
gender was an important factor in election politics of the early twentieth century.
27
Hooper, Charlotte. "Manly states : masculinities, international relations (IR) and gender politics." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389164.
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28
Raposo-Quintana, P. "Militant memories : family, gender and politics under Pinochet's dictatorship." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2009. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/129/.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to analyse political memories, through the life stories of people who participated in political parties or movements during the time of Pinochet’s dictatorship. The analysis focuses on two aspects of activism which have usually been neglected, namely family and gender relations. Several questions were embraced along this research, around the central motivation of learning about the way in which people became politically active. What role family traditions and loyalties played? How gender has been constructed through political memories and political activism? And from a more historical point of view, how State terrorism during the Chilean dictatorship marked political militancy, both rightwing and leftwing, particularly for those who were defeated and suffered human rights violations? Methodological aspects determine the limits and richness of this work, based on memory narratives taken from interviews. Political identities are analysed through memory work, from the perspective of the ways in which people remember and construct their experiences of activism, through their own narratives. I examine how committed militants view their past participation, how they currently live their commitment, how they relate to the Chilean past, and how they construct their identities through the narrations of this particular and essential aspect of their lives. Political parties, particularly the leftwing, have been criticised because of their failure to stand as political referents and their inability to vindicate current struggles, to reflect new forms of exploitation and the lack of recognition for new social actors. Therefore, and taking the Chilean experience as an example, I also revise some reasons why ‘modern’ and western styles of militancy, in the last decades, may have become less popular. Finally, I would like to state that this research intended to stand as a space for the narratives of some Chilean political actors, to confront the official history of this painful period, a history that tends to forget that behind the facts that shocked Chile during the 1970s the protagonists were real and normal people, whose everyday life conditions drove them to live with a strong political commitment.
29
Rentetzi, Maria. "Gender, Politics, and Radioactivity Research in Vienna, 1910-1938." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27084.
Full textAbstract:
What could it mean to be a physicist specialized in radioactivity in the early 20th century Vienna? More specifically, what could it mean to be a woman experimenter in radioactivity during that time? This dissertation focuses on the lived experiences of the women experimenters of the Institut für Radiumforschung in Vienna between 1910 and 1938. As one of three leading European Institutes specializing in radioactivity, the Institute had a very strong staff. At a time when there were few women in physics, one third of the Institute's researchers were women. Furthermore, they were not just technicians but were independent researchers who published at about the same rate as their male colleagues. This study accounts for the exceptional constellation of factors that contributed to the unique position of women in Vienna as active experimenters.
Three main threads structure this study. One is the role of the civic culture of Vienna and the spatial arrangements specific to the Mediziner-Viertel in establishing the context of the intellectual work of the physicists. A second concerns the ways the Institute's architecture helped to define the scientific activity in its laboratories and to establish the gendered identities of the physicists it housed. The third examines how the social conditions of the Institute influenced the deployment of instrumentation and experimental procedures especially during the Cambridge-Vienna controversy of the 1920s. These threads are unified by their relation to the changing political context during the three contrasting periods in which the story unfolds: a) from the end of the 19th century to the end of the First World War, when new movements, including feminism, Social Democracy, and Christian Socialism, shaped the Viennese political scene, b) the period of Red Vienna, 1919 to 1934, when Social Democrats had control of the City of Vienna, and c) the period from 1934 to the Anschluss in 1938, during which fascists and Nazis seized power in Austria. As I show, the careers of the Institute's women were shaped in good part by the shifting meanings, and the politics, that attached to being a "woman experimenter" in Vienna from 1910 to the beginning of the Second World War.Ph. D.
30
Hoff, Sara A. "Gender Politics: A Case Study of Feminism in Iran." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1246370248.
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Helton, Josh A. "Politics of Gender and Sexuality in Contemporary Altered Carbon." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1587732433724245.
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Lynes, Krista Geneviève. "Imaging boundaries : video, gender, and the politics of visibility /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Jones, Beth Felker. "Marks of his wounds : gender politics and bodily resurrection /." Oxford : Oxford university press, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41253558d.
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Plötz, Andy. "Queer Politics." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-220805.
Full textAbstract:
Unter Queer Politics wird eine spezifische Form des politischen Aktivismus verstanden, bei dem eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit gesellschaftlichen Konstruktionsprozessen von Geschlecht und Sexualität, die sozialen Folgen solcher Prozesse und ihre Einbindung in Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse fokussiert werden. Queer Politics wurden insbesondere durch die Befreiungskämpfe der lesbischen und schwulen sowie der feministischen Bewegungen des 20. Jahrhunderts geprägt. Die Queer Theory bildet den wichtigsten theoretischen Hintergrund. Kritik wird vor allem hinsichtlich der Unschärfe des Begriffs queer, als auch queerer Identitätspolitiken formuliert.
35
Walker, Nancy J. "Gender and politics : political attitudes and voting in contemporary Great Britain and the United States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235723.
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Eggert, Elizabeth. "Gender and Politics: Why More Women Do Not Seek Candidacy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/985.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to explore why so fewer women seek political candidacy in the United States. I begin by seeing if the political arena has progressed, if at all, within the last thirty years. A comparison between the number of female legislators in the United States versus other western industrialized nations is used to see if there are cultural or institutional causes of gender disparity in governments throughout the world. I then examine existing factors that both encourage and discourage women from running for political office. External factors include the type of electoral process the United States uses, Political Action Committees (PACs) marketed to support female candidates, media coverage, and incumbency blockades. A discussion on internally existing factors analyzes ever existing stereotypes of men, women and leaders that result both from socialization of gender roles and inherent anatomical discrepancies between males and females.
After analyzing the various factors I conclude that immutable biological differences between men and women affect political ambition and will consequently affect how many women seek political candidacy. This finding may not sit well with activists striving for political parity, but it is a reality society needs to accept. We cannot use anatomical gender differences as justification to prevent women from seeking office. But understanding the inherent causes will stop the criticism and essentially the undermining of women in American politics.
37
Kale, Nulufer. "The Politicization Of Gender: From Identity Politics To Post-identity." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613815/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis study is to understand the significance of today&rsquos feminist politics in Turkey for post-identity politics. When it is considered that identity politics is being widely practiced today, whereas there is still much vagueness regarding the ways of doing post-identity politics, in order to achieve the aim of this study it becomes necessary to make a critique of identity politics and to reveal post-identitarian tendencies through this critique of identity-based political mobilization. In this study, feminist identity politics is analyzed and criticized from the perspective of Judith Butler, who is a poststructuralist feminist questioning identity and its relation to gender politics. These issues are questioned through qualitative research method and semi-structured in-depth interviews are used as the data gathering technique. Five in-depth interviews were conducted with women who consider themselves feminist. The interviews aim at providing individual narrations of the participants to be exposed to deconstruction later on through the analysis process. Therefore, participants are not asked direct and categorical questions about their ideas on specific issues
instead, they are encouraged to talk about how they perceive the gendered world around them and how they respond to it and how these ideas are transferred to the political arena. It was found that the participants perceived sex, gender and sexuality in a dualistic framework to a certain extent and this relative fluidity enables them to realize the importance of doing post-identity politics, but they do not have a tendency to transfer this to the political arena in the near future.
38
Yelin, Hannah. "Subjectivity for sale : the gender politics of ghosted celebrity memoir." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/61725/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the memoirs of contemporary, young, female celebrities with a particular focus on gender, agency in self-representation, and ghostwritten authorship. Although the thesis explores examples which range across fiction, photo-diary, comic-strip, and art anthology, as well as more ‘traditional’ autobiographical forms, it argues that a strong set of representational conventions is at play, prescribing particular constructions of female subjectivity. These memoirs exist within what this thesis terms a wider economics of access, in which young, female celebrities trade the appearance of access to their commoditised subjectivity and/or exposed bodies. This thesis investigates both the demands of the genre, and the potentially resistant strategies which may work to temper them. Yet even the most seemingly non-conforming examples evidence the weight of convention upon them and point to the limits of the representational possibilities for highly visible young women. This thesis contends that such questions of access and self-representational agency must be interrogated in relation to the genre’s visible mediation. These texts, which are widely understood to be ghost-written, invite consideration of how can we understand collaborative construction and its implications for both agency and ‘authorship’. Case-studies have been organised around female celebrities from different media ‘fields’ - reality TV stars, popstars and ‘glamour’ models - and the thesis explores the examples of Jade Goody, Paris Hilton, Katie Price, Pamela Anderson, Jenna Jameson, Lady Gaga and M.I.A - examining the ways in which self-representation is shaped by the media specificities of the particular celebrity’s domain. By theorising celebrity memoir - as gendered, as ghost-written, as an agentic intervention, and as a negotiated terrain which makes its negotiations exceptionally visible on the page – this thesis provides new ways in which to understand the modes of self-representation available to women on a public stage, and the discourses which structure and limit them.
39
au, jane lorrimar@challengertafe wa edu, and Jane Lorrimar. "Organisational culture in TAFE colleges : power, gender and identity politics." Murdoch University, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.145611.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a vertical slice of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE experience at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.
40
McQueen, Paddy Michael. "Struggling for subjectivity : recognition, gender and the politics of identity." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602679.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the philosophy and politics of recognition. Specifically, it examines the connections between identity, feminism and recognition politics. The thesis draws on feminist and post-structuralist theories of the subject to challenge contemporary models of recognition, especially as formulated by Axel Honneth and Charles Taylor. Consequently, the overarching aim of the thesis is threefold: (I) to establish an appropriate model of the subject; Cll) to identify the most promising form of contemporary feminism; and (Ill) to develop a distinctive understanding of recognition which can do justice to the insights of this form of feminism, thus producing a critical perspective on existing political theories of recognition. To this end, the thesis advocates a feminist politics inspired by the work of ludith Butler and Michel Foucault, and demonstrates how their work can be used to reveal fundamental problems for many existing theories of recognition. In particular, the thesis examines the ways in which recognition is bound up with normalising and exc1usionary processes connected to subject-formation and social identities. This is placed alongside the positive aspects associated with recognition, such as its ability to foster self and social acceptance, in order to produce a more complex and ambivalent account of recognition than, one finds in much of the existing recognition literature. The ambivalence of recognition is further demonstrated through an exploration of transgender politics, with a focus on how gender identities are regulated and normalised by institutional and social practices. These reflections are brought together through a discussion of what makes for a "liveable life". The thesis examines how recognition, feminism and theories of the subject contribute to how we understand a liveable life, and the ways in which feminist politics can help make more lives liveable.
41
Vlachantoni, Athina. "Gender and Politics of Pension Reform in Greece, 1975-2002." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498545.
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Alvarez, Kevin. "Where has the revolution gone? : gender and politics in Nicaragua." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1346.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
43
Welsh, Elaine. "Gender and local politics : connecting the public and the private." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369958.
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44
Matear, Ann. "Gender, the state & the politics of transition in Chile." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241956.
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45
Tanwir, Maryam. "Bureaucratic perceptions of governance : intersections of merit, gender and politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609137.
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46
Blue, Adrianne. "Stretching the limits : journalism and gender politics in women's sport." Thesis, City University London, 2010. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/12245/.
Full textAbstract:
My work on the sports pages of the Sunday Times led to invitations to write two books on the emergence of elite female champions and two unauthorized biographies of female champions, all of which included original data and analysis of gender issues in sport. One of the first academic, self-reflective analyses by a sports journalist, this dissertation written for the PhD by prior publication, places my work in the context of the profession and considers my contribution to understanding how elite champions have used their agency in sport. Contributions in the works submitted include re-theorizing the ―feminine apologetic‖ with regard to elite champions, documentation and interpretation of agency and constraint in the career of Martina Navratilova, identifying and modelling the backlash role of gymnastics, and interrogating the gender frontier; all are critically analysed here. In this dissertation, issues of journalistic practice including the advantage of bias are considered, and the ―doping apologetic‖ is identified, named and preliminarily modelled. My work both benefits from and contributes to the cross-disciplinary, inter-linked analysis of women‘s sport in the social sciences and in sport and women's studies, and has been cited in the literature. Contravening conventionalist journalistic stereotyping of female champions, it documents and evaluates how champions have attempted to gain opportunity for themselves, and how their strategies may have affected the paradigm of femininity.
47
Pietrobelli, Marta. "In whose interests? : the politics of gender equality in Jordan." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18069/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis engages with the politics of gender equality in the context of democratisation processes in the Middle East, with specific reference to an oftenneglected case study, i.e. Jordan. By analysing the gender dimension of representation and political participation, my thesis contributes to the literature on gender quotas, social change and gender mainstreaming in the region, and does so from a bottom-up perspective, bringing in women's lived experiences. More specifically, I investigate how the international gender equality rhetoric is understood and translated into practice in the context of women's political empowerment. I also problematise the role of women's organisations in advocating gender justice. Drawing on original ethnographic fieldwork carried out in Jordan between 2010 and 2011, my case study focuses on the experiences of female candidates in the parliamentary elections of November 2010, the role of local and international organisations in empowering women in politics, and the influence of the authoritarian regime on the promotion of women's rights. Analysing the intersections between diverse dynamics involved in the promotion of gender justice in Jordan, I argue that gender equality is often instrumentalised and/or treated as an add-on in local, national, regional and international policies. In addition, while analysing the reasons behind the adoption of gender quotas, I stress the need to look at the sociocultural and political context in which quotas are introduced. In the specific setting of gender justice advocacy, my research findings indicate that the association of women's rights promotion with government-related or royal-supported organisations may be problematic, especially when the role of the state is being discredited and challenged in the wake of the recent uprisings (2011 and 2012). Finally, in the context of gender equality rhetoric, I suggest that it might be more productive for practitioners and researchers to employ an intersectional approach that not only addresses women's multifaceted and diverse gender interests, but also recognises that gender-based struggles are frequently linked to neoliberalism and neocolonial policies.
48
Strolovitch, Dara Z. "Affirmative advocacy : race, class, and gender in interest group politics /." Chicago : University of Chicago press, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41270045c.
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Samti, Farah. "Body and Gender Politics in Post-Revolution Tunisia (2010-2018)." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24548.
Full textAbstract:
Focusing on the context of post-uprising Tunisia and using a gender lens, I explore gender and body politics through embodied social protest. I examine the post-uprising constitutional and decision-making processes as well as discursive representations in the Constitution and the role of protesting and legitimacy in shaping institutional tools and mechanisms. I draw attention to the status of women and the LGBTQI++ community as well as vulnerable individuals and their role in social change during the country’s democratic transition by analyzing narratives and discourses around protesting and bodily rights and themes such as legibility/illegibility. I complement my analysis with three qualitative, in-depth interviews with three Tunisian activists; I also reflect on my personal experience as a former reporter and student-activist during and post uprisings. I conclude that the emergence of new forms of mobilization and discourses create unique possibilities to negotiate power and gender norms
50
Lorrimar, Jane. "Organisational culture in TAFE colleges: power, gender and identity politics." Thesis, Lorrimar, Jane (2006) Organisational culture in TAFE colleges: power, gender and identity politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2006. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/164/.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a 'vertical slice' of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE 'experience' at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.