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1
Süßenbacher, S., M. Amering, A. Gmeiner, and B. Schrank. "Gender-gaps and glass ceilings: A survey of gender-specific publication trends in Psychiatry between 1994 and 2014." European Psychiatry 44 (July 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.03.008.
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AbstractBackground:Within academic psychiatry, women are underrepresented in the higher academic ranks. However, basic determinants of women's lack of academic advancement such as publication activity are poorly understood. The present study examines women's publication activity in high-impact psychiatry journals over two decades and reports developments in the numbers of male and female authorship over time and across cultural areas.Methods:We conducted a retrospective bibliometric review of all articles published in 2004 and 2014 in three high-ranking general psychiatry journals. Statistical comparisons were made between the two years and with results from a baseline assessment in 1994.Results:The overall percentage of female authors increased from 24.6% in 1994 to 33.2% in 2004 to 38.9% in 2014. Though increases in female authorship were statistically significant for both decades, there was less difference between 2004 and 2014, indicating a possible ceiling effect. Rates of female first authors increased between 1994 and 2014, though to a lesser degree between 2004 and 2014. Numbers of female corresponding authors plateaued between 2004 and 2014. Within Europe, Scandinavia displayed the most balanced gender-wise first author ratios. Western European and Central European countries increased their rates of female first authors substantially between 2004 and 2014.Conclusions:Despite gains in some areas, our study reveals considerable deficits in the diversity of the current academic psychiatric landscape. Ongoing efforts and interventions to enhance the participation of underrepresented groups on institutional, political and editorial levels are necessary to diversify psychiatric research.
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Croce, Mariano. "Desiring What the Law Desires: A Semiotic View on the Normalization of Homosexual Sexuality." Law, Culture and the Humanities 14, no. 3 (October 7, 2014): 402–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872114553070.
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Critics of the same-sex rights discourse claim that recent struggles for sexual equality is fostering a process of normalization that exerts both heteronormative and homonormative effects. This article follows this clue and seeks to identify some of the factors and the channels of the “transformation of desire” which is currently affecting the homosexual imagery. By looking at some key judgments both in the U.S. and Europe, it explores how lesbians, gays, and bisexuals acquire socio-political visibility and how the latter impacts on them. By capitalizing on a semiotic view of law, the article explains how the access to the legal field has forced lesbians, gays, and bisexuals to frame the theme of homosexuality in conformity with a categorial grid typical of traditional kinship models.
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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, and Ryan Finnigan. "Rights for Same-Sex Couples and Public Attitudes Toward Gays and Lesbians in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (September 20, 2018): 868–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797947.
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This article investigates how changes in same-sex rights affect attitudes toward homosexuality. We argue that different same-sex relationship policies vary in their impact. Whereas registered partnership laws construct a distinct target population that receives new benefits, marriage equality sends an unambiguously positive signal and reduces the perceived group difference through inclusion into existing rights. As a consequence, marriage equality should have a positive effect on attitudes toward homosexuality, whereas partnership laws should have much less positive effects and could even lead to backlash among some groups. Combining data from eight waves of the European Social Survey with data on legislation, we analyze the effects of same-sex marriage, registered partnerships, and marriage bans on attitudes toward gays and lesbians. Marriage has a positive effect, bans and registered partnerships have a negative effect. Legalized partnership is especially associated with significantly more negative attitudes among nonreligious and less educated people.
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Kennedy, Charlene, and Katherine Covell. "Violating the Rights of the Child through Inadequate Sexual Health Education." International Journal of Children's Rights 17, no. 1 (2009): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092755608x278939.
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AbstractThe focus of this research was to examine the impact of traditional sexual health education, an approach that infringes upon children's rights to information, on 15 year-olds' knowledge of birth control, sexually transmitted infections, pregnancy, attitudes toward gays and lesbians. One hundred and twenty grade ten students completed a survey comprising measures of sex education received, sexual activity, sexual health knowledge, attitudes toward gays, lesbians, and the teaching of homosexuality, and school-based experiences with homophobia. Our findings reinforce the inadequacy of traditional sexual health education to meet rights consistent standards. Although many of the respondents were sexually active, their knowledge of sexual health issues, and especially of homosexuality, was poor. Homophobic expression was reported to be very common in schools, and teacher interventions were few. Prejudicial attitudes toward gays and lesbians were related to experience with homophobia and to a lack of knowledge about homosexuality. In essence current practices are violating the rights of all children but particularly those of sexual minority status. Consistency with children's rights requires shifts in sex education practices and teacher attitudes and behaviors.
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Levy, Kirsten, Richard V. Aghababian, Erwin F. Hirsch, Domenic Screnci, Anna Boshyan, Robert C. Ricks, and Massoud Samiei. "An Internet-based Exercise as a Component of an Overall Training Program Addressing Medical Aspects of Radiation Emergency Management." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 15, no. 2 (June 2000): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00025048.
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AbstractThe use of ionizing radiation and radioactive materials continues to increase worldwide in industry, medicine, agriculture, research, electrical power generation, and nuclear weaponry. The risk of terrorism using weapons of mass destruction or simple radiological devices also has increased, leading to heightened concerns. Radiation accidents occur as a consequence of errors in transportation ofradionuclides, use of radiation in medical diagnosis and therapy, industrial monitoring and sterilization procedures, and rarely, nuclear power generation. Compared to other industries, a small number of serious radiation accidents have occurred over the last six decades with recent cases in the Republic of Georgia, Peru, Japan, and Thailand. The medical, psychological, and political consequences of such accidents can be considerable. A number of programs designed to train medical responders in the techniques of radiation accident management have been developed and delivered in many countries. The low frequency of serious radiation accidents requires constant re-training, as skills are lost and medical staff turnover occurs. Not all of the training involves drills or exercises in which responders demonstrate learning or communication over the broad spectrum of medical response capabilities. Medical preparedness within the context of a total emergency response program is lacking in many parts of the world, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and the Newly Independent States. This paper describes an effort to enhance medical preparedness in the context of a total program of international cooperation and conventions facilitated by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The paper concludes that novel application of telecommunications technology as part of a training activity in radiation accident preparedness can help address gaps in training in this field in which preparedness is essential but experience and practical field exercises are lacking.
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Joppke, Christian. "Multiculturalism by Liberal Law." European Journal of Sociology 58, no. 1 (April 2017): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975617000017.
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AbstractThere has been much talk about the retreat or even death of multiculturalism. Much of this discussion confounds multiculturalism with explicit policy under that name. I argue in this paper that liberal law itself, in particular majority-constraining constitutional law, requires multiculturalism, understood as multiple ways of life that cannot and should not be contained by a state that is to be neutral about individuals’ ultimate values and commitments. The workings of legal multiculturalism are demonstrated through a comparison of benchmark jurisprudence on gays in America and Muslims in Europe. An interesting difference is that for Muslims, liberal law has also functioned as constraint, not only as resource, especially in the post-2001 period of heightened integration concerns.
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Richards, Claudina. "The Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Couples—The French Perspective." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2002): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.2.305.
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Legislative reforms have been introduced in several European states to tackle the question of the legal recognition of same-sex relations, with the Nordic countries taking the lead.1 Changes in the attitude of the general public towards gays and lesbians, as demonstrated by the publicity and popularity of Gay Pride marches throughout Europe, has brought the issue to the fore of the political and legal arenas. France has been no exception, with the public debate on the recognition of same-sex couples culminating in the recent adoption of the law relating to the Pacte Civil de Solidarité (PACS) which provides for the registration of a couple's partnership regardless of sex.
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Mole, Richard C. M., Christopher J. Gerry, Violetta Parutis, and Fiona M. Burns. "Migration and Sexual Resocialisation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 1 (December 14, 2016): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416682813.
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Based upon a survey of more than three thousand respondents and forty in-depth interviews, the aim of this article is to examine the impact of migration on sexual resocialisation. In particular, we show how living in London influenced the attitudes of Central and East European migrants towards pre-marital sex and homosexuality. While the general acceptability of pre-marital sex was not affected by time spent in London, differences were noted in the meaning attached to sex outside marriage in the United Kingdom compared with Central and Eastern Europe. Particularly significant changes were observed in our respondents’ attitudes towards homosexuality, with a greater liberalisation the result of extrication from mechanisms of social control, re-socialisation into new social norms regarding sex and sexuality, greater visibility of sexual difference in London and, in particular, inter-personal contacts with gays and lesbians. Limitations to the general liberalisation of attitudes were also noted.
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Dowrick, Frank. "Council of Europe: Juristic Activity 1974–86, Part I." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 36, no. 3 (July 1987): 633–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/36.3.633.
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Dowrick, Frank. "Council of Europe: Juristic Activity 1974–86, Part II." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 36, no. 4 (October 1987): 878–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/36.4.878.
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McGuire, Steven, Johan Lindeque, and Gabriele Suder. "Learning and lobbying: emerging market firms and corporate political activity in Europe." European J. of International Management 6, no. 3 (2012): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ejim.2012.047028.
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Marsiglio, William. "Attitudes toward homosexual activity and gays as friends: A national survey of heterosexual 15‐ to 19‐year‐old males." Journal of Sex Research 30, no. 1 (February 1993): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224499309551673.
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Schnyder, Melissa. "The Domestic Issue-Specific Political Opportunity Structure and Migrant Inclusion Organization Activity in Europe." Social Movement Studies 14, no. 6 (January 13, 2015): 692–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2014.995078.
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Fadejeva, Ludmila, and Aleksejs Melihovs. "The Baltic states and Europe: common factors of economic activity." Baltic Journal of Economics 8, no. 1 (September 2008): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1406099x.2008.10840446.
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ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Environmental Belief Systems in Western Europe." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001001.
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For most parts of the 20th century, class and religious predispositions guided individuals' perceptions of the political space in Western Europe. Recently, however, analysts have noted the weakening of class and religious cleavages. Moreover, new social movements emerged in Western Europe, despite the inapplicability of traditional class and partisan cues to ecological issues. In light of the presumed lack of sophistication of mass publics, these developments raise the following question. What mental structures, if any, do individuals employ in evaluating competing Old and New Politics issues? In an attempt to answer the question, we analyze citizens' environmental belief systems in four West European countries. We find that environmental belief systems are substantially constrained by general political predispositions in Germany and the Netherlands. In contrast, environmental attitudes are significantly less constrained in France and Great Britain. These crossnational variations in belief systems constraint are attributed to varying activity levels of environmental elites. The implications of these findings for the sources of belief systems constraint and for the sophistication of mass beliefs are assessed.
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Flaherty, Susan L. Q. "Philanthropy without borders: US private foundation activity in Eastern Europe." Voluntas 3, no. 3 (December 1992): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01397463.
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Bloodgood, Elizabeth, and Joannie Tremblay-Boire. "Does government funding depoliticize non-governmental organizations? Examining evidence from Europe." European Political Science Review 9, no. 3 (January 11, 2016): 401–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000430.
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Prior work suggests that government funding can encourage non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to engage in political advocacy and public policy. We challenge this finding and examine two theoretical explanations for the dampening effect of government funding on NGO lobbying. First, donors are known to discipline NGO activity via an implicit or explicit threat to withdraw funding should the organization become too radical or political. Second, NGOs with more radical political agendas are less willing to seek or accept government funding for fear this will limit or delegitimize their activities. Using data from the European Union’s Transparency Register, we find that the share of government funding in NGO budgets is negatively associated with lobbying expenditure. This effect is statistically significant and substantial, which provides a reason for concern about NGO resource dependence. Even when governments are motivated by honorable intentions, their financial assistance has the (unintended) effect of dampening NGOs’ political activity.
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Kiess, Johannes M., and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Ties of Solidarity and the Political Spectrum: Partisan Cleavages in Reported Solidarity Activity Across Europe." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 4 (January 21, 2019): 459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218823839.
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The strength of solidarity ties among individuals is often discussed in relation to membership within a community of equals. This assumes strong links between reported solidarity actions, political attitudes, and national identity. We ask, first, whether differences in solidarity engagement can be explained by party affiliation: Do adherents of political parties driven by right-identitarian politics and adherents of parties driven by left-redistributive politics differ considerably in terms of reported solidarity action? Second, we investigate whether such differences can be explained by the nationality of the supported groups, and third, we explore whether there is a salience of reported solidarity action and party affiliation across European countries. We examine these questions by looking at cleavages in reported solidarity action in support of three different target groups: unemployed, disabled persons, and refugees. Our findings indicate first of all that partisan affiliation matters: cleavages in solidarity behavior follow traditional ideological patterns. Second, and contrary to the exclusive-communitarian rhetoric that is found in party programs and statements of right-wing populist parties, their adherents are among those supporting both nationals and foreigners least, while adherents of left and radical left parties engage in support toward nationals and non-nationals. Third, from a comparative European perspective, we observe similar patterns of a divide between an inclusive, solidary, and cosmopolitan left and a non-solidary right with low interests in community commitment.
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Walden, Ian. "Harmonising Computer Crime Laws in Europe." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 12, no. 4 (2004): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571817042523095.
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AbstractAs the ‘Information Society’ emerges, the European economy and its citizens have become dependent on computers and communication networks. However, with the ravages of the viruses MyDoom and MS Blaster still being felt around the world, the vulnerability of computer systems and networks to criminal crime, as well as potentially terrorist activity, is still fresh in our minds. There is no agreed definition of what constitutes a ‘computer crime’. A computer may constitute the instrument of the crime, such as in murder and fraud; the object of the crime, such as the theft of processor chips; or the subject of the crime, such as ‘hacking’ or ‘cracking’. The involvement of computers may challenge traditional criminal concepts, such as fraud, as well as facilitating particular types of crime, such as child pornography. This article is concerned with the computer as the subject of the crime and with laws that have been established to specifically address activities that attack the integrity of computer and communications networks, such as the distribution of computer viruses. This article examines various initiatives to harmonise substantive criminal law to address the threat of computer integrity crimes, focusing specifically on a draft Council Framework Decision on ‘attacks against information systems’. Consideration is given to the impact the Decision may have when transposed into UK law, through an amendment of existing legislation, the Computer Misuse Act 1990.
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Littlewood, David, Peter Rogers, and Colin Williams. "Experiences, causes and measures to tackle institutional incongruence and informal economic activity in South-East Europe." Current Sociology 68, no. 7 (July 25, 2018): 950–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392118788911.
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To explain the prevalence and persistence of informal economic activity globally, scholars have recently advanced an institutional incongruence perspective. Institutional incongruence exists where there is a misalignment between what is considered legitimate by a society’s formal institutions (e.g. its laws and regulations) and its informal institutions (e.g. norms, values and beliefs). Reporting findings from a series of qualitative focus groups in Bulgaria, Croatia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, this article explores relationships between such institutional incongruence and informal economic activity. In particular, it sheds light on how informality and institutional incongruence are experienced by individuals in South-East Europe. It furthermore provides insights on the causes of such incongruence, and how it can lead to informal economic activity. Finally, it reports on individuals’ perceptions towards different measures to tackle institutional incongruence and informal economic activity, with implications for policymakers in South-East Europe and more widely.
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Smith, Adrian. "Europe and an inter-dependent world: Uneven geo-economic and geo-political developments." European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412463309.
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This paper examines some of the main geo-economic and geo-political inter-dependencies which are structuring Europe’s relations with the wider world and how various European and European Union (EU) policy frameworks work to create relations of increasing yet uneven inter-dependency between Europe and that wider world. The paper begins with an examination of the economic and financial crisis and its role in transmitting crisis across inter-dependent space, and the consequences for political and urban struggles across Europe and beyond. This is followed by discussion of the entanglement of Europe with the forces which gave rise to the so-called “Arab Spring” in North Africa and the Middle East. The paper then turns to a discussion of the relocation of economic activity outside of Europe to “emerging economies”, of geographical shifts within Europe of elements of value chains in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures from other parts of the global economy by reducing labour costs but ensuring proximity to the main EU markets, and the emergence of new economic players with their origins in emerging economies within European value chains. The paper concludes with a consideration of the primary geo-economic and geo-political dimensions structuring Europe’s urban and regional inter-dependencies with the wider world.
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Babich, Irina L. "Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev: some aspects of social and political activity in emigration." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 1(2021) (March 25, 2021): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-1-12-19.
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The aim of this article is to study the social and political activities of one of the Ossetian emigration figures of the 1920s. - Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev (1891–1983) - a representative of a large and authoritative family in Ossetia. This research was based on the published and archival materials collected in Russia and France. In modern Caucasian studies, there is still not enough study connecting with the period of the first wave of emigration of the North Caucasian highlanders in the 1920s–1930s. to Europe. The life of M.N. Abatsiev in France (from 1925 to 1983) was very unique. The aim of this article is to examine the foundations of the socio-political views by Abatsiev. He understood the historical processes on the North Caucasus connecting with Russia very good. The author concludes about the life of Abatsiev among the highlanders of the North Caucasus, who supported not him, but the idea of a Confederation of independent Сaucasian states. There were many highlanders-nationalists in Europe. They were active. There were also many highlanders who supported the idea of the North Caucasus in the Russian state, but they were mostly not active, because they were afraid that them would call “Russians.” The author identifies three key aspects of the socio-political views by M.N. Abatsiev: common Caucasian solidarity, the ability of the highlanders of the North Caucasus to create the independent state, the role of Russia in the development of the North Caucasus. In this article was study all these views in the context of the socio-political positions of other North Caucasian emigrants in France in the 1920s–1930s. Military and legal thinking of M.N. Abatsiev did not allow him to fantasize about the “independence of the North Caucasus.” The author separately examines the activities of M.N. Abatsiev in the Republican Democratic Party of M.N. Milyukov. He was a member of this party in France.
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Keating, M. "The Invention of Regions: Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 4 (December 1997): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.
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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and political mobilization all play a role. Regionalism must now be placed in the context of the international market and the European Union, as well as the nation-state.
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Nygaard, Bertel. "Social praksis som frigørelse - Karl Marx i den danske offentlighed, 1844-45." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 64 (March 9, 2018): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i64.104113.
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Marx’s discovery of the proletariat as the main agent of emancipatory practice in modern society not only signified a novel conception of sociopolitical activity, but was also an important intervention in the historical reconfiguration of politics and political activity in pre-1848 Europe. This article studies such new configurations of socio-political activity through specific Danish receptions and uses of Marx’s early writings from 1844 and 1845.
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Otebay, K. N. "RESEARCH OF PROTEST ACTIVITY OF THE POPULATION IN FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC SCIENCE." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 73, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-1.1728-8940.03.
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Organized protest actions of citizens have an increasing impact on the socio-political processes in Kazakhstan and Europe. The modern protest takes on new forms, and the opening technical opportunities are used to mobilize participants. In such conditions, the assessment of the protest potential, the identification of «points of instability» and the understanding of the possible negative public reaction to the decisions of the political elite become important tasks of modern political management. The article considers the main theoretical approaches to the study of protest behavior in foreign sociology.
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Babkina, Olga, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska, and Olena Balatska. "Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 73 (July 29, 2022): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.38.
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The article studies the current changes taking place in the civil society sector of Eastern European countries under the impact of intensifying radical action on the political environment. One of the key areas of progress of modern states is a further development of democratic values, which depends largely on the activity of the civil society sector. In this regard, the aim of the study was to examine the main problems and areas of change in the development of the civil society sector during the period of intensification of political radicalism in some Eastern European democracies. Methodologically, they used the empirical results of a survey of citizens of Eastern European countries to determine areas of development and key issues of civil society. In conclusion, a comparative analysis of the level of development of the civil sector and the degree of radicalization in Eastern European countries revealed the correlation between the development of civil society and radical policy frameworks.
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van Hooren, Franca, Clémence Ledoux, Birgit Apitzsch, and Anja Eleveld. "Inclusive advocacy? Trade-union activity in support of the rights of domestic workers in Continental Europe." Politique européenne N° spécial (March 24, 2021): 2–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.pr1.0002.
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van Hooren, Franca, Clémence Ledoux, Birgit Apitzsch, and Anja Eleveld. "Inclusive Advocacy? Trade-Union Activity in Support of the Rights of Domestic Workers in Continental Europe." Politique européenne N° 74, no. 4 (January 17, 2022): 108–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.074.0108.
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Kokebayeva, G. K. "ACTIVITIES OF THE «TURKESTAN NATIONAL UNION» IN EUROPE." History of the Homeland 95, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_3_182.
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The article discusses the history of the “Turkestan National Union” in Europe. This organization was created by the Turkic emigrants consisting of the most educated and cultural layers of the Turkic nations of the former Russian empire. They contributed greatly to developing the ideological basis for the national liberation struggle of the Turkic nations in the USSR. The political activity of emigrants from the Soviet Union in Europe was carried out mainly within the framework of the “Prometheus” League. “Prometheus” was a political club that united a number of independent national organizations of the former colonial regions of the Russian Empire. The sources for the study - are documents and materials from the European archives. The main ideas and goals of the “Turkestan National Union” are viewed as an alternative to the creation of Soviet republics in Turkestan.
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Gizicki, Wojciech. "Central Europe and NATO Transformation 2014–2018." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.8.
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The collapse of the Cold-War order in Europe brought about a radical change in the global security system. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the disbandment of the Warsaw Pact created a situation where the only serious and effective guarantee of stability in Europe was NATO. Central European states, which until that time had been subordinated to the USSR, unequivocally and consistently chose to pursue the Euro-Atlantic direction in their security policy. The decision resulted in their gaining full, even though gradual, membership in the Alliance during the years 1999–2004. The accession process was first completed by the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. Central Europe is not free from dangers stemming from national and supranational transformations. NATO is facing the need to increase its activity and systematically ensure joint cooperation and security guarantees as regards all its member states. This is primarily caused by a revival of Russia’s superpower ambitions under the presidency of Vladimir Putin and an escalation of terrorism and cyberspace threats. The decisions and practical actions related to biennial NATO summits are of vital importance in this respect. The text presented here is an analysis of the security of Central Europe within NATO structures in the light of the last three NATO summits: in Newport in 2014, in Warsaw in 2016 and in Brussels in 2018.
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Nosova, Bogdana. "Anne Applebaum’s Strategy of Telling the History of International Relations in Central and Eastern Europe." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.6.
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The text aims to present the strategy used by Anne Applebaum to bring the history of Central and Eastern Europe closer to western audiences. In the article, the author was presented as a journalist and public intellectual who developed an original way of speaking and writing about the past of Central and Eastern Europe. She has been portrayed as a kind of mediator who attempts to explain the essence and sources of the diverse identities and narratives that have formed among the nations and cultures of Central and Eastern Europe. Selected assessments of her activity, formulated by historians as well as public opinion leaders, were also presented.
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Collins, James B. "State Building in Early-Modern Europe: the Case of France." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 3 (July 1997): 603–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0001708x.
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Between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, Western European political units shared with political units elsewhere in Eurasia both underlying structural factors—population trends, bullion influx, an increasingly integrated world economy—and challenges, above all the rising costs of military activity. Western Europe reacted in ways similar to other regions to the stresses of the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries: greater territorial integration (most notably in France, England, and Spain), stepped-up efforts to establish cultural hegemony in given territorial units, higher levels of taxation, increased military spending and larger military forces, sharply more standardized institutions and administration.
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Jackson, Paul. "Surveying the ‘Far Right’ in Europe: Reflections on Recent Trends and Conceptual Approaches." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 13, no. 1 (May 22, 2016): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01301003.
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Primarily focused on recent trends in Western Europe, this article examines a range of phenomena that fall under the label “far right”. It problematizes this slippery term before surveying recent developments in the diverse range of political parties, from the United Kingdom Independence Party to Jobbik, identifying a broad trend toward such parties achieving greater electoral success by moderating extremist elements. Following this, it highlights the complex relationships found between what are often dubbed “populist” far right political parties and other, more “extreme” forms of activity. Finally, it identifies three major “narratives” found in more extreme far right movements in Europe: neo-Nazi, New Right and anti-Muslim. It asserts that movements animated by such agendas do impact far right political parties. It also stresses academic debate needs to engage with figures outside academia, to create new solutions to the issues raised by variegated forms of far right activity.
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Shelton, Joel T. "Diagnosing Europe: Greece, Macedonia, and the Meaning of Crisis." New Perspectives 25, no. 2 (June 2017): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1702500202.
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Accounts of crisis in Europe have proliferated since late 2009. This article investigates the relationship between the diagnosis of crisis and the cohesion and enlargement of the ‘European project’ in the context of Southeastern Europe. The article adopts Michel Foucault's understanding of diagnosis as a strategic activity of language in order to re-construct the diagnostic discourse in relation to ongoing events in Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. Diagnostic practice produces accounts of crisis that are clinical, moralising, and prescriptive, affixing meanings to complex and overdetermined events in order that they can be acted upon. Diagnoses of the crises in Greece and Macedonia converge in their identification of political and cultural features of the national political economy in need of expert correction. The diagnosis of crisis emerges as an essential feature of European Union governmentality, which functions to delimit the bounds of political contestation in times of uncertainty and upheaval in favor of technocratic interventions.
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Šipelytė, Monika. "Juozas Gabrys and Lithuania at the League of Nations: Political Activity." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 49 (July 4, 2022): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2022.49.3.
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The political activity of Juozas Gabrys at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 to 1939 is the main subject of this article. He and his colleagues established Lithuanian Information Bureau here in the 1930s and worked as journalists. Gabrys also sought to gain a position as a Lithuanian diplomat and the best possibility for that was the post of an ambassador to the League of Nations in Geneva. He thought that his mission was to propagate Lithuanian interests in Western Europe, and the fact that he had started this activity before World War I, should have granted a good and prosperous life for himself as well. Unfortunately, good intentions not always were embodied in the fruitful results. As for the image of the Lithuanian activity in Geneva, not all of Gabrys’ actions succeeded in a positive way. Of course, at the surroundings of the League, Lithuania was seen and heard not only from Gabrys’ publications, but also from official Lithuanian information agencies and legislations. But maybe his irony and accusations worked as stimulator for other Lithuanian journalists and politicians? And maybe his true role at the scene of diplomacy was not to make the decisions, but to take into account every decision made and explain it to the society of Lithuania and Geneva.
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Maslov, Yurii. "THE EU STRATEGY FOR THE DANUBE REGION AS AN INCLUSIVE FORM OF CROSS-BORDER ECONOMY." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 4, no. 5 (February 11, 2019): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2018-4-5-200-208.
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The article considers the process of creation and features of activities of various types of transborder formations peculiar for the European Union. Today the cooperation within Euroregions becomes more and more widespread practice both in the EU and among the regions of countries-participants of the Union and those ones neighbouring to the EU, including Ukraine. The problem of modernization of the EU regional policy in the context of the intensification of globalization processes is touched upon. The influence of global factors and changes in the EU regional policy on the transformation of Ukrainian regional policy is determined. In the context of the development of the regional policy of Ukraine, problems of economic development and well-being of citizens in Ukrainian regions are identified; development directions for the cooperation of Ukraine and the EU in this area are established. The purpose of the article is to consider issues of cross-border economy, cross-border region, classify them, define features of Euroregion and, based on the analysis conducted, consider imperatives and problems related to the development and introduction of the Danube Strategy and identify the place and opportunities of Ukraine in this association. The macro-regional approach to solving the tasks of the integration policy of the European Union chosen by the European Union Committee allows uniting the territories according to the principle of their mutual supplementation, reducing the barriers of national borders and creating new opportunities for cross-border regions. The Danube Strategy, despite the common principles and methodologies for the formation of Euroregions, has obvious features. Firstly, the region is characterized by deep imbalances both between countries and within countries themselves. Secondly, the Strategy is an example of a multidisciplinary approach to territorial planning in the region and has a pronounced ecological character, and environmental problems are solved in the search for a compromise with the tasks of socio-economic development. Thirdly, being the internal strategy of the European Union, however, has a significant external dimension, the incorporation of which can be quite a challenge. There are four main directions for the regional development in the Danube Strategy (so-called “pillars”: association, ecology, well-being, strengthening). For each direction, priority areas are designated that are supervised by the coordinating countries. Conceptually, the EUSDR is a continuation of the Europe-2020 strategic document of the EU and proclaims the achievement of the region of “smart, sustainable and inclusive development” as its main objectives. At the same time, a kind of paradox is that the Danube strategy aimed at levelling social, economic, institutional gaps in the region generates them by the very principles of its existence. It is hard to imagine that unequal countries, getting too different funding, will be able to equalize their capabilities at the finish. The strategy will help realize the EU’s obvious desire to transform the Danube into an internal transport artery with a highly developed infrastructure and improved cargo traffic, which will allow connecting the North Sea with the Black and Azov seas, placing the transportation of resources of Caspian region and Asia under control of European structures. The creation and activity of cross-border regions make a significant contribution both to the strengthening of political and economic integration within the EU and to the development of cooperation between the member countries of the Union and neighbouring states.
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Howells, Geraint G. "Federalism in USA and EC — The Scope for Harmonised Legislative Activity Compared." European Review of Private Law 10, Issue 5 (October 1, 2002): 601–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/5103415.
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The European Court of Justice annulled the Tobacco Advertising Directive because it could not be justified as an internal market measure. This article contrasts that decision with a couple of US Supreme Court cases that also struck down laws that had been enacted under their Commerce Clause. The approaches of the courts are compared. The different political contexts are noted and in particular comment is made of the fact that the US federal government is subject to greater direct democratic controls that the Community legislators might favour a more relaxed approach from their courts. In Europe the lack of accountability means that the Court is right to be vigilant on the use of powers, but it should be careful not to become too interventionist. Europe has a young and flexible constitution, which should be amended to give clearer powers in social policy areas where Community activity is seen as desirable rather than these policies having to be treated as internal market measures.
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Loizides, Neophytos G. "Religious Nationalism and Adaptation in Southeast Europe." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 2 (March 2009): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902745742.
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Relating nationalism to other ideologies or cultural value systems is an enigmatic scholarly activity. The enigma lies in the kaleidoscopic nature of nationalism and the ease with which it adapts to philosophically opposed ideologies. Nationalism, for instance, often assumes ties to liberalism, even though it presupposes a strong commitment to a national community that transcends individualism. It accommodates conservatism fairly well despite nationalism's modernizing mission, and it has often been paired with communism, regardless of the latter's internationalist rhetoric. Finally, nationalism and religion often go hand in hand, despite their deep philosophical incompatibilities and asymmetries. For example, nationalist ideologies often encourage violence against outgroup members even where religious doctrines strictly prohibit physical force. Inherently local, philosophically poor, and limited in scope or outreach, nationalism lacks a belief in afterlife salvation or in creative intelligence as source of meaning behind the universe. Yet it frequently dominates identity construction, overshadowing the primacy of Christianity or Islam which are universal in their message of salvation.
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Vion, Antoine. "Europe from the Bottom Up: Town Twinning in France during the Cold War." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 623–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730200406x.
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Town twinning can be seen as the first activity to involve municipal institutions as such in wide-ranging and long-term international action. Twinning fits Eric Hobsbawm's definition of an ‘invented tradition’. The French federalists played a decisive part in this process of invention, bringing European municipalities together in order to ensure an eventual European political union. Before long, however, the so-called bilingualist movement also turned to twinning as a way to further a universal mutual understanding that transcended the East–West divide. This resulted in a big clash between the French twinning organisations. Thus, the invention of town twinning needs to be studied alongside the dynamic political tensions that emerged on the French political scene during the Cold War
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Hutter, Swen, and Rens Vliegenthart. "Who responds to protest? Protest politics and party responsiveness in Western Europe." Party Politics 24, no. 4 (July 13, 2016): 358–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816657375.
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This article addresses the questions of whether and why political parties respond to media-covered street protests. To do so, it adopts an agenda-setting approach and traces issue attention in protest politics and parliament over several years in four West European countries (France, Spain, the Netherlands and Switzerland). The article innovates in two ways. First, it does not treat the parties in parliament as a unitary actor but focuses on the responses of single parties. Second, partisan characteristics are introduced that might condition the effect of protest on parliamentary activity. More precisely, it assesses the explanatory power of ideological factors (left-right orientation and radicalism) and other factors related to issue competition between parties (opposition status, issue ownership and contagion). The results show that parties do respond to street protests in the news, and they are more likely to respond if they are in opposition and if their competitors have reacted to the issue.
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LUNKIN, R. N. "The Social and Political Role of Religion in Europe: the Demand for Christian Identity." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-46-64.
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Inthearticleanalyzedthesocial and political role of Christian churches, their position in Europe from the pint of view of statistics and presence of the faith-based organizations in the society. The author made a conclusion that the politicized Christianity on the European continent tied with the preserving of the role of Christian churches in the social structure as with the secularizationthatdidnotbecomedesecularization (thereturningofreligiontouchedonlyLatin America,Africa,Asia)andcreatedthevacuum of identity. The weakness of the modern Western European society in its capacity to defend and express the identity forced politicians to seek the support from Christian worldview. Different confessions demonstrated stable development and social mobility in the period of the formation of EU structures. The European politicization of Christianity became the part of the world process of the transfiguration of the religion into a way of the self expression of multiple identities in the circumstances of the inevitable globalization and becoming of the democracy as the optimal form of the social existence. The basic features of the process: the high number of church affiliated (faith based) civil organizations, network church activity, the possibility to reflect various forms of identity in a frames of the Christianized democratic structures.
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Zenderowski, Radosław, and Dušan Janák. "Does the Name Matter? Central Europe and Central‑Eastern Europe in Different Variations and Configurations." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.13.
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This article points at differences and similarities in ways of defining Central Europe and Central‑Eastern Europe found in Polish and Czech academic discourse. The aim of the article is, firstly, to identify these differences and similarities, and secondly, to indicate the probable reasons for their existence. In order to accomplish both goals, the authors analyze selected narratives of Czech and Polish historiography and the terms present in both kinds of discourse under analysis. The analysis is based on a selection of texts considered relevant and influential. The time span covered in the article is the period from the First World War to the present times, with particular emphasis on the period from the 1970s onwards. In spatial terms, the article focuses on influential Polish and Czech authors working either in their home countries or abroad, as émigrés. The object of study is discourse understood as a communication activity in which meanings are continuously constructed. The article takes into consideration the following issues: (1) the popularity of the notions of “Central Europe” and “Central‑Eastern Europe” in both discourses; (2) the evaluation of these concepts – namely the attribution of some positive and negative features to them; (3) the presentation of the topoi of Central Europe and Central‑Eastern Europe in Polish and Czech discourses (the views concerning their spatial extent and borders); (4) political operationalization of these concepts in the form of integration (geopolitical) projects.
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Yuliastini, Anita, Budimansyah Budimansyah, and Hj Syarifah Arabiyah. "The Legal Politics of Regulation for Lesbian, Lesbian, Gays, Bisexuals and Transgende (LGBT) in Indonesian Law (Discourse Between Punishment and Regulation)." International Journal of Multi Discipline Science (IJ-MDS) 1, no. 2 (April 25, 2018): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/ij-mds.v1i1.433.
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<p><em>The LGBT phenomenon is a trending topic in the midst of society after the Constitutional Court has issued a Decision Number 46 / PUU-XIV / 2016 on the examination of norms on Article 284, 286 and 292 of the Criminal Code with the Decision rejecting all petition completely. LGBT is actually a classic problem that has existed as human civilization on earth. LGBT is different from other normal human beings because LGBT has a disorder in terms of sexual orientation so that such circumstances require the presence of the State to take action by criminalizing LGBT because it sees widespread impacts or otherwise violates LGBT on the basis of freedom and human rights. Political law is the activity of choosing the law that will be applied in order to achieve the purpose of the law all of which leads to the achievement of the purpose of the State with the law as a tool. This study is a normative juridical research, where the data used in this study is secondary data in the form of books, legislation, documents and other writings relating to the problems under investigation. Based on the result of the research, it is found that LGBT arrangement in law in Indonesia is a must since Indonesia is a Pancasila country with the first principle of Belief in Godhead and Country built on religious values. The constitutional juridical basis of LGBT arrangement can be seen in Pancasila as the source of all sources of law, The Introduction of the 1945 Constitution, the 1945 Constitution of Indonesian republic, Law Number 12 on 2011 concering the Formulation of Legislation which all affirm that the establishment of law in Indonesia can not be released away from the religious values adopted in Indonesia.</em></p>
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Renwick, Alan. "Anti-Political or Just Anti-Communist? Varieties of Dissidence in East-Central Europe and Their Implications for the Development of Political Society." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 2 (May 2006): 286–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405274672.
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Several authors argue that the heritage of dissident ideas and activity in East-Central Europe has hindered the development of post-communist political society. But this proposition has not been subject to systematic analysis. This article focuses on one part of that proposition: whether dissident ideas corresponded to the features of “ethical civil society” that some argue harm political society. Concentrating on Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, it differentiates eight varieties of dissident thought. It then assesses the relation of the three most important varieties to ethical civil society, finding that one variety resembled ethical civil society very closely, another only marginally, and the third not at all. It finally draws out implications for the study of political society in the region.
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Golovinov, A. V., and Yu V. Golovinovа. "CONSTRUCTIONS OF LEGAL POLICY IN THE SPHERE OF GENDER EQUALITY: EXPERIENCE OF WESTERN EUROPE." Russian-Asian Legal Journal, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ralj(2022)1.10.
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Within the framework of this publication, an attempt is made to show the strategies and structuresof the state policy of gender equality in the countries of Western Europe. The study is mainly based on ahermeneutic analysis of the normative acts of European states, which fix the main conceptual approachesto ensuring gender equality. It is the European experience of public policy, according to the authors, that isclearly visible through the system of constituent acts.The authors emphasize that the reasons for the effective development and implementation of genderequality policies in Europe lie in historical and economic conditions, and also depend on political, culturaland legal traditions. It has been established that success in the implementation of gender equality policiesin Western countries is due to the activity of the women’s socio-political movement itself and the growthof women’s representation in governments, parliaments and public organizations. To this should be addeda broad anti-discrimination legislative framework and a system of state bodies implementing strategies forgender equality in Europe.
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Voronkov, L. S. "ON VARIETY OF INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN EUROPE." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-98-105.
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On the basis of analysis of integration processes between Nordic, Benelux countries and post-soviet states in Europe the author expresses hesitations in accepting the integration experiences gained by the EU as the criterion of efficiency and the pattern for the post-Soviet space. He does not consider that an involvement of all countries with market economy into processes of regional integration, if they do not try to achieve certain political aims through integration, is the universal regularity in the globalized world. In these cases neither free trade zones nor custom unions can be considered as integration stages, but they continue to be the tools for further development of trade. The author proposes to assess the EU evolution with regard to the legal norms of international organizations, where state sovereignty of members is strengthened, not given up to supernational bodies. In case the idea of reestablishment of an unified state on the remains of the former USSR, linked to the necessity to hand over the recently acquired sovereignty to it, is laid down to the ground for practical measures of integration, this kind of integration will hardly be attractive to the potential post-Soviet participants. This perspective is hardly desired for Russia either. The integration path of the EU reflects the peculiarities of the European situation and specific interests of its member states. Many details of the EU activity are not applicable to other integration groupings in Europe and membership criteria in every of them is not universal. Any efforts to construct integration processes in the post-Soviet space in accordance to the EU model without proper consideration to integration experiences of other countries and to political, economic, social, cultural, demographic, military peculiarities of the countries concerned seem to be not acceptable and founded.
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Połeć, Jolanta, and Wojciech Trzaskowski. "The Influence of Cyberwars on Socioeconomic Activity of Residents of Central and Eastern Europe." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 12 (June 20, 2022): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/150838.
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ObjectivesThe purpose of this article is to investigate and present the issue of cyberwar and its impact on the socio-economic activity of inhabitants of Central and Eastern Europe.MethodsThe main method used in this study is a systematic review of international and Polish political literature in the fields of cybersecurity, sociology, military, international relations and international politics.ResultsThe analysis enabled identifying the importance of the cyberspace driven by the technological development. Article discusses key terms, the concept of cyberwar, categorization of cyberattacks and their influence on the socio-economic activity of the inhabitants of Central and Eastern Europe. The last part examines examples of cyberattacks in Kosovo, Estonia, Georgia, Bulgaria and Ukraine.ConclusionsThe technological progress impacts the emergence of cyberthreats such as cybercrime, cyberterrorism or cyberwars carried out through the newest technology. These actions are affecting both state institutions and citizens. The examples prove that cyberwar is already being used to damage the big-scale national projects. A cyberattack often targets a politically inconvenient opponent, not to physically eliminate them but to cause chaos and a breach of trust among their adherents. Some countries use cyberattacks to influence the internal affairs of another country. Even if thoroughly planned and carried out, an attack can still change or strengthen the current government. Neglecting the threat of cyberattacks may affect the citizens gravely. It may increase the awareness of the danger or give an institution greater control over personal freedom of citizens. Cybersecurity is best achieved through education and raising awareness.
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Finger, Tobias, Jennifer Amann, Jonas Biel, Arne Niemann, and Vincent Reinke. "Researching football, identity and cohesion in Europe." Sports law, policy & diplomacy journal 1, no. 1 (2023): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/slpdj.1.1.5.
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Multiple crises are endangering the project of European integration, increasingly threatening social cohesion in Europe. Countering these dangers is necessary for the persistence of the European project. While international cooperation continues, it regularly remains in the sphere of political institutions, and interpersonal contact and exchange across Europe is often reserved for socio-economic elites. This conceptual paper argues that football, as a highly Europeanised mass leisure activity with fandom from socially diverse audiences all over Europe, has a strong potential to supplement existing exchange and cooperation, thus strengthening social cohesion in Europe. Based on a secondary analysis of the existing literature, the central concepts of football, (European) identity, and social cohesion are discussed, and their causalities and potential effects are described. A draft research strategy is outlined to analyse concrete football-based European stimuli, European expressions of fandom, and international practices of exchange. We conclude that football leads to the emergence of European identities among fans by exposing them to Europe and strengthens social cohesion through the establishment of international social relations utilised for reciprocal cooperation and action. Football could further be used as a blueprint for similarly Europeanised cultural phenomena, and the outlined research agenda adjusted accordingly to examine them.
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Harfield, Clive. "From Empire to Europe: Evolving British Policy in Respect of Cross-Border Crime." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 2 (April 2007): 180–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0011.
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The second half of the twentieth century witnessed the metamorphosis of Britain from a global, imperial power to a full (if sometimes ambivalent) member of the modern regional partnership that is the European Union (EU). During the same period, transnational criminal activity was transformed from an arena in which criminal fugitives sought merely to evade domestic justice through self-imposed exile to an environment in which improved travel and communication facilities enabled criminals to commute between national jurisdictions to commit crime or to participate in global criminal enterprises run along modern business lines. This development is so serious that it is considered in some quarters a threat to national security and the very fabric of society.
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Anderle, Veronika. "Bayeh, Jumana – Oleinikova, Olga (eds.): Democracy, Diaspora, Territory: Europe and Cross-Border Politics." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1796.
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This volume offers a profoundly new interpretation of the impact of modern diasporas on democracy, challenging the orthodox understanding that ties these two concepts to a bounded form of territory. Considering democracy and diaspora through a deterritorialised lens, it takes the post-Euromaidan Ukraine as a central case study to show how modern diasporas are actively involved in shaping democracy from a distance, and through their political activity are becoming increasingly democratised themselves. An examination of how power-sharing democracies function beyond the territorial state, Democracy, Diaspora, Territory: Europe and Cross-Border Politics compels us to reassess what we mean by democracy and diaspora today, and why we need to focus on the deterritorialised dimensions of these phenomena if we are to adequately address the crises confronting numerous democracies. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in migration and diaspora, political theory, citizenship and democracy.