Academic literature on the topic 'Gays – Political activity – Europe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Gays – Political activity – Europe"
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Süßenbacher, S., M. Amering, A. Gmeiner, and B. Schrank. "Gender-gaps and glass ceilings: A survey of gender-specific publication trends in Psychiatry between 1994 and 2014." European Psychiatry 44 (July 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.03.008.
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AbstractBackground:Within academic psychiatry, women are underrepresented in the higher academic ranks. However, basic determinants of women's lack of academic advancement such as publication activity are poorly understood. The present study examines women's publication activity in high-impact psychiatry journals over two decades and reports developments in the numbers of male and female authorship over time and across cultural areas.Methods:We conducted a retrospective bibliometric review of all articles published in 2004 and 2014 in three high-ranking general psychiatry journals. Statistical comparisons were made between the two years and with results from a baseline assessment in 1994.Results:The overall percentage of female authors increased from 24.6% in 1994 to 33.2% in 2004 to 38.9% in 2014. Though increases in female authorship were statistically significant for both decades, there was less difference between 2004 and 2014, indicating a possible ceiling effect. Rates of female first authors increased between 1994 and 2014, though to a lesser degree between 2004 and 2014. Numbers of female corresponding authors plateaued between 2004 and 2014. Within Europe, Scandinavia displayed the most balanced gender-wise first author ratios. Western European and Central European countries increased their rates of female first authors substantially between 2004 and 2014.Conclusions:Despite gains in some areas, our study reveals considerable deficits in the diversity of the current academic psychiatric landscape. Ongoing efforts and interventions to enhance the participation of underrepresented groups on institutional, political and editorial levels are necessary to diversify psychiatric research.
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Croce, Mariano. "Desiring What the Law Desires: A Semiotic View on the Normalization of Homosexual Sexuality." Law, Culture and the Humanities 14, no. 3 (October 7, 2014): 402–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872114553070.
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Critics of the same-sex rights discourse claim that recent struggles for sexual equality is fostering a process of normalization that exerts both heteronormative and homonormative effects. This article follows this clue and seeks to identify some of the factors and the channels of the “transformation of desire” which is currently affecting the homosexual imagery. By looking at some key judgments both in the U.S. and Europe, it explores how lesbians, gays, and bisexuals acquire socio-political visibility and how the latter impacts on them. By capitalizing on a semiotic view of law, the article explains how the access to the legal field has forced lesbians, gays, and bisexuals to frame the theme of homosexuality in conformity with a categorial grid typical of traditional kinship models.
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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, and Ryan Finnigan. "Rights for Same-Sex Couples and Public Attitudes Toward Gays and Lesbians in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (September 20, 2018): 868–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797947.
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This article investigates how changes in same-sex rights affect attitudes toward homosexuality. We argue that different same-sex relationship policies vary in their impact. Whereas registered partnership laws construct a distinct target population that receives new benefits, marriage equality sends an unambiguously positive signal and reduces the perceived group difference through inclusion into existing rights. As a consequence, marriage equality should have a positive effect on attitudes toward homosexuality, whereas partnership laws should have much less positive effects and could even lead to backlash among some groups. Combining data from eight waves of the European Social Survey with data on legislation, we analyze the effects of same-sex marriage, registered partnerships, and marriage bans on attitudes toward gays and lesbians. Marriage has a positive effect, bans and registered partnerships have a negative effect. Legalized partnership is especially associated with significantly more negative attitudes among nonreligious and less educated people.
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Kennedy, Charlene, and Katherine Covell. "Violating the Rights of the Child through Inadequate Sexual Health Education." International Journal of Children's Rights 17, no. 1 (2009): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092755608x278939.
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AbstractThe focus of this research was to examine the impact of traditional sexual health education, an approach that infringes upon children's rights to information, on 15 year-olds' knowledge of birth control, sexually transmitted infections, pregnancy, attitudes toward gays and lesbians. One hundred and twenty grade ten students completed a survey comprising measures of sex education received, sexual activity, sexual health knowledge, attitudes toward gays, lesbians, and the teaching of homosexuality, and school-based experiences with homophobia. Our findings reinforce the inadequacy of traditional sexual health education to meet rights consistent standards. Although many of the respondents were sexually active, their knowledge of sexual health issues, and especially of homosexuality, was poor. Homophobic expression was reported to be very common in schools, and teacher interventions were few. Prejudicial attitudes toward gays and lesbians were related to experience with homophobia and to a lack of knowledge about homosexuality. In essence current practices are violating the rights of all children but particularly those of sexual minority status. Consistency with children's rights requires shifts in sex education practices and teacher attitudes and behaviors.
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Levy, Kirsten, Richard V. Aghababian, Erwin F. Hirsch, Domenic Screnci, Anna Boshyan, Robert C. Ricks, and Massoud Samiei. "An Internet-based Exercise as a Component of an Overall Training Program Addressing Medical Aspects of Radiation Emergency Management." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 15, no. 2 (June 2000): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00025048.
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AbstractThe use of ionizing radiation and radioactive materials continues to increase worldwide in industry, medicine, agriculture, research, electrical power generation, and nuclear weaponry. The risk of terrorism using weapons of mass destruction or simple radiological devices also has increased, leading to heightened concerns. Radiation accidents occur as a consequence of errors in transportation ofradionuclides, use of radiation in medical diagnosis and therapy, industrial monitoring and sterilization procedures, and rarely, nuclear power generation. Compared to other industries, a small number of serious radiation accidents have occurred over the last six decades with recent cases in the Republic of Georgia, Peru, Japan, and Thailand. The medical, psychological, and political consequences of such accidents can be considerable. A number of programs designed to train medical responders in the techniques of radiation accident management have been developed and delivered in many countries. The low frequency of serious radiation accidents requires constant re-training, as skills are lost and medical staff turnover occurs. Not all of the training involves drills or exercises in which responders demonstrate learning or communication over the broad spectrum of medical response capabilities. Medical preparedness within the context of a total emergency response program is lacking in many parts of the world, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and the Newly Independent States. This paper describes an effort to enhance medical preparedness in the context of a total program of international cooperation and conventions facilitated by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The paper concludes that novel application of telecommunications technology as part of a training activity in radiation accident preparedness can help address gaps in training in this field in which preparedness is essential but experience and practical field exercises are lacking.
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Joppke, Christian. "Multiculturalism by Liberal Law." European Journal of Sociology 58, no. 1 (April 2017): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975617000017.
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AbstractThere has been much talk about the retreat or even death of multiculturalism. Much of this discussion confounds multiculturalism with explicit policy under that name. I argue in this paper that liberal law itself, in particular majority-constraining constitutional law, requires multiculturalism, understood as multiple ways of life that cannot and should not be contained by a state that is to be neutral about individuals’ ultimate values and commitments. The workings of legal multiculturalism are demonstrated through a comparison of benchmark jurisprudence on gays in America and Muslims in Europe. An interesting difference is that for Muslims, liberal law has also functioned as constraint, not only as resource, especially in the post-2001 period of heightened integration concerns.
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Richards, Claudina. "The Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Couples—The French Perspective." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2002): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.2.305.
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Legislative reforms have been introduced in several European states to tackle the question of the legal recognition of same-sex relations, with the Nordic countries taking the lead.1 Changes in the attitude of the general public towards gays and lesbians, as demonstrated by the publicity and popularity of Gay Pride marches throughout Europe, has brought the issue to the fore of the political and legal arenas. France has been no exception, with the public debate on the recognition of same-sex couples culminating in the recent adoption of the law relating to the Pacte Civil de Solidarité (PACS) which provides for the registration of a couple's partnership regardless of sex.
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Mole, Richard C. M., Christopher J. Gerry, Violetta Parutis, and Fiona M. Burns. "Migration and Sexual Resocialisation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 1 (December 14, 2016): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416682813.
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Based upon a survey of more than three thousand respondents and forty in-depth interviews, the aim of this article is to examine the impact of migration on sexual resocialisation. In particular, we show how living in London influenced the attitudes of Central and East European migrants towards pre-marital sex and homosexuality. While the general acceptability of pre-marital sex was not affected by time spent in London, differences were noted in the meaning attached to sex outside marriage in the United Kingdom compared with Central and Eastern Europe. Particularly significant changes were observed in our respondents’ attitudes towards homosexuality, with a greater liberalisation the result of extrication from mechanisms of social control, re-socialisation into new social norms regarding sex and sexuality, greater visibility of sexual difference in London and, in particular, inter-personal contacts with gays and lesbians. Limitations to the general liberalisation of attitudes were also noted.
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Dowrick, Frank. "Council of Europe: Juristic Activity 1974–86, Part I." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 36, no. 3 (July 1987): 633–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/36.3.633.
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Dowrick, Frank. "Council of Europe: Juristic Activity 1974–86, Part II." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 36, no. 4 (October 1987): 878–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/36.4.878.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Gays – Political activity – Europe"
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van, Geffen Robert. "Essays on the career paths and legislative activity of Members of the European Parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3736/.
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Being a politician has become a profession for many. With the development of the European Parliament (EP) into an influential institution at the European level, building a career in the EP has become an interesting option for politicians. This thesis studies the different career paths of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and explores how these career paths and MEPs’ ambitions have an impact on their participation in the legislative process and thereby the way they represent citizens. This thesis is based on three empirical research papers. The first paper identifies two career paths that MEPs might follow, in addition to the three others which are generally used, and links these to the activities of MEPs in parliament. I find that an MEP’s career path and ambitions are relevant in explaining certain legislative behaviour across member states and party groups. The second paper looks at the career ambitions of MEPs and finds that MEPs’ career paths are also the result of expressed ambitions by politicians themselves, despite their dependence on party leadership and the second-order nature of EP elections. MEPs looking to pursue a career in the EP are more actively involved in the parliament’s activities. This higher level of participation and acquired policy influence is rewarded when MEPs stand for re-election. The third paper looks at the group of MEPs who become lobbyists after their time in parliament. Building on what is known from Washington, this paper finds that being on a powerful committee, from a smaller political group and having a longer tenure make it more likely that an MEP becomes a lobbyist. The findings across the three papers support the idea that the career paths and ambitions of politicians provide an important explanation when trying to understand an MEP’s willingness to invest resources in the EP’s legislative process.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Hörner, Julian. "National parliamentary scrutiny of European Union affairs : explaining divergence of formal arrangements and actual activity." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3301/.
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The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has gained prominence in the last decade among academics and practitioners alike in relation to the alleged democratic deficit of the EU. The existing literature has largely focused on the formal powers of national parliaments. However, the formally strongest parliaments are not necessarily the most active, and vice versa. This thesis argues that this divergence between formal rights and actual activity exists because not formal scrutiny powers, but public Euroscepticism, the presence of parties for which Europe is salient and which care deeply about Europe (‘issue entrepreneurs’) as well as internal party cohesion on the EU are the most important factors influencing activity. Public Euroscepticism leads to more debate and resolutions when issue entrepreneurs are present and when parties have a coherent position on Europe. Recent measures and future plans to further increase the formal powers of national parliaments might not lead to more activity and might thus not help to ameliorate the democratic deficit. Methodologically, this thesis relies on computer-assisted content analysis, multilevel models as well as elite interviews. Each of the three papers focuses on a different aspect of parliamentary activity. The first paper focuses on the ‘communication function’ of parliaments and presents an analysis of parliamentary debates in EU affairs. The second paper quantitatively analyses the determinants of parliamentary activity in the form of resolutions, relating to the government control or ‘scrutiny function’. The third paper investigates parliamentary scrutiny activity in-depth in a case study of the ‘Fiscal Compact’. The thesis argues that national parliaments should mostly concentrate on their communication function in EU affairs, while other functions might best be carried out by the European Parliament. It thus suggests that different parliamentary functions can best be fulfilled by different institutions in the EU multilevel system.
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HARALDSSON, Amanda. "Media discrimination and women's political representation : experimental evidence of media effects on the supply-side." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74306.
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Defence date: 07 March 2022Examining Board: Prof. Klarita Gërxhani (European University Institute); Prof. Marta Fraile (Spanish Scientific Research Institute); Prof. Maria Edström (University of Gothenburg); Prof. Fabrizio Gilardi (University of Zurich)
Women continue to be underrepresented in politics, even in countries with relatively high gender equality such as within the borders of Europe. A major contributor to this underrepresentation is that women have lower political ambition than men, i.e., women are less interested in and willing to become political candidates. Moreover, the political domain remains highly masculinised, undervaluing the issues that disproportionately impact women and undervaluing feminine leadership traits. Both men and women in politics are part of perpetuating the stereotypical and limited image of what politics is and what politicians should do. Women’s descriptive (numeric), symbolic and substantive political representation are therefore harmed by supply-side factors. In this thesis, supply-side refers to those factors that impact the choices of potential political candidates and actual political candidates in ways that limit the quantity and quality of women’s political representation. This thesis tests the potential impact of media discrimination against women on the supply-side of women’s political representation. Media discrimination in political news includes underreporting on women, using stereotypical gender portrayals, disproportionately criticising female politicians and objectifying women. While the literature gives reason to expect both politically activating and deactivating effects of discrimination exposure on women, there are extremely few studies testing potential media effects on men and women’s political ambition. Likewise, there are extremely few studies testing whether gendered campaign environments impact the way future candidates choose to behave within the political domain. Using data from two experimental studies and content analyses, this thesis highlights both the resilience of women in the face of media discrimination, and simultaneously the way media discrimination hinders progress towards putting femininity on an equal footing with masculinity in the political domain.
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Wu, Amy. "The Cultural Legacy of Communism in Entrepreneurship: Entrepreneurial Perceptions and Activity in Central and Eastern Europe." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1752.
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Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, this paper examines differences in entrepreneurial perceptions (fear of failure, opportunity perception, self-efficacy, public opinion) between CEE and non-CEE countries, before and after the 2008 recession, as well as the effects of these perceptions on entrepreneurial motivation and overall levels of activity. The results suggest that CEE countries have systematically more pessimistic outlooks in terms of fear of failure and opportunity perception, but no difference from non-CEE countries in self-efficacy and public opinion. Additionally, most of the difference in fear of failure and opportunity perception, along with an increase in necessity-motivated entrepreneurship, comes after the recession, suggesting less durability and resilience of optimistic entrepreneurial perceptions in CEE countries. Finally, there is evidence of a higher threshold for a perceived opportunity to become a business reality in these post-socialist CEE countries.
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Wand, Benjamin Joseph. "Thietmar of Merseburg's Views on Clerical Warfare." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4540.
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The tenth-century German bishop was more than just a spiritual leader, he was also a territorial lord with secular power. These bishops also lived in an environment where violence was sometimes a way of life. His culture contained a social dynamic that saw violence as a tool for defending and maintaining honor and as a mechanism for dispute resolution. Therefore, some bishops behaved violently, either to defend their diocese from threats or to serve their own political intrigues. In some instances bishops were said to be more skilled in warfare than secular lords. However, while some clergy participated in warfare and violence, others sought to limit it through application of canon law and peacemaking. With some clergy participating in violence and others decreeing that it be banned, there were mixed messages regarding clerical violence in this era.
The bishop's role in warfare and violence, especially in Germany, has only been partially addressed by modern scholars. This deficit is part of an overall shortage of medieval German military scholarship. Furthermore, the historiography on bishops in the central Middle Ages (c. 900-1200) has generally covered two narratives: the bishop as a territorial lord or his role as a church reformer. This leaves a gap in scholarship that describes how an individual bishop justified or rationalized clerical participation in violence and warfare, including his own. This paper addresses that need by reporting how one German bishop, Thietmar of Merseburg (b. 975, 1009-18), reflected on and portrayed clerical violence and warfare in his Chronicon.
Thietmar's attitudes towards violence were as complex as the times in which he lived, and were influenced by his secularism and religiosity. When it came to his justifications for clerical violence and warfare, Thietmar was more concerned about the clergyman's ability to perform as a military leader, and whether or not the violent actions were justified on their own merits. While he sometimes conveyed unease with some acts of clerical violence, and at times was careful to note distinctions between secular and spiritual realms, nevertheless he did not criticize a member of the clergy for violence on the basis of his religious station nor spiritual beliefs. Indeed, Thietmar was a torn individual, struggling with his religious convictions while living in a world where violence was habitual, and where he saw it as his duty to protect his flock. In this regard Thietmar should be considered a realist.
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DeFilippis, Joseph Nicholas. "A Queer Liberation Movement? A Qualitative Content Analysis of Queer Liberation Organizations, Investigating Whether They are Building a Separate Social Movement." Thesis, Portland State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3722297.
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In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of “equality” through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These “queer liberation” groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.
This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism’s framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations’ mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis.
This study’s findings indicate that a new social movement – distinct from the mainstream equality organizations – does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This “queer liberation movement” has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in “liberation” or “justice” frameworks than “equality.” This new movement does not share the equality organizations’ priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.
Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based.
While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a “four-domain” framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.
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ELEFTHERIADIS, Konstantinos. "Gender and sexual politics in Europe : queer festivals and their counterpublics." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34843.
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Defence date: 4 November 2014Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta EUI/Supervisor; Professor Didier Eribon, University of Amiens, External Supervisor; Professor Verta Taylor, University of California-Santa Barbara; Professor Olivier Roy, EUI.
Queer festivals make up a part of the legacy of queer activism, as it has developed in North America and Europe from the late 80s onwards. Their political discourse is based on a confrontational style of address, while their content is largely inspired by poststructuralist views of identities as a tool through which power operates (Butler, 1990). However, the 'constant deconstruction of identities… undermine[s] the claims to strength and unity of their own rights movement' (Jasper et al., forthcoming: 29). The anti-identity paradox (Jasper et al., forthcoming; or the 'queer dilemma', Gamson, 1995) entails the failure to avoid the construction of a new identity, built precisely on the same discourse it attempts to deconstruct. Thus, the following puzzle emerges: If we assume that queer politics are based on this 'anti-identity' paradox, on which kind of identity, then, can they mobilize? In other words, given that the identity they attempt to build leads to their selfdestruction, how can queer politics, over time, strengthen and spread across Europe?
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MAVRODI, Georgia. "The Europeanisation of national immigration policies? : liberalising effects of EU membership in a new immigration country." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14503.
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Defence date: 28 May 2010Examining Board: Andrew Geddes (University of Sheffield);Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Virginie Guiraudon (CNRS) (Co-supervisor); Anna Triandafyllidou (Democritus University of Thrace)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This study examines the impact of European integration in immigration issues on Greek immigration policy. Contrary to widely held claims that immigration policies in Europe become more and more restrictive - the well-known debate on 'Fortress Europe' - Greek legislation on entry, residence and rights of third-country nationals has undergone gradual liberalising developments. This paradox drove my inquiry into the factors, institutions and processes that may explain liberalising immigration policy change for a period of fifteen years (1990 - 2005). Greece, similarly to the rest of southern European 'new' immigration countries, is often charged with the implicit or explicit assumption that its recent turn into a host country for immigrants makes her receptive to the restrictive influence of EU policies on immigration. Is that so? What impact, if any, has cooperation on immigration issues at the EU level had on Greek immigration policy developments and why? What form has it taken, under what conditions, and what mechanisms have been at work? In search for answers, my research combines a qualitative single-country case-study with the comparative method. The lens of analysis is put on Greek immigration policy making and change across domestic institutions and policy areas. Rules and regulations on entry and residence of third-country nationals for employment purposes and family reunification are process-traced and compared across the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. At a second stage the same policy area is compared to other fellow areas, namely student immigration, ethnic immigration, and citizenship. The study draws on a variety of primary sources, including parliamentary debates, administrative documents, Court rulings and EU documentation. Policy developments taking place in other EU member-states are also kept in sight on the basis of the available secondary literature. Greek immigration policy has relied on institutional and policy continuities to a greater extent than one might imagine when thinking of 'new' immigration countries. The latter are far from a 'tabula rasa' in migration issues and their previous rules, regulations, and domestic institutional legacies should be taken into consideration in order to understand their immigration policies at present. A series of Greek restrictive regulations and practices concerning immigration controls had been rooted before 'Fortress Europe' was developed. At the same time, however, Greece lacked a regulatory framework for immigrant settlement - including attention at immigrant integration. This provided for incompatibilities with the developing set of common EU norms on the rights of legally resident third-country nationals, which caused significant EU pressures for national policy change. The on-going process of integration in immigration issues at the EU level affected the timing and the direction of domestic policy-making but the extent and degree of this effect across policy areas and domestic institutions have been differential. Greek participation in the common EU immigration policy alone cannot account for all European effects on national immigration policy. Nevertheless, it has been the most powerful institutional framework to induce or facilitate liberalising changes in the Greek immigration legislation in the last two decades. These findings support a reconsideration of the nature, policy dynamics and limitations of 'Fortress Europe', and they invite for further research in the rest of the EU member states.
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ELIAS, Anwen. "Europeanising the nation: minority nationalist party responses to European integration in Wales, Galicia and Corsica." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5442.
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Defence date: 3 February 2006Examining board: Michael Keating (EUI, supervisor) ; Donatella della Porta (EUI) ; Ramón Máiz (University of Santiago de Compostela) ; Lieven de Winter (University of Louvain la Neuve)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Gays – Political activity – Europe"
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Lucy, Robinson, and Robinson Lucy. Gay men and the left in post-war Britain: How the personal got political. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007.
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Hertzog, Mark. The lavender vote: Lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals in American electoral politics. New York: New York University Press, 1996.
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Rayside, Morton David. On the fringe: Gays and lesbians in politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998.
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Queer. Macht. Politik: Schauplätze gesellschaftlicher Veränderung. Hamburg, Germany: Männerschwarm Verlag, 2013.
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Lestrade, Didier. Pourquoi les gays sont passés à droite. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2012.
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Pourquoi les gays sont passés à droite. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2012.
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B, Riggle Ellen D., and Tadlock Barry L, eds. Gays and lesbians in the democratic process: Public policy, public opinion, and political representation. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.
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1966-, Kaiser Wolfram, and Wohnout Helmut 1964-, eds. Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-45. London: Routledge, 2004.
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de, Waele Jean-Michel, and Seiler Daniel-Louis, eds. Les partis agrariens et paysans en Europe. Bruxelles: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 2009.
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de, Waele Jean-Michel, and Seiler Daniel-Louis, eds. Les partis agrariens et paysans en Europe. Bruxelles: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Gays – Political activity – Europe"
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Laignelot, Jean-Baptiste, and Nicolas Delmas. "The growing influence of topical issues in legislative activity: limited political, but innovative and responsive, initiative." In Schuman Report on Europe, 139–43. Paris: Springer Paris, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0451-4_21.
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Cruciani, Sante. "Saggio introduttivo. Critica del fordismo e dinamiche del potere nella ricerca transnazionale di Bruno Trentin (1926-2007)." In Studi e saggi, 15–47. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-282-9.01.
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The essay traces Bruno Trentin's political biography and intellectual research from a transnational perspective. Through the work notebooks (1953-1995), the diaries on the CGILGeneral Secretary (1988-1994), the activity in the European Parliament (1999-2004) and the following two years, the elaboration of The Freedom Comes First(2005) is rooted in a long term criticism against the subalternity of the communist and social-democratic culture to the Fordist model. It is also based on the necessity of a libertarian socialism, based on the centrality of the person and on the unavoidable link between work and knowledge. What stands outis the originality of Trentin's political thought, the intellectual circuit in which his research is developed and his vision of a federal Europe in the international system following the Cold War and the aftermath of September 11th, 2001.
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Ertör, Irmak, and Pinar Ertör-Akyazi. "Towards Just and Sustainable Blue Futures: Small-Scale Fisher Movements and Food Sovereignty." In Ocean Governance, 385–402. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20740-2_17.
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AbstractOceans and seas have been vital food sources for both coastal and terrestrial communities for thousands of years. Traditionally, the main actors were small-scale fishers adopting more ecologically-benign fishing practices either for their own subsistence or small-scale commercial use and livelihood. Members of small-scale fishing communities frequently combine other socioeconomic activities such as small-scale agriculture and animal husbandry with their fishing activity as well. Thus, they usually have broader and different understandings and narratives regarding their relations and interdependency with the fish and the seas compared with industrial capture fisheries targeting the most profitable commercial fish species using more destructive gears and high technological capacities. In this chapter, we aim to shed light on their past and present—as well as highlight their existence as a rather neglected and marginalized social group, their political agency and their global movement for food sovereignty in order to uncover their social, political and ecological roles for the future of oceans, coastal communities, and the society in general. Our research methodology relies on participant observation and action methods based on 3 years of continuous work with small-scale fishing cooperatives in Turkey, Spain and Europe, as well as following and collaborating with the WFFP (World Forum of Fisher People) members both in Europe and globally. We conducted more than 80 interviews with key actors from fisheries sector including policy makers, NGOs, members of fishing cooperatives, and fisheries and marine scientists that inform this investigation. We claim that even though small-scale fishing communities are usually neglected actors of the ‘present’ in most mainstream marine policies, narratives and agendas such as the Blue Economy, their ‘presence’ in ocean governance is of utmost importance and their future existence needs to be ensured for an ecologically, socially and economically just ocean governance.
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Miedema, Frank. "Science for, in and with Society: Pragmatism by Default." In Open Science: the Very Idea, 109–27. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_4.
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AbstractTo rethink the relation between science and society and its current problems authoritative scholars in the US and Europe, but also around the globe, have since 1980 implicitly and increasingly explicitly gone back to the ideas of American pragmatism. Pragmatism as conceived by its founders Peirce, James and Dewey is known for its distinct philosophy/sociology of science and political theory. They argued that philosophy should not focus on theoretical esoteric problems with hair-splitting abstract debates of no interest to scientists because unrelated to their practice and problems in the real world. In a realistic philosophy of science, they did not accept foundationalism, dismissed the myth of given eternal principles, the unique ‘scientific method’, absolute truths or let alone a unifying theory. They saw science as a plural, thoroughly social activity that has to be directed to real world problems and subsequent interventions and action. ‘Truth’ in their sense was related to the potential and possible impact of the proposition when turned in to action. Knowledge claims were regarded per definition a product of the community of inquirers, fallible and through continuous testing in action were to be improved. Until 1950, this was the most influential intellectual movement in the USA, but with very little impact in Europe. Because of the dominance of the analytic positivistic approach to the philosophy of science, after 1950 it lost it standing. After the demise of analytical philosophy, in the 1980s of the previous century, there was a resurgence of pragmatism led by several so-called new or neo-pragmatists. Influential philosophers like Hillary Putnam and Philip Kitcher coming from the tradition of analytic philosophy have written about their gradual conversion to pragmatism, for which in the early days they were frowned upon by their esteemed colleagues. This new pragmatist movement gained traction first in the US, in particular through works of Bernstein, Toulmin, Rorty, Putnam and Hacking, but also gained influence in Europe, early on though the works of Apel, Habermas and later Latour.
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"Welfare regimes and political activity among unemployed young people." In Youth unemployment and social exclusion in Europe, 193–206. Policy Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/9781847425775.ch011.
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Moore, Niamh. "‘Wibbly-wobbly timey-wimey’ LGBT histories: community archives as boundary objects." In Communities, Archives and New Collaborative Practices, 195–206. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447341895.003.0014.
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This chapter offers a ‘wibbly-wobbly’ account of a Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transsexual (LGBT) community history and archiving project, How We Got Here. The project was initiated by The Proud Trust (TPT), ‘home of LGBT+ youth’, a regional network of LGBT youth groups across Manchester and North West England, who partnered with a number of organisations, including Schools OUT UK. The project traced three interrelated threads of LGBT activism that were particularly focused on Manchester and the north-west of England, but both the project and the original activism also paid attention to how the city and region are inevitably enmeshed in national and global politics. The three strands of activism are centred on: the establishment of the first purpose-built gay centre in Europe, in Manchester in 1988, now managed by TPT; work in schools, supporting teachers and pupils, including the setting up and campaigning of Schools OUT UK (formerly called the Gay Teachers' Group); and histories of LGBT youth work in Manchester. Thus, the project also centred on histories of LGBT activism that rarely receive attention — including the campaigning of teachers and youth workers in schools and youth clubs and beyond.
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"The Recent Investment Activity of Global Sovereign Wealth Funds." In Political Players? Sovereign Wealth Funds’ Investments in Central and Eastern Europe. Wydawnictwo UŁ, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8088-331-4.02.
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"Restrictions on the Political Activity of Aliens under Article 16 ECHR." In Europe of Rights: A Compendium on the European Convention of Human Rights, 497–501. Brill | Nijhoff, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004219915_027.
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Adler, Gary J. "The Shifting Landscape of US Catholic Parishes, 1998–2012." In American Parishes, 69–94. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823284351.003.0004.
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Employing data from the National Congregations Study, this chapter charts parish trends in key areas of organizational life across a dynamic fifteen-year period of recent history. Parishes’ organizational composition is becoming older and more Hispanic, both among priests and among people in the pews. Meanwhile, local parish cultures are becoming more theologically conservative, but also less charismatic in worship style. Catholic parishes are also seeing large increases in political activity, suggesting a “new politicization” of local Catholic life. Finally, parishes have heightened their participation boundaries against women and gays and lesbians. While briefly suggesting possibilities for why these changes are taking place, this chapter provides an accurate descriptive view of contemporary U.S. parishes and suggests how best to study trends in the years ahead.
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Chazan, Robert. "Medieval Northern Europe." In Refugees or Migrants, 158–84. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300218572.003.0008.
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This chapter considers Jewish settlement in northern Europe. Since Jews were newcomers, and since newcomers are regularly resented by the indigenous populace, much of the new reality and new status was decidedly limited and limiting, inferior to the well-established reality and status enjoyed by Jews in their older areas of habitation. The newness of the Jews of the north stimulated innovative configurations of Jewish economic activity, altered popular imagery of Jews, created difficult social relations between the Jews and their non-Jewish neighbors, fostered altered Church stances toward Judaism and Jews, and fashioned new relationships between the political authorities and their Jewish clients.
Conference papers on the topic "Gays – Political activity – Europe"
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Marchenko, Nataliya. "Northern Sea Route: Modern State and Challenges." In ASME 2014 33rd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2014-23626.
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It is well-known that navigating the waterway from the primary trade hubs in northern Europe to the Asia-Pacific ports and contrariwise along the Russian Arctic Coast (Northern Sea Route - NSR) is much shorter and faster, than southern ways via Suez or around Africa. The NSR can significantly save costs (through saving time and fuel) and avoids the risk of attack by pirates. In addition, an increase in oil and gas activity in the North, forecasts of global warming and an ice-free Arctic have stimulated interest in Arctic navigation. However, Arctic transportation poses significant challenges because of the heavy ice conditions that exist during both the winter and summer. The profitability of using the NSR is called into question if possible high tariffs are included in the cost estimates. For many years, the NSR was principally used for internal Russian transport and since the end of the 1980s up until 2010, it was in stagnation with total amount of cargo transported annually stood at less than two million tons. Important political decisions in the 90s and increased economic feasibility intensified traffic and freight turnover. In 2013, the NSR Administration (NSRA) was established, new rules for navigation were approved and tariff policies were modified. In 2013, the NSRA issued 635 permits to sail in NSR waters, and 71 transit voyages have since been completed. The total amount of transit cargo was 1.36 million tons. More than 40% of the total number of permits were issued to vessels without ice class [1] according to the Russian Maritime Register of Shipping [2]. There are strong technical requirements for vessels attempting to sail the NSR; regardless, several accidents occurred in 2012–2013. Two vessels were dented by ice in the Chukchi Sea in 2012. A tanker was holed in September 2013 and created a real danger of an ecological disaster from fuel leakage for several days. Despite the expectation of an ice-free Arctic, the ice conditions in 2013 were rather difficult, and the Vilkitsky Strait (a key strait in the NSR between the Kara and Laptev seas) was closed by ice for almost the entire navigation period. In this paper, we review the current situation in the Russian Arctic, including political and administrative actions, recent accidents and the associated conditions and lessons learned.
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Lipatov, A. V., and O. A. Kazakevich. "FORMATION OF THE IMAGE OF ALEXANDER NEVSKY AMONG SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CULTURAL SPACE OF THE CITY: ON THE EXAMPLE OF VOLGOGRAD." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/13.
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The article considers the main milestones of the military and political activity of prince Alexander Nevskiy reflecting the most important milestones of the Russian people's struggle for independence and saving of the Orthodox faith in the XIII century. The public need in saving historical and cultural memory led to the erection of memorable places and objects of cult architecture in honor of A. Nevskiy, including in modern Volgograd. On the basis of the existing objects of the cultural space of Volgograd, the methodological ways of A. Nevskiy's image formation as the defender of medieval Russia and the notion of confrontation with the aggressive aims of Western Europe and the Mongol-Tatars are offered.
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Juhász, Péter, and Tahir Mammadov. "Covid-19 impact on the profitability of the EU27 banking sector." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.1.
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Due to COVID-19, economic activity decreased considerably all across Europe. Our paper reviews the various pandemic effects and changes in the European banking sector. Using a dataset merged from four different secondary databases, we created a panel of countryquarters with 513 items covering the period 2016 Q1 – 2020 Q3 including the effects of the first wave of the pandemic. Correlation analysis revealed that during the pandemic, the connectedness of the banking system to the macroeconomy increased, and that the open economies had a more stable banking system. Performance fluctuations on the national banking system level increased, and banking performance became more closely linked to quarterly GPD growth. Covid-19 had a significant adverse effect on the banking sector's profitability on top of the standard macroeconomic fallbacks. Data also underpin that the countries where citizens had stronger trust in their government (political system, legal system, police) suffered less due to the Covid-19 crisis than other EU27 members. High-trust EU27 countries lost less in GDP, import, export, and banking profitability during the first wave of the pandemic. However, this might be partly also a result of some cultural characteristics linked to geography.
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Sabo, Helena maria. "DEVELOPMENT OF ICT EDUCATION IN ROMANIA." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-136.
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Abstract. Computerized education is a pedagogical strategy adapted / adaptable to the policy model education in the post-cultural model of society. At the operational level, the process involves the concept of assimilation and exploitation of new information technologies in activities designed to level the educational system in the context of specific activities. This are: computerized and “computerial” literacy; ownership of knowledge in the studied disciplines of profile information, making management education, application of computer assisted instruction, teaching method or as a special educational means integrated into any teaching strategy. Cumulative contributions show that important progress has been achieved in Europe, particularly in the development of ICT in education, while one is notable heterogeneity of practices and policies presented in agreement with different political priorities, ideals and educational funding. In Romania, a characterization in general terms, might read: The educational system will undergo significant changes, as the main orientation and design of a system of permanent education. As routine tasks in any field of activity will be taken over by computers, the individual will have more free time to train. At this training will add competition increasingly harshness, which will require the use of leisure time for qualification. In essence, computerization is not limited to teaching a new method, which would enter into the traditional methods. Through their social role, designated the concept of “computer culture” signifies transforming computerization of education system by education, not only as a form of organization, but also as contents. Finally we should mention that the importance and complexity of the process of computerization of education requires attention to the state level. It is appropriate to develop a concept of implementing information technologies in education that would reflect all aspects of the process, its directions and propose to exploit resources, that Romania has already today in an efficient way.
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Vlada, Marin, and Adrian Adascalitei. "ROMANIAN EXPERIENCE IN COURSES DEVELOPMENT. SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT: VISION ON LEARNING - GRIGORE C. MOISIL, 110 YEARS AFTER BIRTH." In eLSE 2016. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-16-264.
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Motto: "The only source of knowledge is experience. Learn from yesterday, live for today, hope for tomorrow. The important thing is not to stop questioning." Albert Einstein (1879 - 1955) "I am for new things, but, more, than the things that are new today , I appreciate the things that will be new starting tomorrow." Grigore C. Moisil (1906-1973) CONTENT 1. The need for computer and concepts 2. Development of sciences and evolution of university courses 3. Grigore Moisil, the father of Romanian Informatics 4. Grigore Moisil's vision on learning The need for computer was not the dream of a scientist or an inventor, was the medium (product) that are combined and used a variety of effective solutions offered by science and technology to solve practical problems that faced in the period 1940-1960 the powerful nations of the world: USA, USSR and UK. The main issues that were major and urgent even were military-defense and conquest of outer space, the last issue is still a major problem for defense. Factors that influenced the conception, design and development of computer systems are all factors scientific, technological, social, cultural, economic, political, military, etc. At the level of individuals in a society, it can be said that the destiny and their lives are influenced by the factors outlined above. Factors that influenced the conception, design and development of computer systems are all factors scientific, technological, social, cultural, economic, political, military, etc. Un example would be October 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union launched the Sputnik satellite in outer space ( 83.6 kg), Earth's first artificial satellite, when US leaders were concerned about a Soviet first strike could be a preemptive strike; It was when the US Department of Defense Military began several research projects; Consequently, on 31 January 1958 was launched Explorer 1 (14 kg), the first artificial satellite launched by the US, Soviet satellites being third after Sputnik 1 and 2 . At the level of individuals of a society, we can say that destiny and their lives are influenced by the factors mentioned above. No need to come up with arguments or examples, simple study of biographies of scientists, art, etc., who lived in different periods of history will be enlightening for anyone. About Grigore C. Moisil: He was a member of the Romanian Academy, of the Academy of Bologna, and of the International Institute of Philosophy. Moisil was a professor of mathematical logic and computer science at the University of Bucharest, and taught in various universities in Europe and America. His early contributions were in mathematics and later he devoted his scientific activity to mathematical logic and computer science. He pioneered the application of mathematical logic to computer science. In the 1950s, Prof. Moisil developed a new structural theory of finite automata and proposed what he called "the trivalent Lukaszewiczian algebra applied to the logic of switching circuits", an important contribution to the development of computer science in those early years. Some of his books were translated in several languages. At a time when cybernetics was thought of as "reactionary bourgeois science directed against working class" Prof. Moisil used his scientific authority to personally encourage the Romanian scientists to build the first computer, that appeared in 1957. (Excerpts from the biography produced by the IEEE Computer Society, who "is proud to recognize Grigore C. Moisil as a Computer Pioneer" in 1996)
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Egorova, Maia, and Tamara Ruiz. "STUDENTS’ MOTIVATION AT DIFFERENT PHASES OF GETTING HIGHER EDUCATION (THE CASE OF RUSSIA)." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/13.
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"The problem of motivation is one of the most important in determining the driving mechanisms that force a person to learn, work, master something new. Motivation to work is one of the key elements of challenging yourself on the way to self-development. Motivation has deep psychological and moral roots and is a complex multifaceted phenomenon that often defies logical comprehension. In addition, it is an ephemeral, elusive thing; it is not a permanent feature of a person in one or another area of his activity. Accordingly, it is the problem of origin, retention, and in a good scenario of strengthening the motivation that is in one of the first place among the tasks that modern teachers face. Rapid scientific and technological development and progress in various fields of knowledge, new scientific and technical discoveries and the need for new high-tech developments require specialists with a high level of education and high-quality professional training. This applies not only to scientific and technical spheres, but also to natural-applied and humanitarian areas. All this makes higher education today a prestigious and extremely attractive goal for most young people, making young people use their studies at a university as a social lift for further personal development and career development. At the same time, a situation is observed when entering universities, many young people are faced with a serious problem of lack of motivation to learn, or they are demotivated in the learning process, which often leads to a very low level of quality of their studies, and sometimes makes them interrupt study for academic leave or give it up completely. Pedagogical science has accumulated a wealth of experience in studying this problem, however, the modern challenges of a changing world require pedagogy to constantly monitor changes and search for new approaches to solving the problems that students have in the course of obtaining higher education. The authors study this problem, taking as an example Russia, which is a country at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, where features of European and Eastern culture are combined in people. The authors approached the issue from several important angles. The article analyzes the socio-economic and political characteristics that affect the motivation for learning among young people. Particular attention is paid to the state of the current Russian society, spiritual and moral guidelines of young people, their goals and views on life and their own future. The authors emphasize the importance of family, religion and spiritual and moral development in the issue of motivation to work and study. The authors come to the conclusion that the problem of lack of motivation is based on a combination of reasons, but its root is primarily in the family upbringing of the student, as well as in his moral component and emotional and psychological maturity of the individual. The article provides an overview and some of the changes in student motivation associated with the COVID-19 pandemic and online learning. It is important to note that in the course of their research, the authors relied on their many years of experience in teaching at higher educational institutions in Russia."
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.