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1

Serna-Montoya, Edgar, José Marquiná, and Eugenio Fernández. "Galileo Galilei." Lámpsakos, no. 3 (January 13, 2010): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21501/21454086.791.

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2

Burdette, Kim. "Galileo Galilei." Towson University Languages Gazette, no. 2 (March 8, 2023): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.59207/tlg.vi2.30.

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3

Da Silva, Josie Agatha Parrilha, and Marcos Cesar Danhoni Neves. "DOMENICO CRESTI (PASSIGNANO) AND THE FIRST ARTISTIC REPRESENTATION OF THE GALILEAN TELESCOPIC MOON." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 6, no. 6 (June 30, 2018): 260–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v6.i6.2018.1372.

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This research reports the imagery representation of the Moon in the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception with Saints and Angels (1611) by Domenico Cresti (Passignano). Our goal is to defend this image as a telescopic representation of the Galilean Moon, that is, a cratered Moon as presented by Galileo Galilei in his work Sidereus nuncius (1610). Passignano was a friend of the artist Lodovico Cardi (Cigoli) who corresponded with Galileo and exchanged information on telescopic observations. This relationship between the artists and Galileo reinforces the possibility that the two painters had represented cratered the moons. The research consists of bibliographical and imaginary research and, at the end, the Moon of Passignano as the first representation of a Galilean Moon inside a Church.
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Foschi, Renato, and Matteo Leone. "Galileo, Measurement of the Velocity of Light, and the Reaction Times." Perception 38, no. 8 (January 1, 2009): 1251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/p6263.

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According to the commonly accepted view, Galileo Galilei devised in 1638 an experiment that seemed able to show that the velocity of light is finite. An analysis of archival material shows that two decades later members of the Florence scientific society Accademia del Cimento followed Galileo guidelines by actually attempting to measure the velocity of light and suggesting improvements. This analysis also reveals a fundamental difference between Galileo's and Florence academy's methodologies and that Galileo's experiment was, in some respects, a pioneering work affecting also the history of the psychology of perception.
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5

Shepard, Valerie A. "The Essential Galileo by Galileo Galilei." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 40, no. 1 (2009): 290–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2009.0057.

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6

GOMIDE, Walter. "GALILEO GALILEI´S THESIS EXPANDED." International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on the Dialogue between Sciences & Arts, Religion & Education 5, no. 1 (November 24, 2021): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/mcdsare.2021.5.26-31.

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In this short article, I try to show alternative maths to real numbers in such a way that these maths (especially Transreal Numbers by James Anderson and Arithmetic of Infinity by Yaroslav Sergeyev) can also be considered as legitimate instruments for presenting the structure of reality. I call this thesis of expanding the possibilities of understanding Nature mathematically the "Galileo Galilei´s thesis extended". As an example of the application of the thesis that the mathematics that is at the base of Nature must be extended to a better assessment of the scope of physical laws, here we present the Heisenberg´s Uncertainty Principle, approached in an alternative way from a mathematical point of view.
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7

Hall, Crystal. "Galileo, Poetry, and Patronage: Giulio Strozzi’s Venetia edificata and the Place of Galileo in Seventeenth-Century Italian Poetry*." Renaissance Quarterly 66, no. 4 (2013): 1296–331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675093.

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AbstractThe Venetian poet and librettist Giulio Strozzi (1583–1652) spent much of his career glorifying the Serenissima through a series of theatrical pieces. His only epic poem, the Venetia edificata (1621, 1624), while ostensibly a celebration of the republic, shows a level of commitment to Galileo Galilei (1564–1643) and to Galileo’s science that is unique among poets of the time, Venetian or otherwise. It is the apex of Strozzi’s artistic project to incorporate Galileo’s discoveries and texts into poetic works. The Venetia edificata also represents the culmination of a fifteen-year effort to gain patronage from the Medici Grand Dukes in Florence. While the first, incomplete version is dedicated to the Venetian Doge, the second, finished version is dedicated to Grand Duke Ferdinando II de’ Medici of Florence. More than a decade after Galileo’s departure from the Veneto to Florence, Strozzi cites from Galileo’s early works, creates a character inspired by Galileo, incorporates the principles of Galileo’s science into the organizing structure of the poem, and answers one of Galileo’s loudest complaints about Torquato Tasso’s Jerusalem Delivered (1581). Strozzi’s strategies both in writing the Venetia edificata and in seeking patronage for it underscore the ambivalent response to Galileo in contemporary poetry.
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8

Barbieri, C. "The Three Galileos Conference: An Overview of the Event." Highlights of Astronomy 11, no. 2 (1998): 1087–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1539299600019651.

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A conference having the title The Three Galileos: the Man, the Spacecraft, the Telescope, was held at the University of Padova from 7-10 January 1997. The conference was jointly organized by the U.S. space agency NASA, JPL, the German space agency DARA, the University and Astronomical Observatory of Padova, and the Telescopio Nazionale Galileo, with the added support of the International Astronomical Union. The scientific committee was composed of: C. Barbieri (Chairman, University of Padova), S. Atreya (University of Michigan), E. Bellone (University of Padova), M. Belton (NOAO), P. Benvenuti (ESA), F. Bertola (University of Padova), M. Calvani (Astronomical Observatory of Padova), G. Cariolaro (University of Padova), W. Ip (Max-Planck-Institute for Aeronomy), T. Johnson (JPL), T. Owen (University of Hawaii), J. Rahe (NASA), and R. West (ESO). The purpose was to discuss the discovery of the Medicean Moons by Galileo Galilei in Padova from 7-15 January 1610, the results of the Galileo spacecraft during the cruise phase and while orbiting the Jovian system, and the construction of the 3.5-m active-optics Italian telescope Galileo (TNG) in the Canary Islands.
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9

Toma-Dasu, Iuliana. "Announcement: Galileo Galilei Award." Physica Medica 86 (June 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejmp.2021.05.016.

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10

Vassányi, Miklós. "Galileo Galilei (1564-1642)." Vallástudományi Szemle 17, no. 1 (2021): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.55193/rs.2021.1.141.

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11

KETT, C. W. "GALILEO GALILEI-1564-1642." Australasian Journal of Optometry 14, no. 11 (April 19, 2010): 13–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1444-0938.1932.tb00533.x.

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12

Ascenzi, Antonio. "Biomechanics and Galileo Galilei." Journal of Biomechanics 26, no. 2 (February 1993): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0021-9290(93)90040-l.

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13

Silva, Josie Agatha Parrilha da, and Marcos Cesar Danhoni Neves. "Domenico Cresti (Passignano) e a representação imagética da Lua galileana." Domínios da Imagem 12, no. 22 (December 23, 2018): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2237-9126.2018v12n22p90.

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Esta pesquisa reporta-se a representação imagética da Lua da obra Virgem da Imaculada Conceição com Santos e Anjos (1611) de Domenico Cresti (Passignano). Nosso objetivo é defender essa representação como a segunda Lua galileana, ou seja, uma Lua craterada como apresentada Galileo Galilei em sua obra Sidereus nuncius (1610). Passignano era amigo do artista Lodovico Cardi (Cigoli), ambos realizavam pinturas da Igreja Santa Maria Maggiore (local onde se encontra a primeira Lua craterada). Cigoli correspondia-se com Galileo e trocava informações sobre as observações que ele e Passignano realizavam. Para apresentar esse debate apresentaremos a vida e obra de Passignano, sua relação com Cigoli e Galileu e, por fim, uma análise imagética da sua Lua aos pés da Imaculada Conceição. Utilizaremos como referencial teórico Panofsky (2007) e Bredekamp (2015). A pesquisa compõe-se de pesquisa bibliográfica e imagética e ao final defenderá a possiblidade de Passignano representar a Lua galileana. Passignano, Cigoli e Galilei possibilitam o entendimento da relação existente entre as áreas de Arte e Ciência no Renascimento.
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14

Van Dyck, Maarten. "Hoe Galileo Galilei de valwet ontdekte, en het verschil dat dit maakt." Algemeen Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Wijsbegeerte 113, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/antw2021.1.004.vand.

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Abstract How Galileo Galilei discovered the law of fall, and the difference that this makes Galileo’s law of fall is one of the crucial building blocks of classical mechanics. The question how this law was discovered has often been a topic of debate. This article offers a reconstruction of the developments within Galileo’s research that led to the discovery of the law. This reconstruction is offered to make a philosophical point regarding the epistemic status of experimental results: Galileo’s experiments can offer sufficient justification for the acceptance of the law of fall only because of their place in a broad research programme.
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15

Remmert, Volker R. "In the Service of the Reich: Aspects of Copernicus and Galileo in Nazi Germany’s Historiographical and Political Discourse." Science in Context 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 333–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000126.

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ArgumentFocus of this paper is on the historiographical fate of Nicholas Copernicus and Galileo Galilei in Nazi Germany. Both played interesting roles in Nazi propaganda and the legitimization of Nazi political goals. In the “Third Reich,” efforts to claim Copernicus as a German astronomer were closely linked to revisionist policies in Eastern Europe culminating in the war-time expansion. The example of Galileo’s condemnation by the Catholic Church in 1633 became a symbol of its unjustified opposition to new “scientific” results, namely Nazi racial theory. After Catholic opposition against Nazi racial theory had reached a peak in 1937, the Galileo affair was turned into an instrument of Nazi propaganda against the Catholic Church.Auch der Historiker steht in der Zeit, nicht über ihr.Das Ewigkeitspostament hat er verloren.Siegfried Giedion
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16

Fulier, Jozef, and Štefan Tkačik. "The Mathematician Galileo Galilei and His Work Discorsi." Acta Mathematica Nitriensia 1, no. 2 (2015): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17846/amn.2015.1.2.1-14.

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17

Renn, Jürgen. "Book Review: Galileo in German, Galileo Galilei: Schriften, Briefe, Dokumente." Journal for the History of Astronomy 20, no. 2 (June 1989): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868902000210.

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18

Johnson, Torrence V. "Modern exploration of Galileo's new worlds." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 6, S269 (January 2010): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174392131000726x.

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AbstractFour hundred years ago Galileo turned his telescope to the heavens and changed the way we view the cosmos forever. Among his discoveries in January of 1610 were four new ‘stars’, following Jupiter in the sky but changing their positions with respect to the giant planet every night. Galileo showed that these ‘Medicean stars’, as he named them, were moons orbiting Jupiter in the same manner that the Earth and planets revolve about the Sun in the Copernican theory of the solar system. Over the next three centuries these moons, now collectively named the Galilean satellites after their discoverer, remained tiny dots of light in astronomers' telescopes. In the latter portion of the twentieth century Galileo's new worlds became important targets of exploration by robotic spacecraft. This paper reviews the history of this exploration through the discoveries made by the Galileo mission from 1995 to 2003, setting the stage for on-going exploration in the new century.
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19

Dea, Shannon. "Heidegger and Galileo’s Slippery Slope." Dialogue 48, no. 1 (March 2009): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217309090040.

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ABSTRACT: In Die Frage nach dem Ding, Martin Heidegger characterizes Galileo as an important transitional figure in the struggle to replace the Aristotelian conception of nature with that of Newton. However, Heidegger only attends to Galileo’s modernity and not to those Aristotelian elements still discernible in Galileo’s work. This article fleshes out both aspects in Galileo in light of Heidegger’s discussion. It concludes by arguing that the lacuna in Heidegger’s account of Galileo is the consequence of Heidegger’s own self-conscious modernity − a modernity that he slyly hints at in a remark he makes in FD concerning Galileo and Democritus.
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20

Desyatova, Maria. "Characteristic Features of Galileo’s Scientific Style in His Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina of Lorraine." Stephanos Peer reviewed multilanguage scientific journal 53, no. 3 (May 31, 2022): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24249/2309-9917-2022-53-3-58-63.

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This article is carried out within a scientific project supported by the “Zhivaya traditsiya” (Traditioviva) Development Fund and dedicated to a detailed theological and philological analysis and commentary on the translation of the Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina of Lorraine (1615), which is part of the series of “Copernican Letters” by Galileo Galilei. It was in these letters (besides the letter to Christina, there are also a letter to Benedetto Castelli of 1613 and two letters to Piero Dini of 1615) that Galileo formulated the principles of a new scientific method of understanding the world, referring to the discoveries of Nicolaus Copernicus. In the letter to Christina, the most striking and important of this series and still not translated into Russian, Galileo expounds in particular detail, consistently and fully his position as a natural scientist, parrying reproaches for the incompatibility of his scientific conclusions with the Holy Bible. But Galileo is not only a scientist, theologian and philosopher. He is also known as a man of letters, a writer, a representative of baroque literature and the founder of the scientific style in the Italian language, which deserves special attention. In the Letter to Christina, one can note the characteristic features of Galileo’s scientific style: simplicity of terminology, metaphorical scientific descriptions, emotionality, complex syntax, aggravated by multitiered subordinate clauses, homogeneous subordinate clauses, wide use of gerunds.
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Asorey-García, A., E. Santos-Bueso, and J. García-Sánchez. "La ceguera de Galileo Galilei." Archivos de la Sociedad Española de Oftalmología 88, no. 12 (December 2013): e84-e87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.oftal.2013.03.009.

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Clark, Eric. "Pioneers in Optics: Galileo Galilei." Microscopy Today 26, no. 3 (May 2018): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929518000470.

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23

SEGRE, MICHAEL. "CONVEGNO INTERNAZIONALE SU GALILEO GALILEI." Nuncius 10, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221058785x00183.

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Harris, James C. "Galileo Galilei: Scientist and Artist." Archives of General Psychiatry 67, no. 8 (August 1, 2010): 770. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archgenpsychiatry.2010.95.

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25

RAPHAEL, RENEE. "GALILEO'S DISCORSI AND MERSENNE'S NOUVELLES PENSEES: MERSENNE AS A READER OF GALILEAN 'EXPERIENCE'." Nuncius 23, no. 1 (2008): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539108x00012.

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Abstracttitle ABSTRACT /title This study examines Marin Mersenne's 1639 Nouvelles Pensees de Galilee, a translation and adaptation of Galileo Galilei's 1638 Discorsi. I use the translation as a window into how Mersenne, a reader trained in natural philosophy, read and understood Galileo's text and, in particular, Galileo's use of experience to support his claims. This analysis reveals that Mersenne drew on a variety of techniques and conceptions of experience in rendering Galileo's individual accounts of experience and experiment. The differences in the way the two authors relate discourse and experience is shown to be linked to their choices of genre and the varying motivations each brought to their texts.
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Boulier, Philippe. "Le problème du continu pour la mathématisation galiléenne et la géométrie cavalierienne." Early Science and Medicine 15, no. 4-5 (2010): 371–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338210x516260.

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What reasons can a physicist have to reject the principle of a mathematical method, which he nonetheless uses (even in an implicit way) and which he used frequently in his unpublished works? We are concerned here with Galileo’s doubts and objections against Cavalieri’s “geometry of indivisibles.” One may be astonished by Galileo’s behaviour: Cavalieri’s principle is implied by the Galilean mathematization of naturally accelerated motion; some Galilean demonstrations in fact hinge on it. Yet, in the Discorsi (1638) Galileo seems to be opposed to this principle. e fundamental reason of Galileo’s reluctance with respect to Cavalieri’s geometry is to be sought in Galileo’s ideal of intelligibility. It is true that Galilean physics, and more particularly Galileo’s theories of motion and matter, faces deep paradoxes, which Cavalieri’s geometry succeeds to avoid, thanks to a clear determination of the concept of “aggregatum.” But while avoiding these difficulties, Cavalieri does not furnish any solution for the problems raised by Galilean physics.
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BARCARO, UMBERTO. "UN'ANALISI DELLA «BIZZARRIA» DI GALILEO." Nuncius 8, no. 1 (1993): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539183x00028.

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Abstract<title> SUMMARY </title>In a passage of the Second Day of the Dialogue Galielo attempts to prove that the falling motion of a heavy body, observed in a fixed refecence system not rotating with the Earth, is uniformly circular. The reasoning is clumsy and inexact, while the conclusion, which Galileo defines as a «Bizzarria», is simply absurd. If, in a strictly literal sense, the passage has little scientific value it is extremely valuable metaphorically since it provides a clear representation of the essential aspects of Galileo's scientific method. Studying the Bizzarria as a metaphor not only brings its true meaning to light but leads to specific results, for example the identification of «implicit hypotheses», these allow for a clearer understanding of certain aspects of Galileo's science, which are difficult to grasp by means of a strictly literal reading of the text. A metaphorical reading also leads on to the conceptual reference to other themes of Galileo's physics the underlying significance of these themes, as also that of the Bizzarria, can only be understood while bearing this reference in mind.
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Favaro, Antonio. "Galileo, Astrologer." Culture and Cosmos 07, no. 01 (June 2003): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0107.0205.

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Editor's Note: Until the 1990s, there was no published work on Galileo's astrology except for the two papers published here by Antonio Favaro in Italian. These are presented here in English translation for the first time. Part 1: 'Galileo Astrologo' Editor's Note: This trailblazing essay by Antonio Favaro was composed a decade before he first started to publish his twenty-volume Opere* of Galileo's complete works, and was published in the periodical Mente e Cuore in 1881. Greatly ignored by scholars, it has of late been alluded to by Poppi and Ernst. The footnotes differ from the original in being numbered sequentially through the whole article; endnotes are added by Nick Kollerstrom. Part 2: Mathematics at the University of Padua before Galileo Editor's Note: Padua was Europe's second oldest university, after Bologna. One seeks in vain for anything written about its chair of mathematics, beyond this single essay by Favaro. This neglect is presumably on account of the central role which it assigned to astrology, down through the centuries. Santillana's essay The Crime of Galileo makes what one must view as a fictional statement, that,when Galileo accepted the Chair at Padua in 1592, 'The chair of mathematics then covered the teaching of geometry, astronomy, military engineering, and fortification' . That could describe Padua's mathematics chair a century later, perhaps in the 18th century. The first two paragraphs of Favaro's essay are here translated, and in addition two of Galileo's letters about his mathematics lectures are here reproduced, showing that the students who attended them were either philosophers or medical doctors - the latter, in order to learn how to erect a horoscope for the onset of disease.
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Sohn, Hyun. "Brecht’s “Life of Galileo” and Galileo’s Dialogue: Revisiting the Problem of Social Responsibility in the Case of Galileo Galilei." Journal of the Humanities 92 (September 30, 2020): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.21211/jhum.92.4.

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30

Carrasco, V. M. S., M. C. Gallego, and J. M. Vaquero. "Number of sunspot groups from the Galileo–Scheiner controversy revisited." Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 496, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 2482–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mnras/staa1633.

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ABSTRACT We revise the sunspot observations made by Galileo Galilei and Christoph Scheiner in the context of their controversy regarding the nature of sunspots. Those of their sunspot records not included in the current sunspot group database, used as a basis to calculate the sunspot group number, are analysed. Within the documentary sources consulted in this work, we can highlight the sunspot observations by Scheiner included in the letters sent under the pseudonym Apelles to Marcus Welser and the first sunspot observations made by Galileo, which can be consulted in Le opere di Galileo Galilei. These sunspot observations would extend the temporal coverage for these two observers and fill some gaps in the current group database in the earliest period, where the data available are sparse. Moreover, we have detected changes in the quality of the sunspot drawings made by Galileo and Scheiner in their observation series, affecting the number of groups recorded by the two observers. We also compare these records with sunspot observations made by other astronomers of that time. According to this comparison and regarding the same observation days, Scheiner was generally the astronomer who reported more sunspot groups, while Harriot, Cigoli and Galileo recorded a similar number of groups. We conclude that these differences are mainly because of the observational methods used by the observers.
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Montes Anguita, Rodrigo Felipe. "Oficio de tinieblas por Galileo Galilei." Revista Actos 1, no. 1 (November 7, 2019): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/actos.v1i1.1231.

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Los aspectos de interés para este artículo son tres. Primero se aborda la figura de Patricio Wang como compositor, su formación académica y su relación con Quilapayún. En la segunda parte, se realiza un análisis músico-poético, de Oficio de tinieblas por Galileo Galilei, teniendo como base, la creación en su forma y contenido, con énfasis en los recursos técnicos utilizados, que no corresponden al lenguaje ni a la estética de la canción popular. Para el análisis, se observó la obra como una escena única dividida en cuatro planos. Por último, se realiza una visión panorámica a la historia del grupo Quilapayún, describiendo y analizando los factores que posibilitaron que fueran capaces de asimilar una propuesta creativa de estas características. Este estudio ha sido articulado, en base a la información proporcionada directamente por Patricio Wang al autor, y que ha permitido vislumbrar: su historia como compositor, sus influencias directas, su visión particular de la obra; y su relación profesional con Quilapayún. Esto junto a la utilización de bibliografía descriptiva relacionada a la Nueva Canción Chilena y sus exponentes, han permitido sostener la idea, de que esta obra, y la inclusión de su compositor al conjunto, generan un nuevo paradigma creativo, materializado en el giro estético que estos artistas darán en sus producciones discográficas de los años 80.
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Kelter, Irving A., Tommaso Campanella, and Michel-Pierre Lerner. "Apologia pro Galileo/Apologie de Galilee." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 4 (2002): 1154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144174.

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Fontanella, Luigi. "The provocative poetry of Galileo Galilei." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 49, no. 1 (March 23, 2015): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585815572766.

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34

Catastini, Giuseppe, Donato Bramanti, and Anna M. Nobili. "`Galileo Galilei' on the ground (GGG)." Classical and Quantum Gravity 13, no. 11A (November 1, 1996): A193—A195. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0264-9381/13/11a/027.

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Wallace, William A. "Sidereus nuncius: Le messager celeste. Galileo Galilei , Isabelle PantinLe messager des etoiles. Galileo Galilei , Fernand Hallyn." Isis 85, no. 2 (June 1994): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/356850.

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Shea, William R. "Conversations with Galileo: A Fictional Dialogue Based on Biographical Facts." Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 72, no. 4 (December 2020): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.56315/pscf12-20shea.

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CONVERSATIONS WITH GALILEO: A Fictional Dialogue Based on Biographical Facts by William R. Shea. London, UK: Watkins Media, 2019. xi + 115 pages, including notes and further reading. Hardcover; $14.95. ISBN: 9781786782496. *Have you ever wanted to engage in an extended conversation with a famous person whose work and historical milieu you have studied carefully for many years? William R. Shea, one of the world's leading Galileo scholars, invites you to sit down, relax with a cup of coffee or a glass of wine, to engage in a conversation with Galileo. Conversations with Galileo: A Fictional Dialogue incorporates many of Galileo's own words taken from his works or letters. This slim book will allow you to experience how such a dialogue may have transpired. *Shea, a Canadian historian, was Galileo Professor of the History of Science at the University of Padua, Italy from 2003-2012, the very university where Galileo once taught. He has authored many books about Galileo and the Scientific Revolution. The latest, co-authored with Mariano Artigas, are Galileo in Rome: The Rise and Fall of a Troublesome Genius (2003) and Galileo Observed: Science and the Politics of Belief (2006). Conversations with Galileo is part of a series of books published by Watkins Media Ltd., offering conversations with luminaries such as JFK, Oscar Wilde, Casanova, Buddha, Charles Dickens and Isaac Newton. *First, a word about the format of Conversations with Galileo: A three-page introduction by Dava Sobel, author of Longitude (1995) and Galileo's Daughter (1999), is followed by a short (21-page) biography by Shea entitled "Galileo (1564-1642): His Life in Short." Then we are offered 13 chapters dealing with a vast range of topics. Each chapter then begins with Shea posing a leading personal question. These questions cover what, I suspect, most people would want to ask Galileo: questions about censorship, the earth as a planet, scientific failures, what do you take the Bible to say, relations with the Roman Catholic Church Congregation of the Holy Office, also known as the Roman Inquisition, and the Congregation of the Index, other church officials, and, perhaps a final question: what is your claim to fame? The Galileo I remember: the rebel, the seat-of-the-pants philosopher, the "heretic," the defender of the Copernican world-picture, and the creator of a "science of motion" (appearing in the last chapter, "His Claim to Fame") are all present. *So, what more would you want to ask? To me it was surprising to see what else Shea does in fact ask. There are conversations/chapters dealing with "Family Burdens," "Wine, Women and Song," "The Burdens of Teaching," "Moonlighting," "Mind your Horoscope," "The Plague," and "On Art and Literature." This is a Galileo with a human face, with human foibles, jealousies, amorous interests, financial pressures and responsibilities, work-load issues, social conventions, concerns about the plague and social distancing, and literary interests. These are subjects which are usually hidden or absent in many accounts of Galileo's exploits. For instance, we learn of Galileo the lutenist and of his musical family: his father Vincenzo, his brother Michelangelo (a court musician to the grand duke of Bavaria in Munich). We meet his children: his two daughters, Virginia and Livia, who both entered a convent, and his son Vincenzo who had no scientific interests. We also learn about Galileo's life as a student. At seventeen, Galileo attended the University of Pisa to study medicine and "natural philosophy" (science in our parlance). He attended lectures for four and one-half years without acquiring a degree (which was quite common at the time) but did develop his mathematical interests. These are only a few of the personal details in Galileo's life which Shea explores in this book. *All in all, this is a delightful and inviting book, carefully constructed, written in an engaging style, and easy to read. Don't let the poorly designed cover keep you from picking it up. This is a good read for anyone wanting to get a look behind the scenes and meet an illustrious natural philosopher as he lived his rich and complex life. *Reviewed by Arie Leegwater, Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry, Calvin University, Grand Rapids, MI 49456.
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37

Cowen, Ron. "Galileo Explores the Galilean Moons." Science News 152, no. 6 (August 9, 1997): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3980779.

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Gomez-Marin, Alex. "Galileo’s comet rebuttal The Assayer Galileo Galilei 1623." Science 382, no. 6667 (October 13, 2023): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.adk9425.

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39

Findlen, Paula, and Hannah Marcus. "The breakdown of Galileo’s Roman network: Crisis and community, ca. 1633." Social Studies of Science 47, no. 3 (December 29, 2016): 326–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312716676657.

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Rome has long been central to the story of Galileo’s life and scientific work. Through an analysis of the metadata of Galileo’s surviving letters, combined with a close reading of the letters themselves, we discuss how Galileo used correspondence to build a Roman network. Galileo initially assembled this network around the members of the Lincean Academy, a few carefully nurtured relationships with important ecclesiastics, and the expertise of well positioned Tuscan diplomats in the Eternal City. However, an analysis of Galileo’s correspondence in the aftermath of the trial of 1633 provides us with a unique opportunity to interrogate how his altered circumstances transformed his social relations. Forced to confront the limitations on his activities imposed by Catholic censure and house arrest, Galileo experienced the effects of these restrictions in his relationships with others and especially in his plans for publication. In the years following 1633, Galileo turned his epistolary attention north to the Veneto and to Paris in order to publish his Two New Sciences. While Galileo’s Lincean network and papal contacts in Rome were defunct after 1633, we see how Rome remained important to him as the site of a number of Roman disciples who would continue his intellectual project long after his own death.
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Espinoza Lolas, Ricardo, Pamela Soto García, and Patricio Lombardo Bertolini. "Galileo y Zubiri… los inicios de la técnica moderna. El método experimental como «probación física de la realidad»." Pensamiento. Revista de Investigación e Información Filosófica 73, no. 276 (August 29, 2017): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/pen.v73.i276.y2017.005.

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Este artículo busca pensar los orígenes de la Técnica moderna en la vida y obra del científico pisano Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) a la luz de dos ideas fundamentales, por una parte, lo acontecido en la propia época de Galileo (siglos XVI y XVII) y, por otra parte, en la categoría fundamental de «experimentación» como «probación física de la realidad» que aparece en la obra Inteligencia y razón (1983) de Xavier Zubiri (1898-1983). Desde esta categoría de análisis podremos ver la riqueza de la inicial investigación científico-técnica de Galileo y cómo ésta ha sido decisiva en el desarrollo ulterior de la investigación humana a lo largo de la Historia.
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Silva, José Luís Coelho da, Ana Sofia Afonso, and Miguel Durães. "Ciência-Religião no caso de Galileu Galilei: Que relações veiculadas na literatura infantil e juvenil?" História da Ciência e Ensino: construindo interfaces 20 (December 29, 2019): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2178-2911.2019v20espp275-288.

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Resumo A História da Ciência tem revelado uma relação entre Ciência e Religião pautada pela complexidade, constatando-se a mudança das fronteiras entre estas duas esferas ao longo dos tempos e afirmando-se a impossibilidade de compreender o modo como se relacionam se desenquadradas dos respetivos contextos históricos sob o risco de se gerarem artificialismos ou anacronismos. A relação entre Galileu e a Igreja Católica é, entre outros, um caso exemplificativo. Neste contexto e sabendo-se que esta relação é abordada em livros de literatura infantil e juvenil, emerge a importância de refletir sobre o modo como estes livros induzem uma visão da relação Ciência-Religião. A definição do objetivo de investigação – Identificar o tipo de relação Ciência- Religião veiculada em livros de literatura infantil e juvenil publicados em Portugal sobre a vida e obra de Galileu Galilei – determina o recurso à técnica de análise de conteúdo, em função de categorias definidas a priori, e aplicada a um corpus de análise constituído por dez livros. A análise efetuada mostra que é veiculada predominantemente uma visão simplista da relação Ciência-Religião, reforçando um posicionamento popular de conflito permanente. Revela-se importante refletir sobre a pertinência da exploração da relação Ciência-Religião nestes livros, considerando não só a relação entre a sua complexidade e o nível etário e os conhecimentos dos destinatários mas também a necessidade de evitar veicular visões deformadas. Palavras-chave: Relação Ciência-Religião, Galilei Galilei, Literatura infantil e juvenil Abstract The history of Science has shown a complex relation between Science and Religion. It has put in evidence how the borders between these two spheres have been changing throughout time, and has stated the importance of the historical contexts to understand the interplay between them. Indeed, neglecting these historical contexts increases the risk of creating artificialism or anachronism. The relation between Galileo and the Catholic Church is, among others, an exemplary case. In this case, and because this relation is approached in children and youth’s literature, it is important to reflect on how these books induce a vision of the relation Science-Religion. The aim of the study – to identify the type of relation Science-Religion covered in children and youth’s books published in Portugal about the life and work of Galileo Galilei – implies the use of a content analysis technique, in which a priori categories were defined and employed in a corpus of analysis composed by ten books. Data analysis shows that the books often cover a simplistic vision of the relation Science-Religion, which reinforce the popular perspective of permanent conflict. It is important to reflect on the relevance of exploring the relation Science-Religion in this type of books. This requires to have in consideration not only the complexity of the relations, the age and knowledge of the readers, but also the need to avoid covering deformed visions. Keywords: Relation Science-Religion, Galileo Galilei, Children and Youth ́s literature
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42

Shea, William R. "Book Review: Galileo Documents Re-Edited: I Documenti del Processo di Galileo Galilei." Journal for the History of Astronomy 17, no. 1 (February 1986): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868601700110.

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Moss, Jean Dietz. "Book Review: Galileo the Iconoclast: Galileo Galilei — Prozess ohne Ende: Eine Biographie Piper." Journal for the History of Astronomy 17, no. 1 (February 1986): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868601700111.

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44

Rao, Amra Saleem, Tim Cate, and Helen Pote. "Supporting leadership development through mentoring." Clinical Psychology Forum 1, no. 363 (March 2023): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpscpf.2023.1.363.58.

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Navarro Linares, Janina. "La idea de Dios como Misterio en el génesis del método científico de Galileo Galilei." Studium Veritatis 12, no. 18 (September 10, 2018): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35626/sv.18.2014.45.

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Los estudios históricos y filosóficos han evidenciado el origen de la ciencia moderna a partir de las nuevas concepciones del mundo físico de Galileo Galilei que resultaron ser contrarias a la física aristotélica. El objetivo del presente trabajo es identificar cómo la idea de Dios como Misterio y la concepción cristiana del mundo, del cual deriva a partir de lo primero, han aportado de modo relevante en la nueva concepción de la ciencia física para Galileo y le ha facilitado establecer de manera definitiva el método de la ciencia natural. Para realizar este recorrido, nos apoyaremos con los textos de Stillman Drake (Galileo) y Eugenio Garín (Ciencia y vida civil en el renacimiento italiano) comparándolos con los textos de Paolo Musso (La scienza e l’idea di ragione) y Luigi Giussani (La conciencia religiosa en el hombre moderno) para explicar el contexto cultural de Galileo y el surgimiento de la ciencia moderna.
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BIGNAMI, GIOVANNI F. "GALILEO'S HERITAGE: PLANETS, ARTS AND HISTORY." International Journal of Modern Physics A 20, no. 29 (November 20, 2005): 6533–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217751x05029587.

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Everyone knows Galileo Galilei as an astronomer, physicist and writer of books that changed our perception of the world. Few people know that Galileo also wrote poetry in elegant XVI century Italian. In 1590, aged 26, Galileo was a lecturer of mathematics at the University of Pisa, the poorest paid of the faculty. He dutifully taught Euclid, but quickly ran into trouble: he despised and openly challenged Pisa's strict academic traditions. Especially the rule by which all professors had to wear their gown at all times, under penalty of a stiff fine. To chastise and mock such rule, he wrote his longest poem, the 301-line Capitolo "Against the Donning of the Gown".
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47

Raphael, Renée J. "Reading Galileo’sDiscorsiin the Early Modern University*." Renaissance Quarterly 68, no. 2 (2015): 558–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/682437.

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AbstractThis article examines the scholarly practices with which readers at three universities read select passages from Galileo’s 1638Discorsi,a work depicted by Galileo as one that eschewed the goals and methods of Aristotelian natural philosophy in favor of the quantitative and experimental ones characteristic of modern science. The article reveals that a group of readers — diverse in terms of institutional affiliation, disciplinary identity, geography, and attitude toward Galileo — approached Galileo’s text using the tools of what Ann Blair has termed “bookish” natural philosophy. It argues that, contrary to Galileo’s rhetoric, these readers saw old and new methods as interchangeable.
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Vasconcelos, Julio. "“Inércia circular” como falácia existencial." Revista Ideação 1, no. 30 (April 18, 2018): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/ideac.v1i30.1329.

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Segundo alguns estudiosos das obras de Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), encontram-se nestas algumas pioneiras conceituações do que virá a ser a conhecida lei de inércia, formulada por Descartes e Newton em sua completude. Porém, para estes estudiosos, a inércia galileana é diferente da lei cartésio-newtoniana, na medida em que Galileo possui, segundo eles, um princípio de “inércia circular”, i.e., um entendimento de que somente os movimentos circulares poderiam se conservar na ausência de resistências. A finalidade do presente artigo é argumentar que estes estudiosos cometem, em suas análises das palavras de Galileo, o que se pode entender como uma variação da chamada falácia existencial, extraindo indevidamente de pronunciamentos sobre o mundo real um princípio que trata de um movimento de efetivação impossível, o movimento inercial. Outro objetivo que aqui se busca é o de apresentar ao leitor duas conceituações de Galileo envolvendo conservação de movimentos retilíneos, o que se pretende que constitua falsificações inequívocas da interpretação da “inércia circular”.
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Hammond, Matthew L., Giuseppe Foti, Jonathan Rawlinson, Christine Gommenginger, Meric Srokosz, Lucinda King, Martin Unwin, and Josep Roselló. "First Assessment of Geophysical Sensitivities from Spaceborne Galileo and BeiDou GNSS-Reflectometry Data Collected by the UK TechDemoSat-1 Mission." Remote Sensing 12, no. 18 (September 10, 2020): 2927. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs12182927.

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The UK’s TechDemoSat-1 (TDS-1), launched 2014, has demonstrated the use of global positioning system (GPS) signals for monitoring ocean winds and sea ice. Here it is shown, for the first time, that Galileo and BeiDou signals detected by TDS-1 show similar promise. TDS-1 made seven raw data collections, recovering returns from Galileo and BeiDou, between November 2015 and March 2019. The retrieved open ocean delay Doppler maps (DDMs) are similar to those from GPS. Over sea ice, the Galileo DDMs show a distinctive triple peak. Analysis, adapted from that for GPS DDMs, gives Galileo’s signal-to-noise ratio (SNR), which is found to be inversely sensitive to wind speed, as for GPS. A Galileo track transiting from open ocean to sea ice shows a strong instantaneous SNR response. These results demonstrate the potential of future spaceborne constellations of GNSS-R (global navigation satellite system–reflectometry) instruments for exploiting signals from multiple systems: GPS, Galileo, and BeiDou.
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schütt, hans-werner. "emil wohlwill, galileo and his battle for the copernican system." Science in Context 14, s1 (June 2001): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000436.

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galileo galilei is one of the few figures in the history of science who has attracted the imagination even of laymen to the natural sciences. the battle of this great physicist against the domination of his church, a battle which he ultimately lost, manifests fundamental human interest that extends beyond the individual. galileo pits the right of the thinking individual against the right of an institution that defends its claim to set norms for individual thinking because it posseses superhuman truths.
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