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1
Lanchester. "Gaetano Mosca e il costituzionalismo italiano." DEMOCRAZIA E DIRITTO, no. 1 (December 2011): 79–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ded02011-001007.
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Maniscalco, Maria Luisa, and Michele Marotta. "Military Issues in the Work of Gaetano Mosca." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 5 (September 1991): 730. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072221.
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Byounghee Rhee. "Gaetano Mosca and the Theory of Political Class." Locality and Globality: Korean Journal of Social Sciences 41, no. 2 (August 2017): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33071/ssricb.41.2.201708.207.
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Puppo, Alberto. "Gaetano Mosca et la théorie de la classe politique." Revue Française d'Histoire des Idées Politiques 22, no. 2 (2005): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfhip.022.0017.
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Fisichella, Domenico. "ALLE ORIGINI DELLA SCIENZA POLITICA ITALIANA: GAETANO MOSCA EPISTEMOLOGO." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, no. 3 (December 1991): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020001786x.
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IntroduzioneLa riflessione epistemologica di Gaetano Mosca prende le mosse dall'osservazione che la scienza politica, come studio dei fenomeni politici con il metodo scientifico, è nel suo tempo ancora in fase di significativa arretratezza, per non dire nell'infanzia. Basta guardare allo sviluppo delle scienze naturali per rendersene conto. Già dalle pagine iniziali della Teorica dei governi e governo parlamentare, pubblicato in prima edizione nel 1884, il rilievo è esplicito e ricorrente: “i risultati ci dicono che, fino al giorno d'oggi, il metodo sperimentale ha fatto assai migliori prove nelle scienze fisiche che nelle sociali” (Mosca 1982, 197). D'altra parte, “che una scienza sociale non sia ancora nata”, talché ne deriva appunto “l'inferiorità di sviluppo scientifico che hanno le scienze sociali in rapporto alle naturali”, è tema ritornante anche negli Elementi di scienza politica, usciti in prima edizione nel 1896. “La scienza politica”, nota infatti il nostro autore, “non crediamo che neanche ora sia entrata interamente nel vero periodo scientifico” (ivi, 202, 199, 555).
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Mastropaolo, Alfio. "La double théorie de la classe politique de GAETANO MOSCA." Revue internationale de politique comparée 11, no. 4 (2004): 611. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ripc.114.0611.
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Bianchi, Alvaro. "Pareto, Mosca e a metodologia de uma nova ciência política." Revista Brasileira de Ciência Política, no. 19 (April 2016): 167–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-335220161907.
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Resumo O artigo investiga os debates metodológicos existentes no processo de institucionalização a ciência política italiana, no final do século XIX e início do XX. Gaetano Mosca e Vilfredo Pareto almejavam um conhecimento científico da política que fosse construído de acordo com parâmetros inspirados nas ciências naturais. Mosca advogou fortemente em favor de um método histórico que permitiria encontrar nas instituições as forças psicológicas que garantiriam a regularidade dos fenômenos políticos. Pareto propugnou um método lógico-experimental no qual proposições abstratas (princípios) condensariam as características comuns de muitos fatos apreendidos pela experiência. Ambos, entretanto, não distinguiam de modo preciso observação, experimento e experiência. As metodologias que advogaram, por essa razão, não foram muito além das técnicas de estudo da política predominantes na época.
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Di Giulio, Marco. "Did Elitists Really Believe in Social Laws? Some Epistemological Challenges in the Work of Gaetano Mosca and Vilfredo Pareto." Topoi 41, no. 1 (October 11, 2021): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11245-021-09764-z.
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AbstractThe epistemological standards of contemporary social sciences refute ‘functional’ and ‘law-like’ explanations, whereas mechanism-based causal explanations have become widely accepted in various fields of inquiry. The paper supports the hypothesis that authors Vilfredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca, despite their deference to positivist epistemology, significantly anticipated these developments. Indeed, with their emphasis on history, contexts and agents, elitists ushered into the debate of their time some arguments that realist epistemology fully developed, emphasising the role of context-specific and, often, not directly observable explanatory features. To illustrate the ante litteram epistemological realism of elitist thinkers, the paper reconstructs the positions of Mosca and Pareto concerning two major themes of that time, in which elitists challenged the mainstream ideas and values of most of their peers with epistemological arguments that refuse a linear notion of causality.
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Frétigné, Jean-Yves. "Gaetano Mosca et Vittorio Emanuele Orlando : deux idéologues majeurs de l'Italie transformiste." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 50-2, no. 2 (2003): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.502.0092.
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Etzioni‐Halevy, Eva. "Elite Power, Manipulation and Corruption: A Demo‐Elite Perspective." Government and Opposition 24, no. 2 (April 1, 1989): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00117.x.
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THE MAIN PURPOSE OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO CONTRIBUTE TO the continuing debate on the manner in which power is exercised in Western-style democracies from a democratic–elite — or what I prefer to term a demo–elite — perspective. This is to be done through a theoretical exposition placing this perspective in the spectrum of the main theories on the same topic, with special reference to the classical democratic–elite theories of Max Weber, Gaetano Mosca, Joseph Schumpeter, and Raymond Aron, and the contemporary pluralistelitist theories of Robert Dahl and Giovanni Sartori.
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Giordano, Christian. "Politinis korektiškumas: antropologinė „geradarystės“ forma." Lietuvos etnologija / Lithuanian ethnology 19 (28) 2019 (December 20, 2019): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386522-1928001.
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Jonathanas Friedmanas naująja savo knyga Politicamente corretto. Il conformismo morale come regime (Friedman 2018), pasitelkęs kritinį mąstymą su dažnu poleminiu intarpu, ir vėl pataikė tiesiai į dešimtuką. Tiesą sakant, jis įtikinamai apibūdina ideologinei ir politinei praktikai būdingą veidmainystę, kurią aš vadinu „geradaryste“ ir kuri, kaip netrukus pamatysime, yra ypač išvešėjusi šių dienų antropologijoje. J. Friedmanas taikliai ir aiškiai sako, kad „politinis korektiškumas“ tapo šiandieninio elito ideologiniu instrumentu. Mano nuomone, terminas „elitas“ yra dviprasmiškas, nes semantiškai jis per platus, taigi neapibrėžtas. Šį terminą dėl jo semantinio neaiškumo kiek anksčiau kritikavo Vilfredo Pareto (Pareto 2006). Kas yra elitas? Ar tai „politinė klasė“, kurią apibrėžė Gaetano Mosca (Mosca 1958), ar, cituojant Robertą Michelsą (Michels 1989), tai – politinių partijų aukštesnioji pakopa ar valdžios elitas, kurį mini Charlesas Wrightas Millsas (Wright Mills 2000), t. y. tie žmonės, kurie valdo ir monopolizuoja parlamento gyvenimą? O gal tai asmenys, kurie užima dominuojančias pareigas kultūros ir meno srityse, tie, kurie sėkmingai kuria ar vadovauja kultūrinei veiklai? Norint išvengti tokio neišsamaus sąrašo tęsimo, šioje vietoje reikėtų nurodyti ir tuos, kurie pagrįstai ar ne visai pagrįstai yra įvardyti kaip akademinės srities atstovai, t. y. tie, kurie universitete užima tam tikras pareigas ar dirba panašiose mokslo ar humanitarinių mokslų tyrimų institucijose.
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Bobbio, Norberto. "Casi una premisa." Co-herencia 9, no. 16 (July 2012): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/co-herencia.9.16.2.
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Aunque la tradición de los estudios de la política cuenta en Italia con una obra muy conocida, no solo en nuestro país, tal como los Elementi di scienza política de Gaetano Mosca, cuya primera edición aparece en 1896, la ciencia política fue la última entre las ciencias sociales en renacer en estos últimos años del abandono al que había sido relegada. Las razones culturales de ese extraño acontecimiento deben ubicarse en el hecho de que su avance fue impedido por dos grupos poderosos que atacaron desde dos frentes opuestos: hablo del grupo de los juristas y el de los historiadores. El problema actual de la ciencia política en Italia es justamente abrir un pasaje entre la historiografía y las disciplinas jurídicas; su área propia de investigación coincide, de hecho, en buena parte, con las de la historia política y las disciplinas jurídicas públicas.
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Acemoglu, Daron, and James A. Robinson. "Persistence of Power, Elites, and Institutions." American Economic Review 98, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 267–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.98.1.267.
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We construct a model to study the implications of changes in political institutions for economic institutions. A change in political institutions alters the distribution of de jure political power, but creates incentives for investments in de facto political power to partially or even fully offset change in de jure power. The model can imply a pattern of captured democracy, whereby a democratic regime may survive but choose economic institutions favoring an elite. The model provides conditions under which economic or policy outcomes will be invariant to changes in political institutions, and economic institutions themselves will persist over time. (JEL D02, D72) The domination of an organized minority … over the unorganized majority is inevitable. The power of any minority is irresistible as against each single individual in the majority, who stands alone before the totality of the organized minority. At the same time, the minority is organized for the very reason that it is a minority. —Gaetano Mosca (1939, 53).
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Ilham, Teguh, and Riky Fajar Sujatmiko. "ANALISIS FENOMENA PASANGAN CALON TUNGGAL DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DI KABUPATEN GROBOGAN TAHUN 2020." Jurnal Ilmiah Wahana Bhakti Praja 12, no. 1 (June 15, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33701/jiwbp.v12i1.2459.
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Terhitung sudah 53 daerah telah melaksanakan pemilihan kepala daerah dengan pasangan calon tunggal hingga tahun 2020. Kabupaten Grobogan menjadi salah satunya. Penulis berfokus pada permasalahan munculnya fenomena pasangan calon tunggal di Kabupaten Grobogan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis pelaksanaan pemilihan kepala daerah dan faktor-faktor penyebab munculnya pasangan calon tunggal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah di Kabupaten Grobogan tahun 2020. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini adalah metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan induktif dan analisis terhadap fenomena pasangan calon tunggal menggunakan teori elit menurut Vilfrdo Pareto dan Gaetano Mosca. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam terhadap 10 informan dan studi dokumentasi. Penelitian ini menemukan faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan munculnya pasangan calon tunggal, yaitu kekuatan personal petahana, pembatasan bagi anggota legislatif dan PNS untuk mencalonkan diri sebagai kepala daerah, biaya politik yang tinggi, dan pengurangan masa jabatan kepala daerah. Guna mengantisipasi munculnya lagi fenomena tersebut, disarankan agar partai politik memaksimalkan fungsi rekrutmen dan adanya revisi Undang-Undang tentang pemilihan kepala daerah dan Aparatur Sipil Negara.
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Ugarte, Jesús Víctor Alfredo Contreras. "El Poder de las Élites que nos Gobiernan. A Propósito de Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca y Robert Michels." REVISTA INTERNACIONAL CONSINTER DE DIREITO 11, no. 11 (December 18, 2020): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19135/revista.consinter.00011.06.
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La crisis de hoy se nota, y se nota más, en la falta de valores, en la falta de decencia, además de en la falta de capacidad de muchos de los que nos representan y de muchos de los que más tienen. Existe la percepción de que los que gobiernan suelen ser los que mejor están, y que el único mayor interés de ellos es mantener su privilegiado y particularista estado de bienestar propio y, que los gobernados, solo les importan cuando les son útiles como instrumentos para acceder y para conservar el poder. Esto lleva a preguntarme: ¿cómo es que los gobernantes se hacen con el poder?, ¿cómo es que lo conservan? y ¿cómo es que lo pierden? Este trabajo da respuesta a estas tres preguntas a partir de los lúcidos desarrollos teóricos de Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca y Robert Michels. Dos italianos y un alemán, respectivamente, todos ellos personajes de los primeros ocho lustros del siglo XX, cuyas teorías se pueden aplicar perfectamente para dar respuesta a la actualidad de nuestro siglo XXI.
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Bianchi, Alvaro. "Classe política e crise da democracia na crítica de Antonio Gramsci." Tempo Social 31, no. 2 (August 7, 2019): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2019.157651.
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No início dos anos 1880 um novo gênero de literatura política começou a ganhar vigor e a expandir-se, a análise crítica das democracias parlamentares existentes. Na Itália, esse gênero teve uma importante expressão na obra de Gaetano Mosca. Antonio Gramsci confrontará essa literatura, preocupado com sua reapropriação e revalorização no debate político a partir do imediato pré-guerra, quando a crise da democracia liberal assumiu contornos mais fortes. O artigo mostra como Gramsci traduz o conceito mosquiano de classe política como “a categoria intelectual do grupo social dominante” e integra-o à sua reflexão sobre os partidos políticos. Desse modo pode interpretar a crise do regime parlamentar como uma crise marcada pela decomposição dessa “categoria intelectual” e pela perda de sua capacidade dirigente. Aquilo que na teoria elitista aparecia como decomposição do princípio de autoridade era interpretada como uma crise de hegemonia, crise do Estado em seu conjunto, da qual o afastamento entre governantes e governados seria a manifestação mais evidente. Na seção conclusiva, apresenta-se a hipótese aventada nos Quaderni del carcere de um regime representativo não parlamentar.
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Mukari, Mukari, Moch Mubarok Muharam, and Mustiqowati Ummul Fithriyyah. "Kiai sebagai Kekuatan Politik dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2019 di Jawa Timur." POLITEA 5, no. 1 (June 15, 2022): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v5i1.12671.
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<p><em>This study aims to analyze the political power of the kiai in the 2019 Presidential Election in East Java Province, Indonesia. The research method we use is a qualitative method with a case study type. Data collection techniques were carried out through in-depth interviews to obtain primary data and literature review through books and journals. How the power and actions of kiai in the 2019 presidential election are the focus of this journal research. The theory of political elites from Vilvredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca becomes the basis for the analysis of this journal. The results of this study see that the kiai have succeeded in winning the pair Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential election and can minimize the existence of identity politics in East Java. This study concludes that this success is due to the existence of the kiai as an elite in society. With moral integrity, the depth of religious knowledge and concern for the problems that exist in society become a separate political force for the kiai.</em></p>
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Ribeiro, Pedro Floriano. "Realismo e utopia em Robert Michels." Revista de Sociologia e Política 20, no. 44 (November 2012): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-44782012000400003.
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O artigo aponta e discute as principais influências teóricas e políticas de Robert Michels na construção de Sociologia dos partidos políticos, tentando ir além das fontes mais conhecidas, como Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, Max Weber e Gustave Le Bon. Como Michels não se preocupou em construir definições claras sobre seus conceitos principais, procurou-se extrair a essência de seu raciocínio, apresentando as concepções e influências teóricas predominantes no livro, e destacando as mudanças entre a primeira edição, de 1911, e a segunda, de 1925. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo das 989 notas explicativas desta segunda edição (além do texto principal em si). Além de discutir as fontes explicitadas no livro, o artigo também esboça uma "análise genética" da obra, levantando alguns fatos biográficos prévios à sua publicação e no intervalo entre as duas edições, e recorrendo, ainda, a outros trabalhos de Michels. Após debater as concepções e críticas do autor sobre democracia, revolução, socialismo, sindicalismo e anarquismo, o artigo termina com um balanço sobre as fragilidades e contribuições da obra de Michels, destacando que a chave para se compreender vida e obra do autor reside em perceber as tensas disjuntivas estabelecidas entre realismo e utopia e entre o Michels militante e o Michels analista.
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Ashfaq, Mohammad, and Yasmin Roofi. "Elite Political Culture as Problematic for Liberal Democracy in Pakistan: A Critical Study." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3929.
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The elite political culture of Pakistan is comparatively feudalistic in nature as the base of power in the state. Political culture may be defined as how many people participate in the political procedure. It is a system of beliefs upon which a large majority of people agree. The history of the political culture of Pakistan has witnessed the domination of multiple elite groups. These major elites had influences on the political system. Gaetano Mosca, the founder of the Italian school of elitism enumerated the personal traits of these ruling elites, operating centrally as direct power holders of the body politics, The purpose of this research is to critically study the elite political culture and problematics created by this group for liberal democracy. This research will present the concept of elite political culture and how it emerged in the politics of Pakistan. It will also conclude that how elite political culture distorted or eclipsed specifically the smooth functioning of the liberal democratic political system of the state and society in general. For the completion of the proposed study, both primary, as well as secondary sources, have been used. While undertaking any research a peculiar methodology is applied to obtain the objectives of the study. Historical, narrative, descriptive, analytical and conceptual research methodology is applied. This is a descriptive analysis of elitism and presents this concept through different authors who treated this subject in different manners.
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Maciejewski, Marek. "Zarys historii idei elitaryzmu. Od Platona do Czesława Znamierowskiego." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 65, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 17–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2013.65.2.01.
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The subject of this paper is political elitism (or the existence of political elites) and the shaping of that concept from the ancient times to the 20th century, on the example of the views of its main creators from Plato, through Claude Henri de Saint-Simon, Georges Sorel, or Max Weber to Czesław Znamierowski. Particular focus has been put on the ideas developed at the turn of the 19th century, including those of Robert Michels, Gaetano Mosca and Vilfredo Pareto, which the author considers to be the fullest and most original. All those ideas have been based on the presumption that the existence of elites is an obvious and indispensible fact since people are different and the natural inequality among them must be maintained to comply with intellectual, moral, or religious premises. Although, practically, all concepts of elitism have been critical of the Marxist theory or any other form of socialist ideology, most theorists hold an opinion that political elites should not isolate themselves in a closed circle, but allow at least some representatives of the other parts of society to join in. Only such ‘circulation’, they claim, can ensure durability of the elites and their survival. Some more recent concepts of political elites go further and propose that interests and aspirations of social masses be taken into account as broadly as possible. This view is a consequence of a conviction that elitism understood as a manner in which political structures function has disappeared and we are currently dealing with an objective process where different types of elites are emerging to create ‘lesser elites’, which – as the process of democratisation of public life continues – results in a gradual departure from the idea of government composed of excellent minds and personalities.
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Sartori, Giovanni. "Where is Political Science Going?" PS: Political Science & Politics 37, no. 4 (October 2004): 785–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096504045147.
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Political science, as we currently understand the label, was born, in Western Europe, in the early Fifties. One may say that it was “reborn”; but that would be inaccurate, for in the nineteenth century and until World War Two the label indicated a captive discipline largely dominated by juridical or historical approaches (as in the case, e.g., of Gaetano Mosca). So political science had a new start and became a field of inquiry in its own right about half a century ago. I was, at the time, one of its founders (with Stein Rokkan, Juan Linz, Mattei Dogan, Hans Daalder, Erik Allardt, S. N. Eisenstadt, and others. See: Comparative European Politics: The Story of a Profession, edited by H. Daalder, 1997). I am thus one of the witnesses of what the “young turks” of the time had in mind, of how we conceived and promoted political science. I am now an “ancient sage” and it now pleases me to reflect, some fifty years later, on where political science has gone and on whether it has taken the right course, the course that I had wished for and expected. Thus to ask today, in the middle of Mitteleuropa, where political science has been heading is also to ask whether the new beginnings of the discipline in Eastern Europe should or should not follow the path entered by our “big brother,” I mean, by American-type political science. I too have been somewhat swallowed by our big brother (to be sure, a benevolent and well meaning one) in the sense that I have been teaching in the United States for some thirty years. Let me add that I have largely benefited from my American exposure. Yet I have always resisted and still resist the American influence. And I take this occasion to say why I am unhappy about the American molding of present day political science.
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Schilirò, D., E. Elefante, C. Stagnaro, V. Signorini, D. Zucchi, F. Trentin, G. La Rocca, et al. "AB0555 SYMPTOMATIC NON-SEROSITIC LUNG INVOLVEMENT IN A MONOCENTRIC COHORT OF PATIENTS WITH SYSTEMIC LUPUS ERYTHEMATOSUS (SLE): A REAL-LIFE EXPERIENCE." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 81, Suppl 1 (May 23, 2022): 1404.2–1405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2022-eular.4606.
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BackgroundA growing interest has been addressed to the study of lung involvement in systemic autoimmune diseases. Non-serositic pulmonary manifestations have also been described in SLE. However, little is known about their exact prevalence, clinical features and outcomes.ObjectivesTo describe the prevalence, clinical and immunological characteristics of symptomatic non-serositic lung involvement in a monocentric cohort of SLE patients.MethodsThis observational, retrospective study included patients with SLE, regularly followed at the Rheumatology Unit of Pisa, that presented a clinically relevant non-serositic pulmonary involvement during their disease history. Patients with lung manifestations related to other causes (e.g. infections, emphysema, Chronic Obstructive Lung Disease, bronchial asthma etc.) were excluded. The following data were collected from clinical charts: demographics, smoke exposure, comorbidities, respiratory symptoms, disease duration and disease activity (SELENA-SLEDAI) at the onset of lung involvement, immunological profile, treatment, CT and spirometry parameters.ResultsOver 450 SLE patients in regular follow-up, we found 11 female patients with a history of clinically relevant non-serositic lung involvement: 7 interstitial lung disease (ILD), 2 acute lupic pneumonitis (ALP), 1 diffuse alveolar hemorrhage (DAH) and 1 shrinking lung syndrome. 45.4% of patients had a history of smoke exposure and had stopped smoking on average 9 years before the onset of lung manifestations. For the 2 patients with ALP, this was the first manifestation of SLE. Among the other 9 patients, lung involvement was diagnosed after a mean disease duration of 14 ± 15 years. At the diagnosis of pulmonary involvement, 10/11 patients presented respiratory symptoms and an overall active disease, with a median SLEDAI of 9 (IQR 6-13). Clinical characteristics are summarized in Table 1. All patients were hospitalized and 2 of them (1 ALP and 1 DAH) were admitted in intensive care unit.Table 1.Clinical characteristics at the diagnosis of lung involvementSystemicActive skin manifestations36%Arthritis36%Fever36%Leukopenia36%Hypocomplementemia91%Anti-dsDNA positivity36%RespiratoryDyspnea54%Exertional dyspnea18%Cough45%Acute respiratory failure27%As for the immunologic profile, SSA/Ro60 were positive in 72% of patients and SSA/Ro52, SSB, U1-RNP in 36%; 36% had Sjogren Syndrome (SS) in overlap.Spirometry was available for 6/11 patients: a restrictive pattern and a moderate/severe reduction of diffusing capacity of the lung for carbon monoxide was found in 5 patients.In the ILD subgroup, the most prevalent CT pattern was the Non-specific interstitial pneumonia (NSIP) (5/7). 2 patients presented a Bronchiolitis obliterans/organizing pneumonia (BOOP) pattern.Lung involvement was the driving manifestation in the treatment choice for 6/11 patients: 1 DAH, 2 ALP, 1 Shrinking lung and 2 ILD. All received pulse steroids and in 3 cases (2 ILD and 1 DAH) cyclophosphamide was added for the induction treatment; the patient with Shrinking lung had an overlap SS and was treated with Rituximab.At last visit (mean follow-up of 8 ± 8.7 years since lung disease onset), 7/11 patients presented no respiratory symptoms and a complete resolution of CT alterations. 3/11 presented a residual exertional dyspnea and mild spirometry alterations. No patients developed respiratory insufficiency; only 1 patient died for cardiovascular complications.ConclusionIn our large cohort of SLE patients, non-serositic lung involvement seems to be overall rare; the most frequent type of lung manifestation is ILD which appears to be associated with anti-SSA/SSB and anti-U1RNP positivity. The low prevalence of lung involvement (2.4%) in our cohort could be due to the presence of patients with a subclinical involvement. Further studies are needed to assess the real prevalence of subclinical lung manifestations in SLE and to identify the clinical phenotype of patients more prone to develop pulmonary disease.Disclosure of InterestsDavide Schilirò: None declared, Elena Elefante: None declared, Chiara Stagnaro: None declared, Viola Signorini: None declared, Dina Zucchi: None declared, Francesca Trentin: None declared, Gaetano La Rocca: None declared, Linda Carli: None declared, Francesco Ferro: None declared, Chiara Tani: None declared, Marta Mosca Speakers bureau: advisor LILLY, ASTRA ZENECA, GSK, Consultant of: advisor LILLY, ASTRA ZENECA, GSK
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Bahena Armillas, Edwin Bulmaro. "Las teorías de las élites desde el vínculo agente-estructura." Estudios Políticos, no. 49 (December 9, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.24484903e.2020.49.72402.
Full textAbstract:
<p>En este artículo se realiza una revisión sobre las teorías de las élites analizadas desde el vínculo sociológico agente-estructura. Para ello, se señala el lazo vinculante entre la práctica de los agentes y el mundo social que los condiciona; además, con base en dicho eje se propone una reinterpretación de algunos elementos de las teorías de Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, Robert Michels, Harold Lasswell, C.W. Mills y William Domhoff, con la finalidad de proponer un conjunto de ideas que inviten a realizar una valoración sobre dichas teorías y su alcance para<br />interpretar su relación con otras propuestas analíticas</p>