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Journal articles on the topic 'Funding; Communism; Communist'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Drake, Richard. "The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 3 (July 2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.

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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.

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Rigdon, Susan. "Communism or the Kingdom: 'Saving' China, 1924-1949." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 168–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12517973174365.

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AbstractThis paper identifies commonalities between Marxian economic principles and the socio-economic goals of Social Gospel missionaries in China in the quarter century between 1924 and 1949. It argues that the unbreachable divisions between missionaries, including those who advocated for a "Christian communism," and the communist party were rooted, on the Christian side, in a rejection of violence and coercive methods of policy implementation rather than in opposition to socialism. On the communist side opposition was not to specific tenets of Christianity but to foreign-funding and leadership and to the perception of American Christians as agents of an imperialist country.

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3

Tucker, Joshua A. "Comparative Opportunities." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 420–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559051.

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As the theoretical rationale (and funding opportunities!) for considering Eastern Europe as a distinct region diminish as we move farther away from the momentous events of 1989, the value of including East-Central European countries in comparative studies has only increased. This article outlines how comparative studies of political behavior involving East-Central European countries have evolved in the author’s own research from comparative studies including Russia along with four East European countries, to more broadly based comparative studies including multiple East European countries and former Soviet Republics, to studies where behavior is analyzed in both East European countries and more established democracies, and finally to large cross-national studies focused on questions related to post-communist politics (namely, the legacy of communism on post-communist attitudes and behavior) but relying on the comparative analysis of survey data from countries around the world. In a way, the research has come full circle, from studies of East European political behavior to better understand East European political behavior, to studies including East European countries to better understand general questions of political behavior not specific to post-communist countries, to now the most extensive comparative studies that are, however, designed once again to better understand East European political attitudes and behavior.

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4

Inštitorisová, Dagmar, and Daniela Bačová. "Across Two Eras: Slovak Theatre from Communism to Independence." New Theatre Quarterly 16, no. 2 (May 2000): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00013683.

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At the cusp of the ‘eighties and ’nineties, theatre in what was soon to become the Slovak Republic had to come to terms not only with the disintegration of the communist system, but with the break-up of the former Czechoslovakia into its constituent nations. During the previous decade, the theatre had in many ways helped to undermine the decaying authoritarian regime, but now many of its practitioners found themselves disaffected by the disappointment of early ideals, and their livelihoods threatened by the loss of state funding, which had at least acknowledged the importance of theatre to the nation's cultural prestige. In this article, the authors trace the distinguishing strands of the work of major directors and writers of both the older and the younger generations, and attempt to define the changing role of theatre – not forgetting the influence of the puppet theatre tradition – as the Slovak nation seeks a renewed vitality through reclaiming its cultural past while re-defining its present. Daniela Bacova teaches English literature and drama at the Department of English and American Studies in the University of Constantine the Philosopher, Nitra, Slovakia, and is one of the editors of the journal Dedicated Space. Dagmar Institorisová works in the Institute of Literary Communication in the University of Constantine the Philosopher, and has just published her doctoral thesis on Variety of Expression in a Theatrical Work.

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5

Agarin, Timofey, and Miķelis Grīviņš. "Chasing the green buck? Environmental activism in post-communist Baltic States." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 3 (June 17, 2016): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.001.

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The paper investigates the dynamics and volution of issues on the agenda of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since the collapse of communism. The past research on Baltic environment activism suggests that these enjoy high visibility because they tapped the core societal views of natural environment as a crucial asset of a nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, the changes in agendas of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) make clear that the rhetorical toolbox of ‘national environment’ is often used to mainly achieve greater financial gains for individual members, rather than for society at large. We illustrate how the dearth of economic opportunities for domestic public has impacted perceptions of ‘nature’ advocated by the environmental activists, focussing specifically on national perceptions of ownership and the resulting actions appropriating ‘nature’ as a source for economic development, only tangentially attaining environmental outcomes on the way. The vision that the ‘environment’ is an economic resource allowed ENGO activists to cooperate with the domestic policymaking, while tapping international networks and donors for funding. Throughout the past decades they worked to secure their own and their members’ particularistic economic interests and, as we demonstrate, remained disengaged from the political process and failed to develop broader reproach with publics.

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6

Iatrides, John O. "Revolution or Self-Defense? Communist Goals, Strategy, and Tactics in the Greek Civil War." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 3 (June 2005): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397054377179.

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At the end of World War II the Greek Communist party (KKE) claimed that it would seek an accommodation with its domestic opponents, but the party soon launched a full-scale insurrection on its own initiative in the expectation of receiving decisive support from the Soviet Union.With civil war under way, the head of the KKE, Nikos Zahariadis, repeatedly told Soviet of ficials that victory was certain if the Greek Communists could obtain funding, weapons, and other equipment from the USSR and its allies.Although Soviet leaders were concerned that the KKE's aggressiveness would provoke a U.S. reaction, they permitted the clandestine shipment of large quantities of supplies that delayed but could not avert the insurgents'defeat.U.S.of ficials at the time largely misperceived the causes of the insurrection, but they correctly sensed that the KKE's dependence on Soviet-bloc assistance would ensure that a Communist victory would bring Greece into Moscow's orbit.

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7

Novosák, Jiří, Oldřich Hájek, Peter Horváth, and Jana Nekolová. "Structural Funding and Intrastate Regional Disparities in Post-Communist Countries." Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences 2017, no. 51E (June 28, 2017): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/tras.51e.4.

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8

Szczerbiak, Aleks. "Cartelisation in post‐communist politics: State party funding in post‐1989 Poland." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 2, no. 3 (September 2001): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1570585018458771.

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9

Wang, Yuhua. "Coercive capacity and the durability of the Chinese communist state." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 1 (February 14, 2014): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.01.009.

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Why has the Chinese communist state remained so durable in an age of democratization? Contrary to existing theories, this article argues that the strong state coercive capacity has survived the authoritarian rule in China. We demonstrate that the Chinese Communist Party has taken deliberate actions to enhance the cohesion of its coercive organizations—the police, in particular—by distributing “spoils of public office” to police chiefs. In addition, the state has extended the scope of its coercion by increasing police funding in localities where the state sector loses control of the population. We use and rely on mixed methods to test this theory.

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10

Boström, Magnus. "Environmental SMOs and resource mobilization in the post-communist vs the Northwest European context." Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management: An International Journal 12, no. 3 (September 11, 2017): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrom-01-2017-1467.

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Purpose This paper focuses on differences in resource mobilization opportunities among environmental social movement organizations (ESMOs), with empirical focus on ESMOs from five European Union countries – two Northwest European countries (Sweden, Germany) and three post-communist countries (Poland, Croatia, and Slovenia). Whereas mass-membership mobilization is a reality in the Northwest European context, ESMOs from post-communist countries fundamentally rely on international support and project-based funding. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate and discuss what implications this difference has for domestic capacity building among ESMOs. Design/methodology/approach The paper draws theoretically and empirically on literature on social movements, including environmental movements. It uses a qualitative methodology with figures, field observations, and interview data from ESMO representatives. The empirical material is based on field studies of ESMOs from the five focused countries. Findings The findings demonstrate strong pessimism regarding the possibilities for mass-membership mobilization in the post-communist context, and indicate a set of challenges related to the strong reliance on project funding and international sources. Issues such as short-termism, lack of independence, critical distance, and learning potential are discussed. The findings also indicate avenues for creativity and how various buffers can help to cope with challenges, and that ESMOs from the Northwest European context also face pressures relating to resource mobilization that can negatively affect their critical edge. Originality/value By the chosen focus and comparative approach, the paper contributes to our understanding if and how ESMOs can work as powerful and critical political actors in various contexts. The paper thus contributes theoretically and empirically to literature on social movements, and specifically environmental movements.

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Wang, Yuhua. "Empowering the Police: How the Chinese Communist Party Manages Its Coercive Leaders." China Quarterly 219 (August 22, 2014): 625–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014000769.

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AbstractHow does the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) secure the loyalty of its coercive leaders, and its public security chiefs in particular, in the face of numerous domestic protests every year? This article presents the first quantitative analysis of contemporary China's coercive leaders using an original data set of provincial public security chiefs and public security funding during the reform era. I demonstrate that the CCP, owing to its concern for regime stability, has empowered the public security chiefs by incorporating them into the leadership team. Empowered public security chiefs then have stronger bargaining power over budgetary issues. I rely on fieldwork, qualitative interviews and an analysis of Party documents to complement my statistical analysis. The findings of this analysis shed light on the understanding of regime durability, contentious politics and the bureaucracy in China.

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Casal Bértoa, Fernando, and Maria Spirova. "Parties between thresholds: State subsidies and party behaviour in post-communist democracies." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (June 15, 2017): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817710221.

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Much has been written about what makes political parties form, persist, change and die. One factor often brought into this discussion is the availability of resources in general and of state financing of political parties in particular. However, an empirical link at the aggregate level is difficult to establish because of various issues of conceptualization, operationalization and measurement. Working at the party level and taking into consideration that state funding provides important resources that make running in elections and achieving a party’s electoral target more likely, this article provides empirical support for the claim that parties who (anticipate to be or) are being funded by the state have a higher chance of forming and surviving in an independent format in the party system. Based on a comparison of 14 post-communist party systems, the main conclusion of the article is that the survival rate for such parties exceeds the survival rate for the non-publicly funded ones in almost all cases. A second, novel and more particular, finding is that parties who find themselves outside parliament, but above the payout threshold, display higher survival rates than parties who are below it.

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Oleinikova, Olga. "Foreign Funded NGOs in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine: Recent Restrictions and Implications." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i3.5637.

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The opportunity for public participation through NGO action in post-communist societies is continuously starved by legal framework. Since the collapse of Soviet Union, NGOs in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and other post-Communist states have traditionally looked abroad for their funding, and are dismayed at recent legislation setting up new barriers to this practice. This paper discusses the new laws and restrictive amendments to legislative acts on the operations of foreign funded NGOs in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, adopted since 2011.

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14

Kerr, Alan, and Edward Peck. "Psychiatry in Prague: some personal impressions." Psychiatric Bulletin 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.15.1.4.

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The sudden collapse of the communist order in Czechoslovakia and the formal installation of the new government in June 1990 has led, inter alia, to a fundamental reappraisal of mental health care. On a visit to Prague in September 1990 the system under the 40-year-old communist regime was still largely intact but clearly about to undergo major changes. Among the reform proposals made by a working group of the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs of the Czech republic are practices familiar to western psychiatrists: mental health care and specialist liaison in primary care settings; formal specialisation within psychiatry into general adult psychiatry, psychogeriatrics, child and adolescent psychiatry, psychotherapy; psychiatric units in general hospitals; community care with restructuring of funding away from the mental hospital budget and devolution to districts. More “humanisation” of psychiatry is envisaged, with choice of consultant, increased competition between doctors and legal definitions of involuntary treatment (Potucek et al, 1990). Voluntary organisations, existing until recently only underground, will be encouraged as also will be counselling services. Dementia, and drugs and alcohol misuse, are seen more as social service than medical issues. Of particular interest is a proposal to separate mental health funding from the rest of the health care budget.

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15

Keane, Michael. "Ethics and Pragmatism: China's Television Producers Confront the Cultural Market." Media International Australia 89, no. 1 (November 1998): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9808900110.

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Since its beginnings in 1958, television in China has been hailed as the ‘mouthpiece of the Party, the government and the people’. The rapid expansion of the television industry since deregulation policies were introduced in 1983 has significantly compticated this relationship. New doctrines of accounlability and supply–demand economics have been prescribed as blueprints for the success of cultural institutions now forced to survive without state funding. Whilst the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is anxious to see the television industry ‘stand on its own feet’ and respond to the challenges of market economics, there are also fears that its role as ‘mouthpiece’ might be diminished. The Communist Party has thus sought to curb the excesses of what it considers ‘unhealthy influences’, while at the same time learning from the successes of the market. This paper examines the emergence of Chinese ‘popular’ serial drama in the 1990s and the manner in which this form of television has been co-opted by the Communist Party as a means of inculcating new modes of ethical behaviour appropriate to a modern commodity economy.

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16

Tickle, Joy. "Changes in funding: developing the team." British Journal of Community Nursing 22, Sup3 (March 2017): S5. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjcn.2017.22.sup3.s5.

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17

Charasz, Paweł, and Jan P. Vogler. "Does EU funding improve local state capacity? Evidence from Polish municipalities." European Union Politics 22, no. 3 (April 20, 2021): 446–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211005847.

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Does EU funding improve local state capacity? We focus on two specific types of state capacity, namely (a) the ability to provide information to third parties and (b) to discriminate between different kinds of inquiries. Because the EU’s structural funds are distributed through a competitive mechanism and incentivize expansions in administrative personnel, our theory predicts that high levels of EU funding bring about a higher bureaucratic capacity equilibrium. Empirically, we analyze the effect of structural funds on local government capacity in the largest recipient country: post-communist Poland. Through a randomized survey with more than 2400 municipal administrations, we find that administrations that have benefited more from EU funding, have developed higher levels of discrimination capacity. Yet we find no evidence for higher information provision capacity.

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18

Chen, Yung-Ping. "Funding Long-Term Care." Journal of Aging and Health 15, no. 1 (February 2003): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0898264302239013.

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19

Schmitt, Carina, Hanna Lierse, and Herbert Obinger. "Funding social protection: Mapping and explaining welfare state financing in a global perspective." Global Social Policy 20, no. 2 (February 25, 2020): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018120906671.

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In this article, we analyze the political sources of cross-national differences in financing social protection around the world. The type of funding is not simply a technical detail but provides insights into the kinds of social contracts that underpin national social protection systems, reflecting different redistributive ambitions, conceptions of solidarity, and legitimacy among societies. Based on International Labour Organization (ILO) data, we explore to what extent past and contemporary political factors such as colonial and communist legacies as well as regime differences and war experiences account for cross-national differences in funding social protection across the globe. Our empirical evidence suggests that historically rooted political differences explain large parts of today’s highly divergent patterns in social security funding systems.

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Kaarakainen, Minna, Sanna Suomalainen, and Virva Hyttinen. "Producing and funding welfare services for seniors in the future." Working with Older People 17, no. 2 (May 31, 2013): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13663661311325490.

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Grodsky, Brian. "Resource Dependency and Political Opportunity: Explaining the Transformation from Excluded Political Opposition Parties to Human Rights Organizations in Post-Communist Uzbekistan." Government and Opposition 42, no. 1 (2007): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00214.x.

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AbstractWhile there is significant anecdotal evidence that excluded political opposition parties in repressive states adopt the form of human rights organizations, there is little systematic research into this phenomenon. What does exist tends to be descriptive rather than theoretical in nature. This paper draws from collective action and resource mobilization literatures, arguing that excluded political elites respond to repression by searching for political opportunities both domestically and internationally, and then transform their organizations into units better able to take advantage of those opportunities. The politics of external funding push these organizations towards a human rights and democratization orientation. The article evaluates this argument through an analysis of human rights movements in politically repressive, post-Communist Uzbekistan and considers the impact of this phenomenon on democratization and civil society development.

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22

Holbig, Heike. "Shifting Ideologics of Research Funding: The CPC's National Planning Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, no. 2 (June 2014): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300203.

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For more than two decades, the National Planning Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences (NPOPSS) has been managing official funding of social science research in China under the orbit of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) propaganda system. By focusing on “Major Projects”, the most prestigious and well-funded program initiated by the NPOPSS in 2004, this contribution outlines the political and institutional ramifications of this line of official funding and attempts to identify larger shifts during the past decade in the “ideologics” of official social science research funding – the changing ideological circumscriptions of research agendas in the more narrow sense of echoing party theory and rhetoric and – in the broader sense – of adapting to an increasingly dominant official discourse of cultural and national self-assertion. To conclude, this article offers reflections on the potential repercussions of these shifts for international academic collaboration.

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23

Russell, Kathleen M., and Julia R. Leatherman. "Funding Wellness Through Community Advocacy." Journal of Community Health Nursing 2, no. 4 (December 1985): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327655jchn0204_5.

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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Mihail Chiru. "Taking the Short Route." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (November 29, 2012): 108–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465003.

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This article illustrates how the growing complexity of regulations regarding party funding in post-communist Romania is paralleled by practices employed by political parties in their attempt to gain increased access to state resources. Our document analysis indicate that political parties managed to exploit the weaknesses of the increasingly complex legislative framework. A cyclical process takes places: parties use the existing flaws in the legislation on party funding to indirectly obtain and exploit state resources for their (electoral) purposes, an improved law tackling those shortcomings is passed, but political parties are able to identify other flaws and use them to gain financial benefits. To make the case, we assess comparatively the evolution of legislative provisions and practices employed by political parties over two decades.

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Tõnismann, Teele. "Structuring Effect of the EU Framework Programmes in Estonia? The Case of Sociology." Revue Gouvernance 15, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056260ar.

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This article analyzes the extent that a European funding instrument, the Framework Programme (FP), has affected the structuring of sociologists’ project collaboration practices in a post-communist Estonia, which joined the EU in 2004. It is hypothesized that to better understand how the FP has structured the sociology discipline in Estonia, its usage should be studied in two distinct levels of academic context; the national and disciplinary levels. Science administrative elite have used the FP as a normative model for implementing national research funding policy reforms. In the case of sociologists, these reforms have engendered a partial auto-exclusion from competition for national grants perceived as highly competitive and resulted in an orientation towards commissioned contract funding both at a national and European level. This exposes the limited structuring effect of the FP in Estonia, a country otherwise considered an exemplary participant in EU programs.

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Gray, Anne M. "Preventing isolation in sheltered housing: challenges in an era of reduced support funding." Working with Older People 21, no. 3 (September 11, 2017): 186–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/wwop-05-2017-0011.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to inform the policies of sheltered housing providers with regard to preventing isolation amongst residents and generating practical support between them, particularly in the current period of reduced funding for housing support. Design/methodology/approach The paper reports a postal survey of 120 residents across eight estates, focus groups on these and eight other estates and survey responses from 326 estate managers. Findings Childless residents are especially vulnerable to lack of support, depending on friends or on paid care. Those estates with a rich array of organised social activities generated more support and friendships amongst neighbours than those with few activities. Managers perform an important service in generating and supporting social activities, but their role is diminishing and restricted by short hours on site. Residents’ groups need capacity-building support to organise more by themselves. Cross-generational contacts are particularly valuable but residents need help to access them outside of their own families. Research limitations/implications Certain forms of group activity which are the most valuable in terms of promoting mental stimulation and exercise are rarely organised by residents’ groups without staff support. Originality/value How to generate mutual aid between residents is an important objective for housing providers in a period of reduced funding for staff time and of severe constraints on social care budgets.

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Stone, Emma, and Claudia Wood. "A funding settlement that works for people, not services." Quality in Ageing and Older Adults 11, no. 4 (December 14, 2010): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5042/qiaoa.2010.0712.

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Humphries, Richard, and Julien Forder. "Options for funding longterm care: the partnership model compared." Quality in Ageing and Older Adults 11, no. 4 (December 14, 2010): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5042/qiaoa.2010.0714.

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Chan, Geoffrey ZP, Collin KL Chin, Douglas J. McKitrick, and Roger W. Warne. "Does the Aged Care Funding Instrument provide increased funding in residential care? Comparisons with the Residential Classification Scale." Australasian Journal on Ageing 33, no. 2 (May 15, 2013): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajag.12036.

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Lloyd, James. "Navigating the long road to long‐term care funding reform." Quality in Ageing and Older Adults 11, no. 4 (December 14, 2010): 36–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5042/qiaoa.2010.0715.

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Denham, Sharon. "Dr. Sharon Denham Receives Project Funding for Diabetes Prevention in Appalachian Families." Journal of Family Nursing 16, no. 4 (November 2010): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1074840710386349.

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Hessler, Julie. "Funding Loyalty: The Economics of the Communist Party. By Eugenia Belova and Valery Lazarev. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012. Pp. xi, 209. $33.00.)." Historian 77, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 824–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12077_47.

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33

Nugent, Rachel. "A Chronology of Global Assistance Funding for NCD." Global Heart 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gheart.2016.10.027.

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Greenberg, Henry, and Jagat Narula. "The Funding for the NCD: The Optimistic View." Global Heart 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gheart.2016.11.001.

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35

Czelleng, Adam. "Market liquidity and funding liquidity: Empirical analysis of liquidity flows using VAR framework." Acta Oeconomica 70, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 513–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2020.00034.

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AbstractOne of the many consequences of financialization in the past decades has been the significant appreciation of the importance of financial markets' liquidity. In order to maintain financial stability, one must have a clear understanding of the sources of market liquidity (ML). A finer comprehension of liquidity and its direction would help policy makers in fine-tuning the current regulations while also identifying each of the elements that compose it. In this paper, a recursive vector autoregressive model is utilized to empirically analyze how to detect the causality relations between funding and ML in four post-communist countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Poland). For the analyses freely accessible data on the balance sheets of aggregated banking sectors was utilized with the overall aim of finding a proxy for funding liquidity (FL) in every examined country. As a proxy for ML, government bonds' bid-ask spreads were utilized in the model. The paper provides an empirical evidence that FL drives ML in each economy. The results are clear, statistically significant and robust. They can be understood as evidence for the importance of the role of the trader's FL for the liquidity of financial assets' markets. The results of the paper have important implications for monetary policy, as well as micro- and macro-prudential regulation.

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Skála, Jan, Radim Vácha, Jarmila Čechmánková, and Viera Horváthová. "Various Aspects of the Genesis and Perspectives on Agricultural Brownfields in the Czech Republic." Moravian Geographical Reports 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgr-2013-0010.

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Abstract Abandoned agricultural objects from the period of large-scale agricultural production in the socialist era represent a peculiar topic in the former communist countries of Eastern Europe, surpassing the experience of the EU15 countries or USA that have extensive and long-standing practice in brownfields redevelopment. The question of brownfields resulting from the transformation of the agricultural sector during the transition period of the Czech Republic is presented in this paper. Agricultural brownfields are the most frequently occurring brownfields in the Czech Republic (especially in some regions), but their area share is much lower, indicating their spatial disposition in the landscape. Some aspects of agricultural brownfields regeneration, including possibilities of its funding, are discussed in the paper. We also deal with geographical, environmental and historical aspects of the existence of these localities in the Czech Republic in the context of potential financial resources and possibilities for funding their revitalization.

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Baer, Nicholas. "Proposal: Mass and Propaganda. An Inquiry Into Fascist Propaganda (Siegfried Kracauer, 1936)." Film Studies 16, no. 1 (2017): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/fs.16.0002.

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Written in French exile, the following text by Siegfried Kracauer from December 1936 outlines a research project that the German-Jewish intellectual undertook with funding from the Institute for Social Research. The work outlined here would be a study of totalitarian propaganda in Germany and Italy through sustained comparison with communist and democratic countries, especially the Soviet Union and the United States. Appearing in English translation for the first time, this document from Kracauer‘s estate is crucial for a full understanding of his career as a sociologist, cultural critic, film theorist and philosopher, demonstrating the global scope of his engagement with cinema, mass culture and modernity.

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Coles, Eric, and George A. Mensah. "Geography of Genetics and Genomics Research Funding in Africa." Global Heart 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gheart.2017.07.001.

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Leaman, Jeremy. "Useful Source Materials on the European Family Policy Process." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640300126x.

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The items selected below to exemplify recent literature on the European family policy process from national and international perspectives highlight the specificity of family policy research, as reported in the themed articles in this issue of the journal. The publications cited indicate both the need for country-specific solutions and for cross-national comparative research, where potentially transportable examples of best practice can be identified. In multinational studies that straddle the developed countries of western Europe and the emerging countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the contrastive dimension is a key and driving factor of the analysis. Notwithstanding the similarities – in demographic trends, changes in family formation, education and labour market participation – the contrasts remain overwhelming and reflect the specific conditions obtaining in any given country. In turn, these conditions are reflected in the central themes and preoccupations of the analyses of national policy agencies, non-governmental organisations and academics. The position of family-related issues in the respective policy hierarchy is most obviously reflected in the institutional location of these issues. In all European countries, the dominant imperative of economic growth and stability leads to family policy being subsumed predominantly under ministries of social affairs. The experience of former communist states with rapidly growing income disparities, unemployment and meagre state funding has produced a patchwork of institutional and policy initiatives, dominated by the imperative of economic growth and modernisation. The disappearance of the comprehensive infrastructure of childcare in former state socialist countries compounds the problems of adjustment and helps to define the focus of post-communist research. A common feature in many European countries is that, notwithstanding self-funded research on the part of university research groups and NGOs, the influence of ministerial funding priorities on family policy research also determines the focus and weighting of national research output.

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LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA. "The Alliance For or Against Progress? US–Brazilian Financial Relations in the Early 1960s." Journal of Latin American Studies 46, no. 2 (April 29, 2014): 323–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x14000029.

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AbstractThis paper analyses the role played by US economic assistance during the administrations of Jânio Quadros and João Goulart in Brazil (1961–4). It focuses on the negotiation and implementation of financial agreements associated with the Alliance for Progress, President Kennedy's aid programme for Latin America. It demonstrates that the Alliance had a positive impact during Quadros' administration, providing substantial resources to the country and placing economic growth ahead of economic stabilisation as the principal criterion for aid. Circumstances changed, however, when João Goulart became president, resulting in serious funding constraints. The paper suggests that the main reason for this was political, specifically regarding Washington's perception of Goulart's links with communist groups.

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FORLENZA, ROSARIO. "A Party for the Mezzogiorno: The Christian Democratic Party, Agrarian Reform and the Government of Italy." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000263.

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AbstractIn the 1950s the Christian Democratic party turned its attention to agrarian reform projects and development funding for southern Italy. Its social and economic objectives were the destruction of latifundia, the creation of a class of small landowners, industrial and commercial development and the reduction of territorial inequalities. The ultimate goal, however, was political: to gain loyalty, allegiance and electoral consensus. To manage the economy and direct change, the party had to strengthen the organisation, form a ruling class, lay down territorial roots and widen the scope of its propaganda beyond anti-communism. Elections became the testing ground for the party's new reform strategies.

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Menicucci, Garay. "Glasnost, the Coup, and Soviet Arabist Historians." International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 4 (November 1992): 559–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800022340.

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The 19 August 1991 coup attempt in Moscow and the subsequent collapse of the economy of the former Soviet Union has had its effects on Middle East studies. The seizure of Communist party property and bank accounts and the dispute between the Russian federal government and what remained of the centralized Soviet state structure still headed by President Gorbachev placed such distinguished centers for Middle East research as the Institutes for Oriental Studies in Moscow and St. Petersburg in serious financial jeopardy. Even before the coup attempt and the dissolution of the Communist party, continued full state funding was uncertain and the institutes were scrambling to establish joint publishing agreements with Western academic presses to ensure some infusion of hard currency against the plunging value of the ruble. Individual researchers began looking for translation work or other lucrative forms of moonlighting to supplement their insufficient salaries. And, of course, the content of Middle East studies has undergone a radical transformation. For the social scientists, such notions as “imperialism,” “socialist orientation,” and “international solidarity” have been swiftly abandoned and replaced with what experts now call “the new pragmatism,” which seeks to steer foreign policy away from engaged ideological alliances in the Middle East and towards bettering those state-to-state relations in the region that serve Russian national and economic interests.

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Simpson, Steve, Janet Craven, and Rebecca Weekes. "The effect of funding status on duration of stay for inpatients with dementia." Quality in Ageing and Older Adults 14, no. 2 (June 14, 2013): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14717791311327088.

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Lubans, David R., Rachel Jones, Anthony D. Okely, Jo Salmon, and Louise A. Baur. "Review of Australian Childhood Obesity Research Funding 2010-2013." Health Promotion Journal of Australia 24, no. 2 (May 9, 2013): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/he13017.

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Grodsky, Brian. "Looking for Solidarność in Central Asia: The Role of Human Rights Organizations in Political Change." Slavic Review 66, no. 3 (2007): 442–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060296.

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According to scholars of resource dependency, foreign funding can weaken rather than strengthen civil society abroad, ultimately impeding its effectiveness. Yet the spate of recent “democratic revolutions” in semiauthoritarian, postcommunist states suggests that pumping foreign money into the nongovernmental sphere can be an effective strategy. In this paper Brian Grodsky argues that a critical factor in assessing the likelihood that a given organizational movement will succumb to the ills of resource dependency is the type of politicization within that movement. Those organizations composed of members primarily motivated by ideology are logically less likely to succumb to resource dependency than those organizations dominated by political aspirants intent on converting democratization into their own political power. Two case studies, communist-era Poland and contemporary Uzbekistan, provide support for this theory.

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Sopandi, Evi, and Achmad Siswanto. "EVALUATION OF EDUCATION PROGRAM IMPLEMENTATION SCIENCE-BASED MADRASAH ALIYAH." Akademika 10, no. 01 (May 31, 2021): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.34005/akademika.v10i01.1097.

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Abstract:This research aims to evaluate the SAIN-based Madrasah Aliyah (MA) education program in Brebes, Central Java. The education program aims to improve the competence of human resources in improving ability. The evaluation model used in this study is the CIPP model (context, input, process, and product) of the qualitative research approach model introduced by Stufflebeam. The results showed that madrasah sains education program has been running well in accordance with the educational program that has been compiled. However, in the implementation of Madrasah SAIN education, there are still some shortcomings both in the field of funding (low teacher incentives), facilities and infrastructure (there are no adequate laboratories) and about the development of low human resources competencies of teachers.

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Chesla, Catherine A. "Family Nursing: Challenges and Opportunities: The Hand That Feeds Us: Strings and Restrictions on Funding for Family Nursing Research." Journal of Family Nursing 11, no. 4 (November 2005): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1074840705280819.

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Zhao, Mi. "State Capitalism and Entertainment Markets: The Socialist Transformation of Quyi in Tianjin, 1949–1964." Modern China 44, no. 5 (June 11, 2018): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418779535.

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This article explores the relationship between the state and a persistent entertainment market during the socialist transformation period of 1949–1964. Drawing on the competing narratives in state archives and the oral accounts of performers and Chinese Communist Party cadres, the article examines the interplay of central policies, local practices, and personal experiences in the formation of state-run troupes and new quyi in Tianjin. It reveals that state-run troupes applied various marketing strategies to fulfill the task that the Center had assigned them: achieving self-sufficiency amid local economic difficulties. The central government promoted a state capitalist policy, and yet provided little funding. To support themselves, local leaders employed such marketing approaches as performing for pay at parties (“party performances”), staging quyi opera, and charging audiences on a pay-by-time basis. In a process of policy testing and negotiating among multiple levels of government, central policies were adjusted. This study demonstrates that the cultural reform was not simply a contest between a singular state and the market, but rather that the state existed at multiple levels and the lack of state funding facilitated a market economy. State capitalism laid a foundation for the socialist cultural transformation.

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Howe, Anna L. "How strong is the housing assets pillar of funding for residential aged care?" Australasian Journal on Ageing 39, no. 4 (October 14, 2020): 366–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajag.12854.

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Canning, Brenda. "Funding, Ethics, and Assistive Technology: Should Medical Necessity Be the Criterion by Which Wheeled Mobility Equipment Is Justified?" Topics in Stroke Rehabilitation 12, no. 3 (July 2005): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1310/564p-fwk1-q96y-5axj.

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