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Journal articles on the topic 'Frontiersman'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Docherty, Michael. "Raymond Chandler's Spatial Interrogations: Relocating the Detective-Frontiersman." Crime Fiction Studies 2, no. 1 (March 2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cfs.2021.0035.

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This article examines Philip Marlowe, Raymond Chandler's archetypal private eye, within the context of contemporary historical discourses which theorised the figure of the ‘frontiersman’. It builds upon established scholarship that connects the frontiersman and detective as archetypes of white masculine American heroism, but argues that such criticism is insufficiently engaged with the frontier's spatial characteristics and their implications for the detective. Seeking to redress this, I claim that the detective's conceptual inheritance of the frontiersman's mantle is manifest most clearly in a shared approach to the navigation and ‘conquest’ of space. In closing, I offer the office as an exemplary space of post-frontier modernity.

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2

MacKay, Kathryn L., Will Bagley, and Abner Blackburn. "Frontiersman: Abner Blackburn's Narrative." Western Historical Quarterly 25, no. 1 (1994): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971099.

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3

Lofaro, Michael A., and Meredith Mason Brown. "Frontiersman: Daniel Boone and the Making of America." Journal of American History 96, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694754.

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4

Avenius, Sheldon. "Frontiersman: Daniel Boone and the Making of America." History: Reviews of New Books 37, no. 2 (January 2009): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2009.10527321.

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5

Savery, Arthur Andrew. "Forgotten Frontiersman of the Ohio Valley: Simon Kenton's Early Years." Ohio History 125, no. 2 (2018): 28–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ohh.2018.0014.

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6

Hathaway, Rosemary V. "From Hillbilly to Frontiersman: The Changing Nature of the WVU Mountaineer." West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies 8, no. 2 (2014): 15–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wvh.2014.0028.

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7

Sparks, Carol D., and Barton H. Barbour. "Reluctant Frontiersman: James Ross Larkin on the Santa Fe Trail, 1856-57." Western Historical Quarterly 23, no. 3 (August 1992): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971522.

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8

Docherty, Michael. "‘You don’t even know how you know’: Double Indemnity as anti-office discourse." European Journal of American Culture 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00036_1.

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This article argues that the criminal plot at the heart of James M. Cain’s 1936 novel Double Indemnity is primarily one targeted against the structures of the modern corporation, embodied in the space of the office. Such an argument situates Cain’s novel as a striking intervention in a long tradition of anti-office discourse, a discourse in which clerical work and its spaces have persistently been framed as exemplifying urban modernity’s deleterious impact upon and occlusion of the supposed ‘frontier values’ of masculinity, individualism and risk. Walter Huff, the novel’s protagonist, is figured as an agent of those values, a ‘frontiersman’ whose assault upon his insurance firm employer constitutes an attempt to reinvest a regulated, systematized world with a sense of the unpredictable wilderness.

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9

Cheek, William, Aimee Lee Cheek, and Billy D. Higgins. "A Stranger and a Sojourner: Peter Caulder, Free Black Frontiersman in Antebellum Arkansas." Journal of Southern History 71, no. 4 (November 1, 2005): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648921.

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10

Schweninger, Loren, and Billy D. Higgins. "A Stranger and a Sojourner: Peter Caulder, Free Black Frontiersman in Antebellum Arkansas." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (2005): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40031060.

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11

Wintz, Cary D., Henry O. Flipper, and Theodore D. Harris. "Black Frontiersman: The Memoirs of Henry O. Flipper, First Black Graduate of West Point." Journal of Southern History 65, no. 1 (February 1999): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587772.

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12

Schubert, Frank N., Theodore D. Harris, and Henry O. Flipper. "Black Frontiersman: The Memoirs of Henry O. Flipper, First Black Graduate of West Point." Western Historical Quarterly 29, no. 2 (1998): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971341.

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13

Middleton, Stephen. "A Stranger and a Sojourner: Peter Caulder, Free Black Frontiersman in Antebellum Arkansas (review)." Civil War History 53, no. 1 (2007): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2007.0020.

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14

Kimball, Stanley B., and William G. Hartley. "My Best for the Kingdom: History and Autobiography of John Lowe Butler, a Mormon Frontiersman." Journal of American History 82, no. 1 (June 1995): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082005.

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15

Bennett, Richard E., William G. Hartley, and John Lowe Butler. "My Best for the Kingdom: History and Autobiography of John Lowe Butler, A Mormon Frontiersman." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970206.

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16

JANIEWSKI, DOLORES E. "“Confusion of Mind”: Colonial and Post-Colonial Discourses about Frontier Encounters." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 1 (April 1998): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898005817.

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An interpretation of frontier texts must respond to the demand by Gesa Mackenthun and other scholars that “empire be added to the study of American culture.” As written by authors like Frederick Jackson Turner, who placed themselves on the colonizing side of the frontier, these texts described the frontier as “the meeting point between savagery and civilization” where European immigrants became “Americanized, liberated, and fused into a mixed race.” Here was forged a “composite nationality for the American people.” Such texts with their understanding of the “Indian frontier ” as a “consolidating agent in our history” which developed “the stalwart and rugged qualities of the frontiersman,” helped to construct the American identity as the “imperial self” with its implicitly patriarchal, Eurocentric, and colonial assumptions. Describing the frontier as a “military training school, keeping alive the power of resistance to aggression,” such texts failed to acknowledge the aggressive acts that seized the land from its original inhabitants.

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17

Holmes, David, and Ferris Samara. "Was the Wild Frontiersman a Prolific Penman? A Stylometric Investigation into the Works of Davy Crockett." CHANCE 33, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09332480.2020.1754064.

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18

유필규. "The Constitution and Management of Manchuria Frontiersman Training Camp of the Japanese Government-General of Korea in 1940’s." JOURNAL OF KOREAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT STUDIES ll, no. 48 (August 2014): 187–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.15799/kimos.2014..48.006.

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19

Cloete, Elsie. "Going on safari: the tales of two Koos Prinsloos." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 54, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tvl.v.54i1.1.

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In Kiswahili, the word safari simply means going on a journey. This article is about journeys begun, aborted and ended by two people with the matching names of Koos Prinsloo. Koos Prinsloo Senior used his handwritten memoir about his journeys and hunting adventures as a symbolic reference to his masculinity and frontiersman status in Kenya at the height of British colonialism. Koos Prinsloo Junior, his Kenyan-born grandson, who left Kenya as a youngster and lived in South Africa, embarks on journeys where his short stories explore, amongst other issues, matters of homosexuality and notions of the father, power and colonial nostalgia. Koos Prinsloo Junior uses excerpts from his grandfather's memoir, descriptive references to his parents' past and present homes, mementos and trophies from the erstwhile British colony to provide a critique on bravado and male inadequacy. Using Veracinia's outline of circular and linear colonial narratives a contextual and historical background on Koos Prinsloo's grandfather's memoir and his hunting tales is provided by briefly examining settler life-writing from Kenya, the hunting safari and ideas of homecoming. Before turning to Prinsloo Junior' relevant short stories and examining his attempts to debunk ideas of colonial masculinity, patriarchy, nostalgia, and loss, the notion of going home, not feeling quite at home and homesickness are explored.

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20

Robinson, Charles M. "Don't Ruin a Good Story with the Facts: An Analysis of Henry Flipper's Account of His Court-Martial in Black Frontiersman." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 111, no. 1 (2007): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/swh.2007.0071.

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21

Car, Milka. "We “were neither Croatians, nor Illyrians nor Slavs, but ‘imperial royal frontiersman’”. On the phenomenon of the border in August Šenoa and Miroslav Krleža." Ars & Humanitas 13, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.13.2.40-63.

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Departing from the thesis that literary texts, in addition to their capacity to provide description, also demonstrate potential for construing reality, this paper focuses on the selected narratives, or essayistic and poetological texts written by the canonical Croatian authors August Šenoa and Miroslav Krleža. The paper focuses on the demonstration and literary representation of various border phenomena in the Austro-Hungarian Empire (Šenoa) and their gradual change in the post-imperial age following the Great War (Krleža). By challenging the imperial narrative about the Military Frontier, the image of the Ottomans in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as well as the associated national and homogenizing discourses infused by the processes of Othering, the article analyses a number of variations in the understanding of the border and their ideological implications with special regard to the thesis that borders are construed as impossible endeavours aiming to separate the Self from the Other.

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22

Ridner, Judith. "Frontiersman: Daniel Boone and the Making of America. By Meredith Mason Brown. (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 2008. Pp. xxii, 375. $34.95.)." Historian 73, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2010.00288_9.x.

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23

WILSON SMITH, SANDRA. "Frontier Androgyny: An Archetypal Female Hero in The Adventures of Daniel Boone." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 2 (December 24, 2009): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990752.

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Influential American studies scholars of the mid-twentieth century, such as R. W. B. Lewis, Henry Nash Smith, and Leslie A. Fiedler, focussed attention on a mythic American character, the frontiersman who penetrates the wilderness. These critics provided analyses of figures such as Daniel Boone and his fictional counterpart, Natty Bumppo, and discussed the power the romanticized western frontier had over the American imagination. Their observations were accurate, as far as they went. However, these critics did not acknowledge the many narratives in which a female character conquers the frontier. The assumption seemed to be that the literary female figure belonged in the parlor with her sewing basket and not in the forest with her weapon. Unfortunately, this incomplete assessment of the frontier adventure genre is still in evidence today. In this essay, I work towards the development of a more complete understanding of the American frontier story and point out that, even in the iconic John Filson/John Trumbull Boone tale, we find a mini-narrative involving a female hero who triumphs over the “savage” forces of the wilderness. This female figure became a cultural archetype, and similar versions of her story were repeated in countless captivity and western adventure anthologies, almanacs, and the like for the next seventy years. The popularity of this frontier narrative featuring a strong, violent female figure suggests that readers were accepting of the idea of an active, aggressive woman, at least while she was contending with chaotic forces in the wilderness. The popularity of this kind of narrative also undercuts the traditional gender paradigm (the nurturing passive female versus the active aggressive male) too often imposed by scholars on antebellum American letters and culture.

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24

Moneyhon, C. H. "BILLY D. HIGGINS. A Stranger and a Sojourner: Peter Caulder, Free Black Frontiersman in Antebellum Arkansas. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press. 2004. Pp. xviii, 349. $34.95." American Historical Review 111, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.1.171.

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25

Scott, Jamie S. "Colonial, Nev-Colonial, Post-Colonial: Images of Christian Missions in Hiram A. Cody’s The Frontiersman, Rudy Wiebe’s First and Vital Candle and Basil Johnston’s Indian School Days." Journal of Canadian Studies 32, no. 3 (August 1997): 140–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.32.3.140.

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26

Barrett, Elinore M. "Juan Domínguez de Mendoza: Soldier and Frontiersman of the Spanish Southwest, 1627-1693 ed. by France V. Scholes, Marc Simmons, and José Antonio Esquibel (review)." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 116, no. 4 (2013): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/swh.2013.0028.

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27

Liubymova, S. A. "Dynamic typology of American socio-cultural stereotypes." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 4 (335) (2020): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2020-4(335)-67-75.

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The article presents the results of a dynamic classification of American sociocultural stereotypes based on their variability. The dynamics of stereotypes are traced in changes of assessment, emotional perception, and modification, reflected in the discursive representation of socio-cultural stereotypes. The degree of variability of socio-cultural stereotypes depends on the time of their formation, the frequency of occurrence in media discourse, and their emotional load. Persistent stereotypes, such as frontiersman, cowboy, are are based on cultural traditions. They function as templates for the reproduction of new sociocultural stereotypes. Transformational socio-cultural stereotypes demonstrate various changes that can relate to the content of stereotypes. Such is the case of melting pot. Once denoting unity of American society, this stereotype has transformed into a combination of diverse social and cultural elements, marked as salad bowl, mosaic, mixing bowl. Changes in socio-cultural stereotypes are manifested also in emotional and evaluative perception. Thus, the negative perception of the stereotype WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) has changed to positive. Transformational stereotypes can become the symbols of a certain historical period, marked by radical changes in views, attitudes and standards of behavior. Such is flapper – the stereotype of a bold and fashionable young woman that has become a symbol of “Roaring 20s”. Transient stereotypes are unable to transform and cease to exist with the disappearance of their referents. An example of such a stereotype is the Valley Girl, which denoted the category of rich and idle fashionistas of the 1980s. Today, the Valley Girl is an anachronism that alludes to the 1980s through definite fashion trends and slang. The result of the study is the recognition that American sociocultural stereotypes are changeable and situational fragments of the social environment. They may modify or disappear due to changes in the socio-cultural context. The duration of their existence depends not only on economic and cultural factors, but also on occurrence in media discourse.

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28

McNamara, Francis Terry, and Anthony Clayton. "Frontiersmen: Warfare in Africa since 1950." Journal of Military History 63, no. 4 (October 1999): 1042. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120628.

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29

Dwyer, Doris D., and Sally Zanjani. "Jack Longstreet: Last of the Desert Frontiersmen." Western Historical Quarterly 21, no. 1 (February 1990): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968986.

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30

Francaviglia, Richard. "Franciscan Frontiersmen: How Three Adventurers Charted the West." Terrae Incognitae 50, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00822884.2018.1435474.

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31

Carpenter, Ronald H. "America's tragic metaphor: Our twentieth‐century combatants as frontiersmen." Quarterly Journal of Speech 76, no. 1 (February 1990): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335639009383897.

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32

Jakab, Peter L. "Test Pilots: The Frontiersmen of Flight. Richard P. Hallion." Isis 80, no. 4 (December 1989): 731–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/355229.

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33

Hodgson, Godfrey. "Immigrants and Frontiersmen: Two Traditions in American Foreign Policy." Diplomatic History 23, no. 3 (July 1999): 525–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00180.

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34

Donis, Jay B. "The Black Boys and Blurred Lines." Journal of Early American History 6, no. 1 (April 29, 2016): 68–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00601005.

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In 1765, frontiersmen in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania forcibly prohibited British officials and colonists from participating in the Indian trade, intercepting and destroying goods intended for Native Americans in the Ohio Country. Imperial officials and civil leaders in Pennsylvania condemned the actions of the so-called “Black Boys,” suggesting that they represented a form of insurrection. Close analysis of the Black Boys’ stated motivations, however, suggests that they did not seek an overthrow of royal rule. Instead, they sought a renegotiation of political power on the frontier, one in which local concerns and wishes tempered the exercise of imperial authority.

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35

Kriger, Norma. "Book Review: Aftican Guerrillas, Frontiersmen: Warfare in Africa Since 1950." Armed Forces & Society 27, no. 1 (October 2000): 166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0002700115.

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36

Stern, Peter, and Robert Jackson. "Vagabundaje and Settlement Patterns in Colonial Northern Sonora." Americas 44, no. 4 (April 1988): 461–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006970.

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Frontiers are, by definition, unsettled and wild places; populations are shifting and mobile, social conditions are in state of constant flux, and governmental authority is generally weak. Frontier populations tend to be resentful of any type of control, and are often engaged in entreprenurial activities whose degree of legality varies widely. In frontier conditions, people the state defines as vagabonds and marginal tend to flourish. Their tenure as frontiersmen is usually brief, for they depend on the very conditions of instability which exist in areas with underdeveloped economies, weak authority, and sparse and spatially dispersed populations. Nevertheless, they can have an effect out of proportion to their numbers in a frontier society.

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37

Salmón, Roberto Mario. "A Marginal Man: Luis of Saric and the Pima Revolt of 1751." Americas 45, no. 1 (July 1988): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007327.

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The history of colonial Latin America can be told in terms of the relations between Spaniards, mixed blood frontiersmen, and Indians. In Mexico, Indians figured as significantly as did political and geographical factors in determining the nature and direction of Spanish-Mexican advance and settlement. The Spaniards were ever desirous to learn more about the Indians, especially if they had cultures and economies worth exploiting. But the Indians seldom submitted peacefully to these strange men who spoke of God and king and insisted on a new way of life. Indian chieftains only reluctantly gave up positions of tribal control and they remained prepared to foment sedition and rebellion against the Spanish and Mexican colonizers. This rebellion occurred often on the fringes of Spanish America.

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38

Humphries, Michael. "‘The eyes of an empire’: the Legion of Frontiersmen, 1904-14*." Historical Research 85, no. 227 (January 28, 2011): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2010.00565.x.

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39

Crandall, John J., and Ryan P. Harrod. "Ghostly Gunslingers: the Postmortem Lives of the Kiel Brothers, Nevada's First Frontiersmen." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 24, no. 3 (October 2014): 487–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774314000602.

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In October 1900, Edwin and William Kiel were killed outside of Nevada's oldest standing structure in North Las Vegas. Since their death, the Kiel brothers have been analysed by bioarchaeologists and forensic experts. Their ranch, now a historic site, remains the property of the city of North Las Vegas and is a contested space which has seen little development. In this article, we discuss the post-mortem social lives of the brothers within the context of debates about the ranch and the brother's bones which remain separated. How the brothers have taken on various symbolic forms after death and how their bones have not yet been returned to the site are examined. We document the ways the brothers have been used rhetorically as tools by the living as they have debated the future of the ranch. We argue that the brother's bones, even in their absence, are effective tools in ongoing political debates. This article provides an example of how absent bodies, or bodies out of place, can serve as secondary agents. Additionally, the study provides bioarchaeologists with a narrative of how the dead are more than tools but may unexpectedly alter human behaviour.

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40

Nelson, Paul. "Franciscan Frontiersmen: How Three Adventurers Charted the West. By Robert A. Kittle." Western Historical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (2018): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/why013.

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41

Chinnici, Joseph P. "Franciscan Frontiersmen: How Three Adventurers Charted the West by Robert A. Kittle." American Catholic Studies 129, no. 2 (2018): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acs.2018.0031.

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42

Harper, Marjory. "William C. Wonders, Frontiersmen and Settlers. The Bells in Scotland, Ireland and Canada." Northern Scotland 24 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 2004): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2004.0010.

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43

Luzbetak, Louis J. "If Junípero Serra Were Alive: Missiological-Anthropological Theory Today." Americas 41, no. 4 (April 1985): 512–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007355.

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The missionary effort of the Church has been sometimes judged rather harshly and often quite unfairly. This is not to deny that missionaries have somehow always shared with their contemporaries not only the human goodness, idealism, and heroism of their times but also the ignorance, paternalism, racism, and imperialism that happened to be a part of the age itself. Above all, missionaries have been repeatedly caught in the questionable marriage between Church and State. It is, of course, easy to pass judgment on past mistakes in light of our present-day knowledge, attitudes, opportunities, and general cultural and social context and to forget that a generation or two from now it will be our turn to be similarly criticized and condemned for what is impossible for us to know or to appreciate in our times. Junípero Serra, despite the shortcomings that might be pointed out regarding his missionary methods, was certainly one of the greatest frontiersmen the Americas have ever seen, one of the greatest friends the American Indians have ever known, and one of the greatest missionary saints the Church has ever produced.

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44

Nish, Ian. "Politics, Trade and Communications in East Asia: Thoughts on Anglo-Russian Relations, 1861–1907." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1987): 667–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009276.

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As Britain saw it, trade was not the prime motivating force for Russian expansion in east Asia or, put another way, the Russian frontiersmen were not driven by the actual amount of their trade there or its future potentialities. While Russia was primarily concerned with the tea trade over land frontiers, Britain was concerned with the seaborne commerce of China. The customs revenue paid to China in the year 1894 worked out as follows:Judging from the returns of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Organization, British ships carried 83.5% of China's total trade. But Britain's commercial dominance affected her political stance because she wanted to preserve China's stability for most of the second half of the nineteenth century. This was at the root of the political tensions between Britain and Russia which emerged in China after 1860 and especially those which derived from the spate of railway building which took place from 1890 onwards. It would be foolish to deny that intense rivalry did exist in the area from time to time or that detailed observations of the actions of the one were regularly conducted by the other—what we should now call ‘intelligence operations’. But what I shall suggest in this paper is that, despite all the admitted antagonism and suspicion between Britain and Russia in east Asia, Britain regularly made efforts to reach accommodations with Russia in north-east Asia.

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45

Frijhoff, W. Th M. "P. Holthuis, Frontierstad bij het scheiden van de markt. Deventer: militair, demografisch, economisch, 1578-1648." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 109, no. 2 (January 1, 1994): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3845.

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46

Morin, Michel. "Indigenous Peoples, Political Economists and the Tragedy of the Commons." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 19, no. 2 (August 14, 2018): 559–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2018-0028.

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Abstract In “The Tragedy of the Commons,” Garrett Hardin implicitly moved from bounded commons — a pasture or a tribe’s territory — to the case of boundless commons — the ocean, the atmosphere and planet Earth. He insisted on the need for imposing limits on the use of these resources, blurring the difference between communal property and open access regimes. The success of his paper is due in great measure to his neglect of economic, scientific, legal and anthropological literature. His main lifelong focus was on limiting population growth. He could have avoided the conceptual confusion he created by turning to well-known political economists such as John Locke and Adam Smith or, for that matter, jurists, such as Blackstone. Instead, he simply envisioned indigenous lands as an unbounded wilderness placed at the disposal of frontiersmen. Though he eventually acknowledged the existence of managed commons, he had little interest in community rules pertaining to resource exploitation. For him, these were simply moral norms which inevitably became ineffective after a community reached a certain level of population. He also took economists to task for failing to include in their analysis the true environmental and social costs of public decisions. Still, the famous example of the indigenous people of Northeastern Quebec illustrates a shortcoming of his analysis: community members did not act in total isolation from each other. On the contrary, communal norms could prevent an overexploitation of resources or allow for the adoption of corrective measures.

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47

Cutting-Gray, Joanne. "Franklin's Autobiography: Politics of the Public Self." Prospects 14 (October 1989): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005688.

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In 1776, with the Revolution faltering, Congress sent seventy-one-yearold Benjamin Franklin to France to intercede on behalf of the fledgling republic and the “New Man.” Dressed in plain homespun, wearing a frontiersman's coonskin cap instead of a powdered wig, and carrying a staff of apple wood, the sagacious Franklin played the Cultivateur Américain to the French court, a role that satisfied their Crevecouerian image of the American as both innocent and worldly wise: the noble rustic. That role was no problem for someone who “put my self as much as I could out of sight” in promoting his own projects, “put on” Father Abraham, Richard Saunders, Poor Richard, and Silence Dowood in order to instruct his audience and, in matters of diplomacy and debate, “put on the humble Enquirer and Doubter.” Putting off the audience by putting on various personae enabled Franklin, to the extent that the Autobiography was written for an English audience, to act as American colonial “father” instructing his “son,” the British monarchy. Whether portraying himself as a gawky youth, ardent young man, civic leader, sage of practical utility, worldly philosopher, or international statesman, Franklin deliberately played to please while playing with his image and his audience.

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Vance, Norman. "Rory Fitzpatrick, God's Frontiersmen: The Scots-Irish Epic (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989, £14.95). Pp. 296. ISBN 0 297 79435 3." Journal of American Studies 25, no. 1 (April 1991): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800028243.

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TAYLOR, IAN. "Frontiersmen: warfare in Africa since 1950 by ANTHONY CLAYTON London and New York: University College Press and Garland Publishing, 1999. Pp. 235, £12.95 (pbk.)." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1999): 507–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99463074.

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Remesal Rodríguez, José, Lluis Pons Pujol, Jordi Pérez González, and Juan Manuel Bermúdez Lorenzo. "Nuevas Propuestas de datación de la epigrafía anfórica a través de la cronología de los asentamientos militares del limes renano-danubiano = New Proposals on the Dating of Amphoric Epigraphy Based on the Military Sites in the Renan and Danubian Limes." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 32 (November 7, 2019): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.32.2019.24343.

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Abstract:

Tradicionalmente, las ánforas de aceite de oliva Dressel 20 se han fechado explícitamente a través de diversos medios, siendo los más comunes, el estudio de la epigrafía asociada: sellos, titulus pictus o grafito, el análisis tipológico del objeto o el contexto arqueológico. En el presente trabajo, proponemos nuevas dataciones para algunas de los sellos impresos sobre las ánforas en función de la cronología estratigráfica de los campamentos militares romanos.Durante los últimos años, en el marco del proyecto EPNet (ERC-2013-ADG-340 828), hicimos una revisión de los materiales contenidos en la base de datos del CEIPAC. El estudio de los diversos campamentos militares con líneas de tiempo bien definidas nos permite establecer varias propuestas de citas para aquellas marcas conocidas de recipientes de alimentos que faltaban, cronología hasta el momento.AbstractTraditionally, the olive oil amphoras Dressel 20 have been explicitly dated through various means, the most common being the class of associated epigraphy: stamps, titulus pictus or graphite, the typological analysis of the object, or the archaeological context. In the present work, we propose new dates for some stamps of amphorae based on the stratigraphic chronology of the roman military camps.During the last years, under the EPNet Project (ERC-2013-ADG-340 828), we did a review of the materials contained in the CEIPAC database. The study of the various military camps with well-defined timelines allows us to establish various dating proposals for those known brands of food containers that were lacking, chronology so far.We are interested in what the stamps can tell us, from the economic point of view, about the origin of olive oil and how it is distributed throughout roman frontiers.En esta línea, nos interesa lo que los sellos nos pueden decir, desde el punto de vista económico, sobre el origen del aceite de oliva y cómo se distribuye en las fronteras romanas.

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