Journal articles on the topic 'Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations'
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1
Pauluzzo, Rubens. "Foreign Market Entry Strategies in the North-Adriatic Area." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jissc.2013010101.
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The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.
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Raynkhardt, R. O. "“Italy System” as a Case of Innovative Economic Diplomacy." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-165-173.
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The article deals with the description and analysis of functioning of the Italian national system of economic diplomacy.The author provides an insight into the historical and economic background and conditions of its development from the earliest stages to present time focusing on the latest events (from 2010 onwards).He casts light upon the procedures and mechanisms of interaction between the key national economic-diplomatic agents i.e. ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of economic development, export-promotion agency ITA, investment-attraction agency Invitalia, other authorized bodies (in particular, the Coordination Council on the Internationalization of the Italian Economy - CRII), public and private institutes. The article outlines the main principles of the new system of foreign economic policy "Sistema Paese" which is being implemented since 2011. This concept is based upon efficient cooperation ("team play") between the chief institutes of economic diplomacy with a system approach to elaboration and realizing measures aimed at the internationalization of the Italian business. Innovative elements of "Sistema Paese" do not just imply another reorganization of the MFA, but a completely new approach to issues concerning the position of Italy on the world arena. The author looks into concrete mechanisms of economic diplomacy which basically include measures of national export promotion and assistance to Italian companies in the course of new markets penetration, as well as measures on attraction of foreign direct investment inter alia from developing countries. He mentions that subnational regions of Italy, especially Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Veneto and Sicily, tend to be more and more involved into processes of FDI attraction. Another important trend and particular feature of Italy's modern economic diplomacy is the practice of decentralization of financial management within the MFA system through providing the heads of diplomatic representations with specific competences in this area. Finally, a special emphasis is put on the tight link between instruments of "soft power" and economic diplomacy and their institutional usage, which has deep historical roots.
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Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.
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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.
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Manzato, Agostino. "Hail in Northeast Italy: A Neural Network Ensemble Forecast Using Sounding-Derived Indices." Weather and Forecasting 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/waf-d-12-00034.1.
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Abstract In a previous work, the hailpad data collected over the plain of the Friuli Venezia Giulia region in northeast Italy during the April–September 1992–2009 period were studied through a bivariate analysis with 52 sounding-derived indices from the Udine–Campoformido station (WMO code 16044). The results showed statistically significant relations but, nevertheless, were not completely satisfactory from a practical point of view. In the current work, a prognostic multivariate analysis is performed, using linear and nonlinear approaches, finding the best results with an ensemble of neural networks. For the hail occurrence–classification problem, a novel method for combining binary classifiers (a variant of the Mojirsheibani major voting algorithm) is introduced. For the hail extension–regression problem the ensemble is built by choosing the members with a bagging algorithm, but combining them with a linear multiregression, in order to increase the forecast variability.
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Hasenauer, Leonie. "Food Relates: Positionings in Space, Time and Society in the German Language Pockets of Sauris and Timau (Italy)." European Countryside 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 696–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/euco-2022-0035.
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Abstract The author analyses positionings in space, time and society that inhabitants of Sauris and Timau, German language pockets in Friuli, construct in qualitative interviews about food. Positionings of the self are immanent when interviewees speak about, represent and relate to times they, their parents or grandparents have experienced, as well as frequented localities and known persons. Relations, which outreach the places, are established through the preparation and consumption of specific foods because it evokes memories, emotions, feelings, and transmits values. Dishes with dialectal German names that are associated with the place and food, which had been consumed daily in the agrarian past became particular. In order to negotiate meanings and to identify with places and people, common food preparation, consumption and reflections are necessary, and individual interpretations need to be accepted.
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Kupchyk, O. "ITALY IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE, 1921-1923." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.3.
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The circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with the Kingdom of Italy in the early 1920s are revealed. The contractual basis, organizational forms of trade activity of Soviet Ukraine in Italy have been clarified. Persons of sales representatives were established (V. Vorovskyi, A. Feinstein). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Rome in the foreign trade activities of Soviet Ukraine is revealed. The place of the Italian market in export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. After studying national historiography, it was found that the trade relations of the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s with the Kingdom of Italy were not the subject of scientific study in contemporary Ukrainian historians. In turn, it was found that in trying to forge trade relations with Italy, the Ukrainian adviser noted that she sought to rebuild the international influence, lost after the First World War through Great Britain and France. It was informed that after the conclusion of the Preliminary Trade Agreement on December 26, 1921, Soviet Ukraine and Italy exchanged trade representatives. The duties of Soviet Ukraine’s sales representative in Italy were first performed by Russian Trade Representative V. Vorovskyi and then by Russian Trade Representative A. Feinstein. There were 5 people employed in the Ukrainian SSR’s sales office in Italy. They thoroughly explored the Italian markets (Genoa, Milan, Roman). The article shows the interest of Italian traders in Ukrainian timber, coal, scrap metal, linen cake. It is noted that the sales representatives of Soviet Ukraine initially studied the possibility of selling on the Italian market of guts, skin, horse hair, wool. They then explored the possibility of selling cattle, wheat, barley, corn, caustic soda and soda ash. It was noted that together with Russian and Italian traders the Russian-Italian Trading Company was created, which had the task not only for export-import of goods, but also for obtaining concessions by the Italian entrepreneurs in Ukraine. It has been reported that Italian workers sent food aid (sowing grain) to Ukraine for the money raised.
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KENZHALINA, Gulsum, Aliya KUSSAINOVA, Duman AITMAGAMBETOV, and Moldir BOLYSBEKOVA. "The role of cultural diplomacy in relations between Kazakhstan and Italy." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2020-74-3-57-66.
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At the present stage, cultural diplomacy plays an important role in relations between countries. The implementation of cultural diplomacy contributes not only to the promotion of the country's interests abroad in the field of cultural policy, but also can create favorable conditions for the effective achievement of the country's foreign policy goals in other areas (for example, economic). The article deals with the bilateral cultural diplomacy of Kazakhstan and Italy. Cultural contacts between the two countries, starting from the early Middle Ages, are consistently examined and analyzed, on the basis of which a conclusion is drawn about the effectiveness of certain aspects of foreign cultural policy in creating bilateral relations. An attempt was also made to answer the question of how cultural methods can contribute to the harmonization of relations between Kazakhstan and Italy at the present stage, and whether they can significantly affect the current state of their political and economic cooperation.
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Bavaresco, L., J. Lemaignen, E. Neethling, C. Squeri, and C. Coulon-Leroy. "Influence of pedoclimatic factors on grapevine performance and berry ripening: Preliminary results of Chardonnay grown in Friuli Venezia Giulia region, Italy." BIO Web of Conferences 15 (2019): 01010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/bioconf/20191501010.
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The concept of terroir is widely used in the wine industry, and many studies are undertaken to better understand the influence of local terrain features on produced wines. In this context, this study monitored nine Chardonnay plots in the Fruili wine region of Italy to gather information on grapevine growth and berry ripening. The study objective was to define viticulture potentialities allowing to identify future strategies for the production of a “single vineyard” Chardonnay wine at the Vie di Romans estate, Italy. During the growing season of 2017, relations were studied between terrain features and field observations on vine phenology and grape ripening. Stem water potential and gas exchange measurements were also effectuated. Results show that there are significant differences between the studied plots. Earliness of the grapevine cycle between the plots has been less evident to determine than the variation in berry characteristics. The latter were linked with identified pedoclimatic units, but the effect of the cultural practices should not be overlooked. The study should be perceived as a first monitoring campaign, highlighting the important differences between study plots. Further investigation in the following seasons should give a more accurate perception of individual plot characteristics and their impacts.
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Marchigiani, Elena. "An Accessible City is a Healthy and People-Centred Smart City." International Journal of Urban Planning and Smart Cities 1, no. 2 (July 2020): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijupsc.2020070105.
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Accessibility for all is an inspiring issue for future urban agendas. In European cities, the ageing of urban population and the growth of social and economic disparities call for interdisciplinary reflection and practice on the relations between well-being and inclusion and the organization and upgrading of public facilities. The challenge is to ensure the usability of urban spaces to the largest extent of persons, according to their different capabilities. Based on research developed at the University of Trieste (Italy), and taking the region Friuli Venezia Giulia as its main study context, the article questions a variety of recent urban tools and policies in order to show their level of innovation and the obstacles that still oppose their more effective integration. The aim is to highlight possible fields for public action and the need to rethink planning instruments and technical skills in the frame of a user experience and smart design approach.
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Coralluzzo, Valter. "Italy and the Mediterranean: Relations with the Maghreb countries." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962017.
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After outlining the trends of Italian Mediterranean politics, this article examines the relationship between Italy and the Maghreb region. As a result of its central geographic position, acting as a natural bridge between Europe and Africa, Italy is undoubtedly more exposed and vulnerable than other countries to any critical developments in the political and economic situation of this area, so it is understandable that it occupies an increasingly important position in Italian foreign policy. Italy has especially considered it in its national interest to make it a specific, high priority to contribute to stabilising this region through multilateral and bilateral initiatives aimed at reinforcing political dialogue and economic cooperation with the coastal countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean. The aim has been to create a safety net around Italian maritime borders against the risks posed by an uncontrolled increase in migration (to which Italy is more exposed than other countries), the instability of North African energy resources and Islamist terrorists infiltrating Italian territory. Apart from examining the concerns regarding the Maghreb region that have become crucially important for Italian national interests (security, immigration, development, energy), the article analyses the salient elements of bilateral relations between Italy and the Maghreb countries, particularly Libya.
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Walston, James. "Italian Foreign Policy in the ‘Second Republic’. Changes of Form and Substance." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (February 2007): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134916.
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The birth of the ‘Second Republic’ was at least partially due to the changes in international relations in Europe and the rest of the world. The instablity in the Balkans forced Italy to face security issues close to home, while instability in the Middle East meant that Italy had to reconsider its energy security policy as well as military security in the region. The change in the form of government in Italy under both the centre-right and centre-left has involved the Prime Minister taking on a much more important role in foreign policy. The two traditional pillars of Italian foreign policy—Atlanticism and an attachment to the European institutions—have remained largely unchanged, but their relative importance and emphasis have altered markedly with the alternation of administrations. During the course of the Second Republic we can therefore conclude that Italy has moved from being a ‘consumer of security’ to being a ‘producer of security’ due to a combination of external necessities and internal reforms.
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Gorshkova, Elena. "Diplomacy of A.А. Gromyko in the Context of the Soviet-Italian Relations in 60–80s." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 18 (December 1, 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62020103111.
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Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The source corpus of the article contains secret documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union published in Italian language, official documents edited by the Ministries of foreign affairs of USSR and Italy, and the memoirs of the diplomat as well. Analysis of these sources allowed to evaluate personal contribution of A. A. Gromyko to the development of Soviet-Italian relations and to reveal some principles of his work dealt with adjustment of a peace dialogue between the USSR and Italy. Among his achievements there was launching of the Soviet project of the CSCE in the course of the negotiation process with Italy. As the result of his efforts contacts between the USSR and Italy went beyond the channels within the communist parties of both countries, and the Soviet-Italian relations advanced to higher level in different spheres. Besides, agreement between two countries on some important issues of international relations was achieved. The author believes that the principles put in the basis of the Soviet-Italian relations by of A. A. Gromyko retain their relevance in the modern international context.
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Rafailovic, Jelena. "Yugoslav-Italian foreign trade relations 1919-1939 and the Yugoslav industry: The import of textile products from Italy." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253167r.
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Yugoslav-Italian relations between two world wars, besides the diplomatic-political, also had a very significant economic aspect. Italy was one of the most important foreign trade partners of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and this paper will explore the trade exchange between the two countries, especially the import of materials necessary for the textile industry, which substantially contributed to the positive balance of trade. Beside a quantitative analysis of statistical data regarding foreign trade, the paper also looks at the impact of political and economic events on the trade relations between the two countries, as well as the relation between the industrialization of Yugoslavia and changes in foreign trade.
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De Simone, Carolina. "Foreign policy, domestic politics and international relations: the case of Italy, by Elisabetta Brighi." Contemporary Italian Politics 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2014.885256.
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Behar, Joseph. "Diplomacy and Essential Workers: Official British Recruitment of Foreign Labor in Italy, 1945–1951." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 3 (July 2003): 324–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0015.
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The recruitment of about seven thousand Italian migrant workers by the postwar British Labour government is an interesting study in the use of foreign labor recruitment as a diplomatic policy. Foreign labor recruitment has generally been regarded as primarily an economic policy, with political ramifications entering into the picture in the form of domestic issues around integration, racism, labor relations and so on. However, the various British schemes to recruit Italian migrant workers from 1945 to 1951, and the discussion around the movement of migrant workers in postwar Europe carried on in various inter-European bodies, illustrate that foreign labor recruitment can be a much more complex phenomenon.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Sarlin, Simon. "Fighting the Risorgimento: foreign volunteers in southern Italy (1860–63)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 4 (December 2009): 476–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710903281987.
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Colucci, Michele. "Foreign immigration to Italy: crisis and the transformation of flows." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 24, no. 3 (May 27, 2019): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2019.1605721.
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Bonadio, Enrico, and Magali Contardi. "The Geographic Indication Prosecco Battle Between Italy and Australia: Some Lessons from the History and Geography of the Most Famous Italian Wine." Journal of World Investment & Trade 23, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 260–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340248.
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Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the debate around the legality of the Prosecco geographical indication (GI). The article’s main point is to demonstrate that the term Prosecco does satisfy the conditions laid down in Article 22 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), and that its protection as a GI in both the European Union (EU) and other countries does not run counter to TRIPS. Through a review of the relevant literature, the article shows that this term has been used for many centuries in the northeastern part of the Italian peninsula to refer to a high-quality wine, including in the territory around the village of Prosecco in the Friuli Venezia Giulia region of Italy. This suggests a strong link between that area and the quality and reputation of the famous Italian sparkling wine and strengthens the EU and Italy’s claims for the protection of the term Prosecco as GI in both the EU and other countries that sign trade agreements with the EU.
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Iammarino, Simona, Francesca Sanna-Randaccio, and Maria Savona. "The perception of obstacles to innovation. Foreign multinationals and domestic firms in Italy." Revue d'économie industrielle, no. 125 (March 15, 2009): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rei.3953.
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Shaidaeva, Marina Rakhmanovna. "Political-legal framework of international cooperation of the regions of Italy." Международные отношения, no. 3 (March 2020): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.33612.
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The object of this article is the foreign affairs of Italian regions with other countries and their territorial entities. Despite the unitary state structure, Italy is a bright example of “regionalistic” country, within the framework of which the individual administrative-territorial units receive high level of autonomy in different spheres, including international relations. Therefore, de facto Italy can be regarded as “quasi-federation”. Analysis is conducted on the historical peculiarities of foreign activity of the Italian regions. The author examines the norms of Italian legislation on the division of powers between the state and the regions, as well as refers to the statutes of separate regions of Italy in the aspect of regulation of international cooperation. The novelty of this research consists in the analysis of legal framework with regards to the activity of Italian regions as the subjects of international cooperation, their legal capacity in the context of the conducted in Italy policy of decentralization policy. The article determines the key prerequisites for the devolution process in Italy, including contradictions between the South and North of the country, rise of popularity of regionalistic political parties and movements in the 1980s – 1990s, as well as the policy of EU institutions aimed at the establishment of direct contacts between the regions of the European states. The conclusion is made that granting extended autonomy to the Italian regions in sphere of international relations testifies to the erosion of sovereignty towards subnational level, which in turn, allows us resolving the tasks of socioeconomic development of the territories, as well as establishment of cultural and humanitarian connections with foreign countries, including Russia. ,
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Spinosa, Claudia, Laura Angioletti, and Michela Balconi. "Health care of immigrant patients in Italy: the perspective of health professionals." Medicina e Morale 70, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.2021.936.
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Within a multicultural society, healthcare professionals (HPs) need to implement specific care pathways to meet the needs of patients with different cultural backgrounds who regularly present themselves in healthcare facilities in Italy. This study intends to examine the experiences and representations lived by HPs who deal with the care and management of foreign immigrant patients living in Italy, with chronic diseases. For this goal, a survey was conducted on a sample of 54 HPs recruited in hospital and outpatient facilities. The survey was analyzed with a quantitative analysis method. The results underlined that it is necessary to provide specific training paths to work with chronic immigrant patients, standardizing the training of medical staff both in hospitals and clinics, and providing for other types of professionals specialized in relations with foreign patients, to respond to all requests from foreign users, and not just healthcare ones. This study proposes a new survey model aimed at obtaining in-depth information on the representation of HPs towards the health and well-being of chronic immigrant patients, to provide concrete answers to the needs of the foreign population, providing for the collaboration of several specialised professionals.
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Piani, Lucia, Laura Pagani, Giulio Ellero, and Maria Chiara Zanarotti. "Empirical Evaluation of Vocation to Solidarity Economy Using Composite Indicators." Sustainability 11, no. 14 (July 18, 2019): 3910. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11143910.
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Many scholars today are deepening economic issues by looking at new paradigms based on the relationship between communities and the resources of the territory. The proposals are different, mainly focusing on economic theories such as solidarity economy, a mix of theories and practices based on equity, sustainability, democracy, and reciprocity. The growing legislation on solidarity economy implies to develop tools to support Administrations and Communities throughout the process of effective realization. The aim of this study is to propose a methodology for evaluating the Vocation to Solidarity Economy (VSE) by means of a composite indicator (VSE index) and apply it to the territory of Friuli Venezia Giulia Region in the northeast of Italy. A series of basic factors concerning social, economic, and environmental aspects was defined by multidisciplinary experts and used for VSE index calculations. The spatialization of VSE index allows the assessment of the vocation of territories in supporting the paths to become Communities of Solidarity Economy as defined by a recent regional law. As results of subsequent VSE spatialization we obtain the maps which highlight different characteristics within the Region (i.e. urban/rural relations) helping local administrations to improve current policies towards sustainability.
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Smaçi, Etleva. "Overview of Italian Government’s Stance on Albania’s Withdrawal from Warsaw Treaty de Facto in 1961 and de Jure in 1968." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p155.
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Abstract This article tries to analyze Italian government’s stance after Albania’s de facto withdrawal from the Warsaw Treaty in 1961 and de jure denunciation of this treaty in 1968. The retreat of Soviet troops from Vlora Naval Base had a considerable impact on Italy’s foreign relations with Albania in many regards. Concerning internal interests, Italy had a close relationship with Albania and had always demonstrated the willingness to enhance her influence in this respect. On the other hand, for Italy being a NATO member country, Albania’s withdrawal from the Warsaw Treaty was an enormous relief. The possibility that the two superpowers clash on the Adriatic Sea was considerably minimized. This led to a genuine interest in Albania. Albanian political immigrants in Italy played a major role in enhancing this attention. Nevertheless, because of the communist regime in Albania, the rapprochement wanted by Italy remained merely a desire which did not exceed bilateral economic relations. Viewed as an opportunity for Albania to open up to the West, this effort constitutes another chance deliberately “missed” by the regime at home.
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.
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Wank, Solomon. "The Archduke and Aehrenthal:The Origins of a Hatred." Austrian History Yearbook 33 (January 2002): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800013825.
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Archduke Francis Ferdinand's aversion to Foreign Minister Baron (after 1909 Count) Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal is well known. The heir to the throne's biographers cite policy differences with regard to Hungary and Italy, and the worsening of relations with Russia after the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in October 1908 as the reasons for this antipathy. These policy differences certainly existed. However, the recently published private correspondence between the two men from the time when Aehrenthal was foreign minister (1906–12) provides clues to other causes of their estrangement.
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Shumilov, M. M., and O. I. Shmidt. "South Tyrol Issue as a Factor of Interstate Relations between Italy and Austria." Administrative Consulting, no. 6 (August 8, 2020): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-6-64-81.
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The research highlights the ethnopolitical conflict within the European Union (using the example of the South Tyrol autonomy). The article states the reasons for the formation of separatist sentiments on the territory of this region, considers in detail the foreign policy activities of the Republic of Austria and the relationship between Austria and Italy. This paper discusses the historical background and the current state of the ethnopolitical conflict in the South Tyrol region. The purpose of the study is to disclose the nature and manifestations of the conflict, policy statements, documents, reasons and actions of Austrian and Italian officials, aimed at escalating as well as settlement of the conflict. Taking into consideration the objectives and preferences of the local population, the authors question the possibility of further autonomization of the Italian province and its political self-determination. However, they do not exclude the future aggravation of the conflict and exacerbation of the Austria-Italy relations in the context of the European Union transformation.
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Coticchia, Fabrizio. "A sovereignist revolution? Italy’s foreign policy under the “Yellow–Green” government." Comparative European Politics 19, no. 6 (October 21, 2021): 739–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-021-00259-0.
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AbstractIn Italy, the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Northern League (LN) formed a coalition government after the legislative elections of March 2018. What has been the actual impact of the populist executive in the Italian foreign policy? Relying on the (few) existing analyses that have developed specific hypotheses on the expected international repercussions of populist parties-ruled governments, the paper examines Italy’s foreign policy under the Italian “Yellow–Green” cabinet (June 2018–August 2019). The manuscript advances three hypotheses. First, the foreign policy of the Conte’s government has been featured by a personalistic and a centralized decision-making process. Second, the Yellow-Green executive has adopted a vocal confrontational stance on the world stage, especially within multilateral frameworks, to “take back control” over national sovereignty. Third, such sovereignist foreign policy was largely symbolic because of “strategic” populist attitudes toward public opinion and due to domestic and international constraints. The manuscript—which is based on secondary and primary sources, such as interviews with former ministers, MPs, and diplomats—aims at offering a new perspective on populist parties and foreign policy, alimenting the rising debate on foreign policy change.
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Ungari, Andrea. "Umberto Zanotti Bianco and the Mogadishu events of 1948." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532941003676454.
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Soon after the Second World War and the signing of the 1947 Peace Treaty, Italy was faced with the traumatic loss of its African colonial Empire, an Empire whose establishment had been one of the main objectives of the Fascist regime's foreign policy. This article analyses Anglo-Italian relations in the Somalian context, highlighting the contributions made by Fascism and by the anti-Italian policies of British troops to the tensions that were to lead to the tragic events of January 1948. Attention is focused on the diplomatic mission carried out by Umberto Zanotti Bianco, President of the Italian Red Cross, an important figure in Italian Liberalism. Zanotti Bianco was conscious of the need for Italy to rejoin the ‘club’ of democratic powers and, in accordance with the diplomatic strategy of Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza, he sought to reopen dialogue between Britain and Italy. The dispute between Italy and Britain brought about by the Mogadishu events and, more generally, by the Italian presence in Africa was soon brought to a close, due both to Zanotti Bianco's shrewd strategy and to the clear need for the Western Allies to strengthen De Gasperi's government on the eve of the decisive April 1948 elections.
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GRAZIANI, SOFIA. "The Case of Youth Exchanges and Interactions Between the PRC and Italy in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 194–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000305.
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AbstractSoon after the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC), youth exchanges came to be a major part of the Chinese campaign to reach out and influence the people of other nations. Despite the growing scholarly discussion regarding the role of people-to-people diplomacy and external propaganda in China's foreign policy, so far no direct attention has been paid to the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to institutionalize youth exchanges and use them as a tool to promote the new Chinese government's foreign relations. This article locates the position of young people within the PRC's people-to-people diplomacy. It attempts to explore youth exchanges with the West in the early years of the Cold War by focusing on relations between Italian and Chinese youth groups in the 1950s. Relying mainly on unexplored archival material and memoirs, this article documents contacts and exchanges between adult-led youth organizations and their members, and shows how Italian left-wing party-affiliated youth groups and Soviet-dominated transnational organizations provided important channels for Sino-Italian encounters and for building long-lasting contacts among potential future leaders of these countries.
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Lazzerini, Marzia, Simone Benvenuto, Ilaria Mariani, Giorgio Fedele, Pasqualina Leone, Paola Stefanelli, Giada Vittori, et al. "Evolution of SARS-CoV-2 IgG Seroprevalence in Children and Factors Associated with Seroconversion: Results from a Multiple Time-Points Study in Friuli-Venezia Giulia Region, Italy." Children 9, no. 2 (February 12, 2022): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/children9020246.
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Data on the effective burden of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in the pediatric population are limited. We aimed at assessing the prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 IgG antibodies in children at three subsequent time-points. The study was conducted between January 2021 and July 2021 among children referring to the Research Institute for Maternal and Child Health “Burlo Garofolo” in Trieste, a referral regional hospital in Friuli Venezia Giulia, Italy. A multivariate analysis was conducted to assess factors independently associated with seroconversion. A total of 594 children were included. Anti-SARS-CoV-2 trimeric Spike protein IgG antibodies were found in 32 (15.4%) children tested in April-May and in 20 (11.8%) in June–July 2021, compared with 24 (11.1%) of those tested in January–February 2021 (p = 0.37, Armitage exact test for trend over time p = 0.76). A subgroup analysis and a multivariate logistic regression analysis were performed considering sociodemographic, clinical, and historical variables. Three categories of children showed statistically significant increased odds of positive anti-SARS-CoV-2 IgG antibodies: children previously positive to a nasopharyngeal swab (AdjOR 15.41, 95%CI 3.44–69.04, p < 0.001), cohabitant with a person with an history of a previous positive nasopharyngeal swab (AdjOR 9.95, 95%CI 5.35–18.52, p < 0.001), and children with a foreign citizenship (AdjOR 2.4, 95%CI 1.05–5.70, p = 0.002). The study suggests that seroprevalence studies may be of limited help in estimating the prevalence of the COVID-19 pandemic in children. Further studies are needed to identify other markers of previous SARS-CoV-2 infection in children, such as CD4+ T cells or memory B-cells.
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Fellini, Ivana, Pedro Góis, and José Carlos Marques. "The process of recruitment of immigrants in the construction sector. The cases of Italy and Portugal." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 452–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900307.
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This article deals with the recruitment and employment of foreign workers in the Italian and Portuguese construction sectors. The two countries show a very similar structure and organisation of the sector. Nevertheless, Italy only ‘imports’ immigrants for the sector whereas Portugal both imports foreign labour and exports construction workers on the European market. On the basis of a comparative analysis of the occupational structure of foreign workers and of interviews with construction employers in the two countries this article examines such differences and discusses how (also with reference to irregular work and the underground economy) and why the construction sector represents a key sector for the economic insertion and adaptation of immigrants in the Mediterranean area. Skills shortages and labour cost issues are highlighted as factors affecting recruitment of foreigners in a sector characterised by a very high level of deregulation and informality, and in which processes of downsizing on the one hand and externalisation on the other have had as an important outcome the nearly exclusive role of subcontracting in the recruitment of semi- and low-skilled workers.
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Bederman, David J. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 2 (April 2012): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.2.0271.
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Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.
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Khvan, Maria Sergeyevna. "Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 11 (November 13, 2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.11.14.
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The paper focuses on the analysis of Brazilian for-eign policy under Jair Bolsonaro since his inaugura-tion as president in January 2019 up to the present moment. This study examines Jair Bolsonaro’s per-sonality and the influence of Brazilian president’s certain character traits on foreign policy decisions. The author concludes that Jair Bolsonaro has won presidential election in autumn 2018 largely due to disenchantment of Brazilians with socially oriented public policy. Due to the fact that Jair Bolsonaro adheres to the right-wing radical views, thinks of himself as anti-globalist and advocates the devel-opment of bilateral relations at the expense of multi-lateral ones, even before he came to power re-searchers and political experts had predicted Brazil’s rapprochement with the USA, Italy and Israel, a cold snap in bilateral relations with China, a coming rup-ture in relations with Cuba and Venezuela and Bra-zil’s withdrawal from the UN, the OAS, Mercosur, UNASUR and the BRICS. Reality, however, turned out to be much more challenging and the forecasts of political experts came true only partially. Since from the very beginning J. Bolsonaro was supported by such various groups as the military, evangelicals, representatives of agribusiness, economists, they often suggested to him absolutely contradictory foreign policy decisions. As a result, almost any step in the international arena was replaced by a retreat: criticism of China's expansion was followed by the signing of economic agreements with him, after the announcement of the intention to move the embas-sy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, followed by visits to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Although J. Bolsonaro criticized multilateral diplomacy, he achieved the signing of agreements between Mer-cosur and the EU, Mercosur and EFTA. Nevertheless, the President of Brazil has invariably adhered to the course of automatic alignment with the United States and developed relations mainly with regimes close to him in ideology. It is difficult to judge how correct this strategy was, but in the future the Brazil-ian government must first of all be guided by the interests of the country, remember the need for its autonomy and economic prosperity.
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Kuzmin, Dmitrii. "The goals and objectives of Italy in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War: position in the League of Nations and propaganda." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35147.
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This article gives an assessment one of the most notable episodes of the interwar period in the history of international relations – the development of Italian foreign policy in the context of the Italo-Ethiopian war. In the early 1935, Italy was ruled by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. One of the cornerstones of his foreign policy paradigm was the creation of the “New Roman Empire”. One of the initial targets of his expansion were Ethiopia and the Mediterranean. Italy replenishes its military and economic resources; however, it was deficient to achieve the set foreign policy goals. Therefore, the war in Ethiopia became one of the key vector of Rome’s official diplomacy. The warfare also unfolded in the ideological context – propaganda, politics within the League of Nations, and interlocutory instructions to the diplomats. The scientific novelty is defined by the absence of comprehensive research on the topic. The relevance of lies the fact that the Russian historiography did not give due attention dedicated to the secret plans of Italy during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. However, namely the plans of Cesare De Vecchi and Emilio De Bono that shed light on the crucial nuance of the Italian diplomacy of this period, and allow to properly stress topic and priorities with regards to foreign policy. This the article analyzes the ration between the objectives in Ethiopia and the Mediterranean basin –the cornerstone task within the framework of building a New Roman Empire.
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Sicurelli, Daniela. "Italian cooperation with Mozambique: explaining the emergence and consolidation of a normative power." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 254–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.38.
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AbstractItaly has developed a long-dated partnership with Mozambique, where it has emerged as an actor committed to norm promotion in the fields of conflict management, debt relief, and sustainable energy cooperation. This paper challenges the dominant interpretation of such a cooperative relationship that emphasizes ideational motivations and focuses, instead, on the role of Italian investors in the sectors of infrastructure and energy and of the Italian economic diplomacy. A favorable institutional and political climate in Italy has channeled investors' demands in the policy process since the independence of Mozambique. The late institutionalization of Italian development policy, the long gestation of the reform of development policy, and the lack of clear-cut borders between the competences of foreign and development cooperation institutions have empowered business groups that shape the investment strategy of the Italian foreign ministry as actors in development policy-making. Finally, convergence of interests between Italian investors and the NGO Sant'Egidio, which ultimately led to a partnership between these actors, has increased the legitimacy of Italian foreign and development policy toward Mozambique, contributing to consolidating Italy as a norm promoter in the country.
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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 8 (August 15, 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.
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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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Kucherenko, Oleksii. "FRANCHISING AGREEMENT UNDER THE LEGISLATION OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-33-37.
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The article is devoted to the topical issue of studying the foreign experience of legal regulation of the franchise agreement. The author emphasizes that there is no comprehensive full-fledged regulation of the franchise agreement either in the national legislation of individual EU member states or at the international level. The article focuses on the franchisor's obligation to enter into an agreement to provide future franchisees with information about doing business under the franchise system, including the basic conditions of the franchise, data on the number of franchisees in the network, its growth, financial performance, etc. The experience of legal regulation of a franchise agreement in such foreign countries as the USA, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Spain, Estonia, Lithuania, Australia, etc. is considered. The duality of the legal regulation of franchising at the federal and local levels, as well as the prevalence of the most favorable rules for franchisors (USA) is demonstrated. The author focuses on the experience of the institute of self-regulation of franchising and the establishment of appropriate criteria for franchise companies in the absence of government regulation (Britain). The need to adopt a single institutional law in the field of franchising and to enshrine in it all the key terms used in franchising: the actual franchise agreement, know-how, entrance fee, royalties (periodic payments for the use of intellectual property), the franchisor's goods (Italy). It is expedient to establish a provision on mandatory pre-contractual disclosure of information, according to which the counterparty is provided with information on experience, company experience, prospects for the development of the relevant market, duration of the agreement, terms of renewal or termination of contractual relations (France).
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Kireitseva, O. V., and O. V. Zhylin. "Foreign regulation experience of the agricultural land market." Bioeconomics and Agrarian Business 11, no. 3 (March 3, 2021): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31548/bioeconomy2020.03.037.
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The article examines theoretical formation foundations of functioning system of the agricultural land market in foreign countries. It is analyzed basic and special parameters of the legislative framework on land, protection of rights and opportunities of land owners, purchase and sale procedures in the context of land relations. It has been determined that the success of land reforms and the effectiveness of implementation and functioning of the land market depend on the level of their scientific substantiation, state regulation and measures to coordinate interests of its participants. Land relations are governed by norms of civil, administrative law, or by special laws dedicated to certain types of land relations, as well as laws on agrarian and land reforms in foreign countries. Such key aspects of public regulation are considered in: the taxation system, the credit and financial mechanism, antimonopoly policy, special targeted programs. There is various level of centralization and decentralization of land management, representative bodies of territorial communities that have different powers to regulate land use, organizational and legal forms of land use and forms of ownership of land resources that are not the same in countries with different socio-political systems. It has been determined that the legal regulation of land potential should contain effective aspects of the practical application of norms in real context. That is not only the normative existence of functioning rules, but also the practical aspect of ensuring the implementation of the state's land potential through local authorities within the land areas. This issue can be analyzed by the experience of foreign countries, such as the USA, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Cyprus, Israel.
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lrwin, Julia F. "Nation Building and Rebuilding: The American Red Cross in Italy During the Great War." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 8, no. 3 (July 2009): 407–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001328.
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During World War I, hundreds of Americans traveled to Italy as volunteers for the American Red Cross (ARC). Through their relief activities for Italian civilians, these individuals served both diplomatic and social-reform agendas. They packaged medical and social aid with a clear message of American alliance, presenting the ARC as a vanguard of the U.S. military that was prepared to assist Italy's war effort in the absence of American troops. Emphasizing American methods, expertise, and alliance, ARC representatives also enacted reforms with the ambition to mold Italy into their vision of a modern western nation. This article argues that international humanitarian aid buttressed U.S. international involvement, both political and cultural, during the Wilsonian era. Further, by examining the connections between social politics and foreign relations in Italy, it demonstrates that the boundaries of the transatlantic progressive community extended beyond the North Atlantic.
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Calandri, Elena. "Italy, the developing world, and aid policy, 1969–1979: the ‘historic compromise’ and Italian foreign policy." Cold War History 19, no. 3 (February 10, 2019): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1556640.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 2 (June 1999): 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000217.
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On 10 February 1999, H.E. Ms. Anna Lindh, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden visited the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to sign an Agreement with the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. The Agreement with Sweden differs from the previously concluded agreements with Italy, Finland and Norway in that it is limited to convicted persons with strong ties to Sweden.
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Sarr, Mamadou Lamine. "Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics and International Relations. The Case of Italy, Elisabetta Brighi, 2013, Londres, Routledge, 193 p." Études internationales 46, no. 1 (2015): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1033383ar.
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Negri, Stefania. "Sovereign Immunity v. Redress for War Crimes: The Judgment of the International Court of Justice in the Case Concerning Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy)." International Community Law Review 16, no. 1 (February 3, 2014): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341273.
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Abstract In the judgment delivered in the case concerning Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy), the International Court of Justice held that under the present state of international customary law State immunity encompasses all acta jure imperii, regardless of whether they are unlawful. Following the ruling that States are entitled to jurisdictional immunities before foreign courts even if their sovereign acts amount to violations of peremptory norms, the Court found that Italy had violated Germany’s immunity from jurisdiction and enforcement. In rendering such a conservative judgment, the Court missed a double opportunity: to contribute to the development of international law by interpreting the rule on sovereign immunity in harmony with international human rights law and its dynamics, and to finally serve justice for the victims of war crimes.
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Andreopoulos, George J. "The International Financial Commission and Anglo-Greek Relations (1928–1933)." Historical Journal 31, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012917.
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The final phase of Venizelism (1928–1933) has traditionally been considered as a period of considerable foreign policy accomplishments (e.g. friendship treaties with Italy, Yugoslavia and Turkey). Yet despite the attention which has been paid to these agreements, the period was clearly marked by the government's drive towards internal infrastructural changes via its commitment to extensive public works programmes. This effort necessitated a huge influx of capital from abroad; in fact, in the period between 1924 and 1931 more money entered the country than at any time since 1875–90. In this context, Britain's influential role was further enhanced as a result of the indispensability of the London credit market, and her financial presence in Greece was to set the tone and pace of Anglo-Greek relations. Probably no institution reflected this uneven relation more accurately than the International Financial Commission (I.F.C).
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Sukhodolov, Yakov. "Current State of Russo-Chinese Investment Cooperation." Russian and Chinese Studies 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2020.4(1).10-17.
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China is traditionally a leading foreign trade partner of Russia. And its share in the total volume of foreign trade has a positive dynamics. At the same time, the dynamics of the Russo-Chinese investment cooperation sufficiently lags behind the dynamics of development of the Russo-Chinese foreign trade relations. At present, China considerably lags behind France, Germany, Great Britain and Italy in regard to direct investments in Russia’ economy. The major part of direct investments from China falls upon the mining and petrochemical industries, the wood and paper complex, the agriculture, and the real estate sphere. At the same time, the Chinese investors also implement several investment projects in the machine-building sphere. The Russo-Chinese cooperation has good prospects, especially in the sphere of implementing joint transport-logistic and infrastructural projects, as well as the projects in processing industry.
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Crudo, Maurizio. "Greek Migrations along the Ionian Coast (Southern Italy)." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 3 (December 31, 2018): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v3i0.379.
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In the previous century, ancient migration was explained on the basis of the occurrence and quantities of imported archaeological artefacts, and with interpretations made in alignment with the ancient written sources. This was so too with the Greek migration into Southern Italy, often referred to as ‘Greek colonization’. This paper will focus on the relations between indigenous peoples and Greek newcomers in Southern Italy, taking the Sibaritide area as its focal point, as well as on the methods for identifying these foreign newcomers through the analyses of the archaeological record. From the end of the ninth century BCE, a Euboean-Levantine presence is detectable in the Western Mediterranean, including Northern Africa, Spain and Italy. In the first half of the eighth century BC in the Sibaritide, a Greek-indigenous coexistence emerged in the settlement of Timpone della Motta. This coexistence entailed a shared and mixed cultural framework at the site, which is reflected in the local pottery production. Based on the study of the ceramic technology, this paper seeks to shed light on the possibilities and limitations of technological analysis for identifying migration features in the archaeological record.