Academic literature on the topic 'Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations"
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Pauluzzo, Rubens. "Foreign Market Entry Strategies in the North-Adriatic Area." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jissc.2013010101.
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The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.
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Raynkhardt, R. O. "“Italy System” as a Case of Innovative Economic Diplomacy." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-165-173.
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The article deals with the description and analysis of functioning of the Italian national system of economic diplomacy.The author provides an insight into the historical and economic background and conditions of its development from the earliest stages to present time focusing on the latest events (from 2010 onwards).He casts light upon the procedures and mechanisms of interaction between the key national economic-diplomatic agents i.e. ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of economic development, export-promotion agency ITA, investment-attraction agency Invitalia, other authorized bodies (in particular, the Coordination Council on the Internationalization of the Italian Economy - CRII), public and private institutes. The article outlines the main principles of the new system of foreign economic policy "Sistema Paese" which is being implemented since 2011. This concept is based upon efficient cooperation ("team play") between the chief institutes of economic diplomacy with a system approach to elaboration and realizing measures aimed at the internationalization of the Italian business. Innovative elements of "Sistema Paese" do not just imply another reorganization of the MFA, but a completely new approach to issues concerning the position of Italy on the world arena. The author looks into concrete mechanisms of economic diplomacy which basically include measures of national export promotion and assistance to Italian companies in the course of new markets penetration, as well as measures on attraction of foreign direct investment inter alia from developing countries. He mentions that subnational regions of Italy, especially Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Veneto and Sicily, tend to be more and more involved into processes of FDI attraction. Another important trend and particular feature of Italy's modern economic diplomacy is the practice of decentralization of financial management within the MFA system through providing the heads of diplomatic representations with specific competences in this area. Finally, a special emphasis is put on the tight link between instruments of "soft power" and economic diplomacy and their institutional usage, which has deep historical roots.
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Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.
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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.
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Manzato, Agostino. "Hail in Northeast Italy: A Neural Network Ensemble Forecast Using Sounding-Derived Indices." Weather and Forecasting 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/waf-d-12-00034.1.
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Abstract In a previous work, the hailpad data collected over the plain of the Friuli Venezia Giulia region in northeast Italy during the April–September 1992–2009 period were studied through a bivariate analysis with 52 sounding-derived indices from the Udine–Campoformido station (WMO code 16044). The results showed statistically significant relations but, nevertheless, were not completely satisfactory from a practical point of view. In the current work, a prognostic multivariate analysis is performed, using linear and nonlinear approaches, finding the best results with an ensemble of neural networks. For the hail occurrence–classification problem, a novel method for combining binary classifiers (a variant of the Mojirsheibani major voting algorithm) is introduced. For the hail extension–regression problem the ensemble is built by choosing the members with a bagging algorithm, but combining them with a linear multiregression, in order to increase the forecast variability.
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Hasenauer, Leonie. "Food Relates: Positionings in Space, Time and Society in the German Language Pockets of Sauris and Timau (Italy)." European Countryside 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 696–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/euco-2022-0035.
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Abstract The author analyses positionings in space, time and society that inhabitants of Sauris and Timau, German language pockets in Friuli, construct in qualitative interviews about food. Positionings of the self are immanent when interviewees speak about, represent and relate to times they, their parents or grandparents have experienced, as well as frequented localities and known persons. Relations, which outreach the places, are established through the preparation and consumption of specific foods because it evokes memories, emotions, feelings, and transmits values. Dishes with dialectal German names that are associated with the place and food, which had been consumed daily in the agrarian past became particular. In order to negotiate meanings and to identify with places and people, common food preparation, consumption and reflections are necessary, and individual interpretations need to be accepted.
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Kupchyk, O. "ITALY IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE, 1921-1923." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.3.
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The circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with the Kingdom of Italy in the early 1920s are revealed. The contractual basis, organizational forms of trade activity of Soviet Ukraine in Italy have been clarified. Persons of sales representatives were established (V. Vorovskyi, A. Feinstein). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Rome in the foreign trade activities of Soviet Ukraine is revealed. The place of the Italian market in export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. After studying national historiography, it was found that the trade relations of the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s with the Kingdom of Italy were not the subject of scientific study in contemporary Ukrainian historians. In turn, it was found that in trying to forge trade relations with Italy, the Ukrainian adviser noted that she sought to rebuild the international influence, lost after the First World War through Great Britain and France. It was informed that after the conclusion of the Preliminary Trade Agreement on December 26, 1921, Soviet Ukraine and Italy exchanged trade representatives. The duties of Soviet Ukraine’s sales representative in Italy were first performed by Russian Trade Representative V. Vorovskyi and then by Russian Trade Representative A. Feinstein. There were 5 people employed in the Ukrainian SSR’s sales office in Italy. They thoroughly explored the Italian markets (Genoa, Milan, Roman). The article shows the interest of Italian traders in Ukrainian timber, coal, scrap metal, linen cake. It is noted that the sales representatives of Soviet Ukraine initially studied the possibility of selling on the Italian market of guts, skin, horse hair, wool. They then explored the possibility of selling cattle, wheat, barley, corn, caustic soda and soda ash. It was noted that together with Russian and Italian traders the Russian-Italian Trading Company was created, which had the task not only for export-import of goods, but also for obtaining concessions by the Italian entrepreneurs in Ukraine. It has been reported that Italian workers sent food aid (sowing grain) to Ukraine for the money raised.
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KENZHALINA, Gulsum, Aliya KUSSAINOVA, Duman AITMAGAMBETOV, and Moldir BOLYSBEKOVA. "The role of cultural diplomacy in relations between Kazakhstan and Italy." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2020-74-3-57-66.
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At the present stage, cultural diplomacy plays an important role in relations between countries. The implementation of cultural diplomacy contributes not only to the promotion of the country's interests abroad in the field of cultural policy, but also can create favorable conditions for the effective achievement of the country's foreign policy goals in other areas (for example, economic). The article deals with the bilateral cultural diplomacy of Kazakhstan and Italy. Cultural contacts between the two countries, starting from the early Middle Ages, are consistently examined and analyzed, on the basis of which a conclusion is drawn about the effectiveness of certain aspects of foreign cultural policy in creating bilateral relations. An attempt was also made to answer the question of how cultural methods can contribute to the harmonization of relations between Kazakhstan and Italy at the present stage, and whether they can significantly affect the current state of their political and economic cooperation.
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Bavaresco, L., J. Lemaignen, E. Neethling, C. Squeri, and C. Coulon-Leroy. "Influence of pedoclimatic factors on grapevine performance and berry ripening: Preliminary results of Chardonnay grown in Friuli Venezia Giulia region, Italy." BIO Web of Conferences 15 (2019): 01010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/bioconf/20191501010.
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The concept of terroir is widely used in the wine industry, and many studies are undertaken to better understand the influence of local terrain features on produced wines. In this context, this study monitored nine Chardonnay plots in the Fruili wine region of Italy to gather information on grapevine growth and berry ripening. The study objective was to define viticulture potentialities allowing to identify future strategies for the production of a “single vineyard” Chardonnay wine at the Vie di Romans estate, Italy. During the growing season of 2017, relations were studied between terrain features and field observations on vine phenology and grape ripening. Stem water potential and gas exchange measurements were also effectuated. Results show that there are significant differences between the studied plots. Earliness of the grapevine cycle between the plots has been less evident to determine than the variation in berry characteristics. The latter were linked with identified pedoclimatic units, but the effect of the cultural practices should not be overlooked. The study should be perceived as a first monitoring campaign, highlighting the important differences between study plots. Further investigation in the following seasons should give a more accurate perception of individual plot characteristics and their impacts.
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Marchigiani, Elena. "An Accessible City is a Healthy and People-Centred Smart City." International Journal of Urban Planning and Smart Cities 1, no. 2 (July 2020): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijupsc.2020070105.
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Accessibility for all is an inspiring issue for future urban agendas. In European cities, the ageing of urban population and the growth of social and economic disparities call for interdisciplinary reflection and practice on the relations between well-being and inclusion and the organization and upgrading of public facilities. The challenge is to ensure the usability of urban spaces to the largest extent of persons, according to their different capabilities. Based on research developed at the University of Trieste (Italy), and taking the region Friuli Venezia Giulia as its main study context, the article questions a variety of recent urban tools and policies in order to show their level of innovation and the obstacles that still oppose their more effective integration. The aim is to highlight possible fields for public action and the need to rethink planning instruments and technical skills in the frame of a user experience and smart design approach.
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Coralluzzo, Valter. "Italy and the Mediterranean: Relations with the Maghreb countries." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962017.
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After outlining the trends of Italian Mediterranean politics, this article examines the relationship between Italy and the Maghreb region. As a result of its central geographic position, acting as a natural bridge between Europe and Africa, Italy is undoubtedly more exposed and vulnerable than other countries to any critical developments in the political and economic situation of this area, so it is understandable that it occupies an increasingly important position in Italian foreign policy. Italy has especially considered it in its national interest to make it a specific, high priority to contribute to stabilising this region through multilateral and bilateral initiatives aimed at reinforcing political dialogue and economic cooperation with the coastal countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean. The aim has been to create a safety net around Italian maritime borders against the risks posed by an uncontrolled increase in migration (to which Italy is more exposed than other countries), the instability of North African energy resources and Islamist terrorists infiltrating Italian territory. Apart from examining the concerns regarding the Maghreb region that have become crucially important for Italian national interests (security, immigration, development, energy), the article analyses the salient elements of bilateral relations between Italy and the Maghreb countries, particularly Libya.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations"
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.
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This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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De, Simone Carolina. "Italy and the community of Sant'Egidio in the 1990s : 'coopetition' in post-Cold War Italian foreign policy?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3623/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore a specific feature of post-Cold War Italian foreign policy, throwing light from a perspective blending Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and other International Relations (IR) insights, on the interactions occurred in the 1990s between the Italian state institutions and the Community of Sant’Egidio (CSE), a Catholic lay organisation, one of the most influential non-governmental organisations (NGOs) based in Italy, with a remarkable level of international activity. Firstly, this work offers a detailed account of the Italian “Foreign Policy Community” (Santoro 1991; Hilsman 1967 and 1993) and of the Community of Sant’Egidio, taking into consideration the international and domestic changes occurred after the demise of the Cold War, in order to understand where foreign policy governmental actors and a non state actor (NSA) such as Sant’Egidio fit within the bigger picture of the foreign policy process in Italy. This mapping exercise demonstrates that the country’s foreign policy setting is rather fragmented, featuring a) centres of power and influence scattered along different “rings”, according to the different issues and subpolicies at stake, on a case-by-case basis; and b) an institutional “inner ring” with a relatively high number of “access points” for external actors, i.e. a proactive NGO such as Sant'Egidio, which is located in the “second ring”. Secondly, after identifying slowly emerging “policy subsystems” (Verbeek and van Ufford 2001) in the specific foreign policy subfields of a) preventive diplomacy/crisis management and b) peace-making, in which the Italian governmental foreign policy machinery and the Community are among the extremely small number of actors playing a role and enjoying a certain degree of policy autonomy, this thesis focuses on these two foreign policy areas, in order to try to understand how relations unfolded between the two actors in the cases of the Algerian crisis of 1994-1998 and of the Mozambican peace process of 1990-1992. The examination of these events has showed both competitive (even conflicting) and cooperative relations, respectively on the Algerian dossier and in the Mozambican case. This thesis argues therefore that “coopetition”, a concept borrowed from literature on regulatory theory, and defined as “a flexible mix of competition and cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors” (Esty and Geradin 2000), is – with some modifications – possibly the most accurate definition to capture the nature of interactions analysed.
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Napolitano, Paul. "International football and international relations football as foreign policy between Italy and England, 1933, 1934, 1939 /." Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23243.
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Tollardo, Elisabetta. "Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
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SANCHEZ, CAMACHO Alberto. "'Up and down' : Genoese financiers and their relational capital in the early reign of Philip II." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69995.
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Defence date: 26 January 2021Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
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Fronzaglia, Mauricio Loboda. "Políticas pública internacionais = o caso do processo de Bolonha." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281027.
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Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira CostaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O estudo do Processo de Bolonha como exemplo de Política Pública Internacional é o objeto dessa tese de doutorado. Tendo suas origens na ação dos Ministros responsáveis pelo ensino superior de 29 Estados europeus, o Processo de Bolonha se caracteriza como uma política pública que tem sua gênese e sua dinâmica de interações constituídas no plano internacional e que tem sua implementação dependente das ações nacionais dos Estados participantes, configurando-se como uma política pública que se desenvolve para além dos limites nacionais do Estado, por isso definida nesse trabalho como uma política pública internacional. A tese se desenvolveu seguindo as diretrizes teóricas e metodológicas da sociologia política da ação pública, concentrando-se na dinâmica de interação (internacional e nacional) de três dos seus principais atores: os Ministros responsáveis pelo ensino superior, as universidades e os estudantes (através das ações das suas entidades representativas européias, respectivamente a EUA - European University Association e a ESU - European Students' Union) de forma a demonstrar que o desenvolvimento do Processo de Bolonha é o resultado de interações constantes dos seus atores
Abstract: The purpose of this Ph.D dissertation is to study the Bologna Process, which can be considered an example of International Public Policy. This dissertation has been developed according to the theory and methods of sociological politics of public action. It focused the national and international interaction dynamics of the three main actors: the ministers of higher level education, the universities and the students (by the actions of their representative organizations: European University Association and European Students Union). The Bologna Process was created by the actions from the ministers of higher level education among 29 European countries. This process can be considered as an example of international public policy because its foundation and its dynamics are crossing borders but it relies on national level in order to apply the policies. This dissertation shows that the Bologna Process is a result from the regular interaction from its actors
Doutorado
Relações Internacionais
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Heurtebize, Frédéric. "L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.
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Principalement représentée par les partis communistes italien et français, quoiqu'à des degrés divers, la mouvance eurocommuniste entendait mettre en œuvre un socialisme compatible avec le système politique occidental. Cette volonté se traduisait par un engagement en faveur des libertés et du pluralisme politique, par une prise de distance avec le modèle soviétique et par la volonté de former des alliances. En 1972, en France, socialistes et communistes scellent l’Union de la gauche tandis qu’en Italie, en 1973, le PC appelle à un compromis historique avec la Démocratie chrétienne. Quoique différente à maints égards, la situation dans les deux pays fait renaître outre-Atlantique une crainte qu’on croyait écartée : l’arrivée au pouvoir de PC en Europe de l’Ouest. Cette étude s’attache à examiner l’attitude des États-Unis – notamment l’exécutif et son appareil diplomatique – face à cette menace. La période à l’étude (1974-81) couvre l’émergence, l’apogée et le déclin de l’eurocommunisme et correspond aux présidences Ford (1974-77) et Carter (1977-81). Cette thèse se fonde principalement sur l’examen des archives américaines (présidence, département d’État et CIA) ainsi que sur de nombreux entretiens. L’administration Ford, et Henry Kissinger en particulier, se montra plus inquiète que l’administration Carter. Par ailleurs, quels que furent les dirigeants au pouvoir, la situation italienne suscita plus de craintes que la situation française, à tel point que, sous Carter, le Parti socialiste jouit d’un capital de sympathie élevé au sein de l’administration. Cette étude souligne aussi des différences significatives d’appréciations entre l’exécutif, d’un côté, et les ambassades, les différents services d’analyse et de renseignement américains de l’autre. Pour ces derniers, la participation de ministres communistes dans des gouvernements d’Europe occidentale eût certes causé de réelles difficultés, mais des difficultés surmontablesEurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power
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Passos, Rogério Duarte Fernandes dos. "Espaço europeu de ensino superior e a questão da cidadania europeia." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/330303.
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Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar PereiraTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O trabalho discute a relação da constituição da cidadania europeia com o auxílio da universidade, em particular por meio do estabelecimento da União Europeia e da criação do Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior. Em assim sendo, após resgate histórico do Processo de Bolonha ¿ que no ano de 2010 conformou o Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior ¿, supõe-se a universidade europeia como locus de contribuição para a cidadania europeia, trazida à tona pelo Tratado de Maastricht de 1992. Tem-se, por conseguinte, a universidade como espaço para acréscimo ao conteúdo da cidadania, não ficando o conceito alicerçado exclusivamente no Estado nacional como a sua unidade básica, uma vez que se identifica a proposta de realizá-la, igualmente, nos campos do saber e da cultura. Para tanto, da mesma forma colhe-se os elementos de uma trajetória de grande atualidade para o contexto político e educacional, apta a visualizar uma Europa não apenas fincada nas questões econômicas, mas, por conseguinte, nas morais e culturais, representando eixo de orientação ao caminho trilhado pelo Processo de Bolonha em direção a valores caros aos seres humanos, tendo a educação superior e as universidades enquanto panos de fundo e como portadoras de uma missão e de uma responsabilidade, no bojo de um itinerário em que elas mesmas podem se proporcionar no contexto de reforma uma autorreflexão e reposicionamento em face das questões do momento contemporâneo
Abstract: The work discusses the relationship of the constitution of European citizenship with the help of the university, specifically through the establishment of the European Union and the creation of the European Higher Education Area. That being so, after historic rescue of the Bologna Process ¿ who in 2010 resigned the European Higher Education Area ¿, it is assumed that the European university as a locus of contribution for European citizenship, brought out by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. There is, therefore, the university as a space to increase the content of citizenship, not getting the concept rooted exclusively in the national state as its basic unit, since it identifies the proposal to do it also in the fields knowledge and culture. Therefore, in the same way draw in the elements of a great current trajectory for political and educational context, able to see a Europe not just stuck on economic issues, but therefore the moral and cultural, representing orientation axis the path taken by the Bologna Process towards values cherished by humans, with higher education and universities as backdrops and as having a mission and a responsibility, in the midst of a journey in which they themselves can provide in the context of reform one self-reflection and repositioning in view of the question of the contemporary moment
Doutorado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Doutor em Educação
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Turiano, Annalaura. "De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.
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En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en ÉgypteIn 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt
Books on the topic "Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations"
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Dinger, Dörte. Zwischen Furcht und Bewunderung?: Italienische Haltungen zur neuen deutschen Aussenpolitik. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2006.
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Italian foreign policy: The statecraft of the founders. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1996.
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Dinger, Dörte. From friends to collaborators: A constructivist analysis of changes in Italo-German relations with the end of the Cold War. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013.
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editor, Gavinelli Dino, and Lucchesi Flavio editor, eds. Italy and China: An evolving geographical perspective. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 2014.
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Wollemborg, Leo J. Stars, stripes, and Italian tricolor: The United States and Italy, 1946-1989. New York: Praeger, 1990.
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Wollemborg, Leo J. Stars, stripes, and Italian tricolor: The United Statesand Italy, 1946-1989. New York: Praeger, 1990.
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Schmitz, David F. The United States and fascist Italy, 1922-1940. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988.
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Keaveney, Arthur. Rome and the unification of Italy. London: Croom Helm, 1987.
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Keaveney, Arthur. Rome and the unification of Italy. 2nd ed. Exeter, Devon, UK: Bristol Phoenix Press, 2005.
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Rome and the unification of Italy. London: Croom Helm, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations"
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Cesa, Marco, and Sonia Lucarelli. "Introduzione. Umberto Gori e le Relazioni Internazionali in Italia." In Studi e saggi, 7–15. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-595-0.01.
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Umberto Gori has held the first chair of International Relations in Italy and has been the first scholar to address a series of central topics in the analysis of foreign policy and international politics. Those who browse, even if only rapidly, his rich bibliography cannot but be struck by the great variety of the topics examined: from the first works of a predominantly legal nature, we move on to studies centered on methodological and epistemological issues, relations between states, analysis of foreign policy in general and Italian foreign policy in particular, Peace Research, strategic affairs, intelligence, and finally the impact of the information and digital revolution on international politics and contemporary strategy. What holds together so many different issues is, firstly, a constant attention to methodology and, secondly, a clear preference for a predominantly operational approach, in the belief that knowledge must always be functional to decision and action. These basic attitudes are reflected not only in his strongly characterized research agenda, but also in the twofold nature of his teaching commitment: on the one hand, Gori taught outside the university classrooms, at military and governmental institutions, for decades; on the other hand, he introduced issues traditionally reserved to diplomacy and security institutions into the Italian academic context. Such a propensity to build bridges between different worlds - academic, military, technological, diplomatic, financial - and a research vocation that has never failed make Umberto Gori a figure indissolubly linked to the birth and development of International Relations in Italy.
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Kamiński, Tomasz, and Michał Gzik. "Italy." In The Role of Regions in EU-China Relations. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8142-517-9.04.
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Fast growing network of national contacts in the Sino-Italian affairs builds the important layer of subnational bilateral relations. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of paradiplomatical cooperation between Italian and Chinese regions. This paper contains a short overview of bilateral Italian-Chinese relations in political, economic and social terms. Furthermore there is a description of competences of the regions in the Italian foreign policy in term of legal environment for the autonomous activities of Italian regions in the international arena. Moreover this paper contains the analyses of existing links between Italian and Chinese regions on the basis of a survey conducted among regional authorities from all Italian regions. Finally it contains the case of Umbria, as a region that active cooperation with China goes well beyond economic relations.
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"All quiet on the Western front: Italy and transatlantic relations." In Italy's Foreign Policy in the Twenty-first Century, 61–82. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745299-13.
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"Values promotion and security management in Euro- Mediterranean relations: the case of Italy." In Italy's Foreign Policy in the Twenty-first Century, 215–35. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745299-21.
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Fiore, Teresa. "The Circular Routes of Colonial and Postcolonial Domestic Work: Però’s and Ciaravino’s Alexandria and Ghermandi’s “The Story of Woizero Bekelech and Signor Antonio”." In Pre-Occupied Spaces. Fordham University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823274321.003.0010.
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The chapter explores the connection between emigration and immigration through a combined reading of texts where demographic movements are defined by colonial routes: Renata Ciaravino’s script for the 2005 play Alexandria directed by Franco Però about adventurous women from the Friuli region who emigrated to Egypt in the 1920s to work as wet nurses and maids anticipates the silent yet profoundly important role of today’s domestic helpers and caretakers in Italy as portrayed by Gabriella Ghermandi’s colonial/post-colonial “The Story of Woizero Bekelech and Signor Antonio,” included in her 2007 novel Regina di fiori e di perle. The two texts highlight the forms of emancipation that women migrants develop as part of relocations abroad as well as the forms of awareness about colonial power relations that they prompt among locals.
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Marchigiani, Elena. "An Accessible City is a Healthy and People-Centred Smart City." In Research Anthology on Physical and Intellectual Disabilities in an Inclusive Society, 1671–93. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-3542-7.ch087.
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Accessibility for all is an inspiring issue for future urban agendas. In European cities, the ageing of urban population and the growth of social and economic disparities call for interdisciplinary reflection and practice on the relations between well-being and inclusion and the organization and upgrading of public facilities. The challenge is to ensure the usability of urban spaces to the largest extent of persons, according to their different capabilities. Based on research developed at the University of Trieste (Italy), and taking the region Friuli Venezia Giulia as its main study context, the article questions a variety of recent urban tools and policies in order to show their level of innovation and the obstacles that still oppose their more effective integration. The aim is to highlight possible fields for public action and the need to rethink planning instruments and technical skills in the frame of a user experience and smart design approach.
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Simón, Juan Antonio. "Football, Diplomacy, and International Relations during Francoism, 1937–1975." In Soccer Diplomacy, 48–69. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0004.
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Throughout the decades under Franco, Spanish foreign policy often used football as a diplomatic tool. In a totalitarian system where sport was subject to political government interests, football allowed the regime to show a positive image of Spain, favoring its progressive integration into the European context. Before the end of the Spanish Civil War in April 1939, Francoism started to implement a new model of sports politics. Franco understood that this activity might be a benefit to his international legitimation, an aid to the political control of the Spanish society, and a propaganda tool. Spain experienced a radical ostracism from the international sporting context during this period, reducing its international football relations to those countries ideologically close to Francoism such as Germany, Italy, and Portugal.
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Sorbello, Paolo. "Italian Business in Central Asia." In Eurasiatica. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-376-2/015.
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While distant and little-known to the Italian public, Central Asia plays an important role for Italy. Kazakhstan is an important supplier of oil to Italy and Italy is the principal customer for Kazakhstani oil. This article concentrates on Italy-Kazakhstan relations because they represent the lion’s share of Italy-Central Asia relations, while also providing a rationale to explain the diverging pathways that allowed Kazakhstan to interact more proficiently with foreign companies, rather than its close neighbours. By focusing on the energy sector, this article also highlights how trans-national companies (TNCs), such as Italy’s Eni, transfer practices from their global experience in oil and gas to their destination countries in Central Asia. In particular, this article analyses the cost-cutting practices of outsourcing services and outstaffing workforce, for which Italian companies and joint ventures have become instrumental.
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Zanoni, Elizabeth. "Brotherly Love." In Emotional Landscapes, 91–111. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043499.003.0006.
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This chapter argues that Italian migrants in Argentina employed Italian-language newspapers to construct gendered and racialized constructions of familial love between Italians and Argentines as “brotherly people” during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These everyday articulations of emotions and love in the ethnic press, the chapter contends, were just as important to the creation of international allegiances and national identities as were the more formal decisions made by diplomats and statesmen. Newspapers like La Patria degli Italiani depicted foreign relations between Italy and Argentina as family relations—as relations between racially similar “Latin brothers”—to justify male-predominate migration, to promote favorable attitudes toward Italy and its migrants, and to rebuke unbrotherly destinations like the United States.
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Meneguzzi Rostagni, Carla. "Italy's Attention Turns to China Between the ’50 and the ’60." In Sinica venetiana. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-220-8/008.
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It is surprising that the very existence and recognition of China had significant repercussions on domestic policy in Italy, which was the country with the strongest Communist party in the West. In the ’50s the Italian official policy was compelled by membership in Atlantic alliance and relations with United States, to refuse economic exchanges with China. According to documents found in “Ministero degli Affari Esteri” and in “Aldo Moro” archives, even in the same years political characters such as the Socialist Pietro Nenni, the Christian Democrats Giovanni Gronchi and Amintore Fanfani worked to favour China-Italy exchanges and economic actors like Dino Gentili and Enrico Mattei organised economic Italian missions to China. Since 1960, thanks to trade relations set up in the ’50s, and to political events (December 1963 the first centre-left government with Aldo Moro president, Pietro Nenni vicepresident and Giuseppe Saragat to foreign affairs, and at the beginning of 1964 the French political recognition of China), the process was accelerated. Thus, in December 1964 the first commercial agreement between Italy and China was concluded and commercial offices were opened in Rome and Beijing. After 1964 the Chinese question entered Italian foreign policy and was included in parliamentary debates and government programmes. The American diplomacy, dominated by the Vietnam war, opposed any initiative to Chinese recognition but Italy anticipated the better reported, more celebrated US recognition.
Conference papers on the topic "Friuli (Italy) – Foreign relations"
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Mansur, Daria. "ON THE ISSUE OF FOREIGN POLICY RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ITALY AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION OVER THE LAST 20 YEARS." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Arts and Humanities ISCAH 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscah.2019.1/s08.003.
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