Journal articles on the topic 'French voyages'
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1
Hair, P. E. H. "A Note on French and Spanish Voyages to Sierra Leone 1550–1585." History in Africa 18 (1991): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172059.
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Writing in the 1590s about Sierra Leone, André Alvares de Almada, a Cape Verde Islands trader who had probably at one time visited Sierra Leone, commended its peoples for being “unfriendly to the English and French,” not least by fighting John Hawkins—the latter remark obviously a reference to Hawkins' well-known visit in 1567/68. But when did the French visit Sierra Leone? Elsewhere I have cited the evidence for three French voyages to the Sierra Leone estuary in the later 1560s, probably in 1565, 1566, and 1567. I now analyze archive material published in two French works that appeared long ago but are probably little known to Africanists, since both concentrate on voyages to the Americas. The first source calendars items in the registres de tabellionage (notarial registers) of the Normandy port of Honfleur relating to intercontinental voyages, the items being mainly financial agreements made before or after voyages. Dates, names of ships, and destinations are supplied for the period from 1574 to 1621: what proportion of all intercontinental voyages from Honfleur during that period is represented in the registers is uncertain. But in the eleven years between 1574 and 1584, there are recorded 24 voyages to both Guinea and America, the ships proceeding across the Atlantic from Africa. The American destination is usually described as “Indes de Pérou,” meaning the Caribbean. The African destination of 15 named vessels making 19 voyages is “Serlione” or “coste de Serlion,” in 15 instances given singly, otherwise with the addition of “et Guinée,” “et Guinée et coste de Bonnes-Gens,” or “et cap de Vert et coste de Mina.” The remaining voyages were to “Guinée,” to “cap de Vert [Cape Verde, i.e. Senegal],” to “cap des Bonnes-Gens” [Ivory Coast], or to more than one of these.
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Nothnagle, John. "Two Early French Voyages to Sumatra." Sixteenth Century Journal 19, no. 1 (1988): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2540964.
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Hémard, Dominique. "Travel Talk (English-French) - Parlons Voyages (Français-Anglais)." ReCALL 7, no. 1 (May 1995): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0958344000005164.
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Allen, Richard B. "Ending the history of silence: reconstructing European Slave trading in the Indian Ocean." Tempo 23, no. 2 (May 2017): 294–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2017v230206.
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Abstract: Thirty-eight years ago, Hubert Gerbeau discussed the problems that contributed to the “history of silence” surrounding slave trading in the Indian Ocean. While the publication of an expanding body of scholarship since the late 1980s demonstrates that this silence is not as deafening as it once was, our knowledge and understanding of this traffic in chattel labor remains far from complete. This article discusses the problems surrounding attempts to reconstruct European slave trading in the Indian Ocean between 1500 and 1850. Recently created inventories of British East India Company slaving voyages during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and of French, Portuguese, and other voyages involving the Mascarene Islands of Mauritius and Réunion between 1670 and the 1830s not only shed light on the nature and dynamics of British and French slave trading in the Indian Ocean, but also highlight topics and issues that future research on European slave trading within and beyond this oceanic world will need to address.
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Doyle, Allan. "The Medium Is the Messagerie." Representations 145, no. 1 (2019): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2019.145.1.107.
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This paper analyzes the contributions of Théodore Géricault to the second volume of Baron Isidore Taylor, Charles Nodier, and Alphonse de Cailleux’s Voyages pittoresques: Normandie (1820; 1825) within the context of French Restoration historiography. It argues that Géricault’s prints are allegorical commentaries on the production of visual history during this period as much as they are examples of it.
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Malaquais, Dominique. "Eighteenth-Century French Voyages to the Northwest Coast of North America." Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 19-20 (March 1990): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/resvn1ms20166833.
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Emery, Elizabeth. "Hayashi Tadamasa in the United States (1887)." Journal of Japonisme 7, no. 1 (March 18, 2022): 18–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24054992-07010002.
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Abstract This article extends the conclusions of “A Japoniste Friendship in Translation: Hayashi Tadamasa and Philippe Burty (1878–1890)” (Journal of Japonisme, 6:1, 2021), an essay dedicated to the translation and analysis of a set of French letters documenting the friendship between Hayashi Tadamasa and Philippe Burty. The present article focuses on a second set of letters sent from Hayashi to Burty while on a trip to the United States in 1887 during which he sold fourteen French paintings for Burty. Hayashi’s descriptions of transatlantic voyages, the tastes and practices of American clients, and his personal reflections on travel, religion, and the tensions among French and American japonistes provide valuable insights into his character, the art market, and the social and aesthetic situation of Japonisme in 1887.
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Pietsch, Theodore W. "Charles Plumier's “Manicou Caraibarum” (c. 1690): a previously unpublished description and drawing of the common opossum, Didelphis marsupialis Linnaeus, 1758." Archives of Natural History 38, no. 1 (April 2011): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2011.0006.
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A previously unpublished description and drawing of the common opossum, Didelphis marsupialis Linnaeus, 1758, made by French Minim friar Charles Plumier (1646–1704) during the first (1689–1690) of three voyages of exploration to the West Indies, are presented and compared with earlier depictions, especially that of Georg Marcgrave (1610–1644) in his Historiae rerum naturalium Brasiliae of 1648. Evidence is presented to emphasis the originality and scientific accuracy of Plumier's account.
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Barr, William. "The Arctic voyages of Louis-Philippe-Robert, Duc d'Orléans." Polar Record 46, no. 1 (September 8, 2009): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409008377.
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ABSTRACTLouis-Philippe-Robert, Duc d'Orléans (1869–1926), the Orléans claimant to the French throne, mounted four private expeditions to the Arctic, in 1904, 1905, 1907, and 1909. During the first of these, on board his private yacht, Maroussia, and accompanied by his wife, Marie Dorothée, he visited Svalbard where he hunted reindeer while his wife, an accomplished amateur artist, executed a number of delightful paintings. In 1905 he chartered the ice strengthened Belgica and employed Adrien de Gerlache de Gomery as her captain; he also recruited an impressive group of scientists. He again visited Svalbard then pushed west through the pack ice to east Greenland. He was able to penetrate further north along that coast than his predecessors, the Germans under Koldewey in Germania, had in 1869–1870, and discovered and named Île-de-France and the Belgica Bank. He shot large numbers of polar bears. In 1907, again on board Belgica, and again with de Gerlache in command of the ship, and again with a contingent of scientists on board, Orléans headed out into the Kara Sea from Matochkin Shar. Belgica soon became beset in the pack ice and drifted slowly south with the ice to emerge through Karskie Vorota after a very frustrating month. Thereafter an attempt to reach Zemlya Frantsa-Iosifa was foiled by heavy ice. Finally, in 1909, again on board Belgica under de Gerlache's command, Orléans visited Jan Mayen, east Greenland, Svalbard and Zemlya Frantsa-Iosifa, with hunting as his primary aim. From all four expeditions Orléans brought back substantial numbers of skins of birds and mammals that were mounted and displayed in his private museums. On his death they were bequeathed to the French people and exhibited in the specially built Musée du Duc d'Orléans in Paris and later in the Musée National d'Histoire Naturelle. The scientific data and specimens collected by the scientists on the 1905 and 1907 expeditions resulted in a substantial number of scientific reports in their various fields.
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Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Once bitten, twice shy: A French traveller and go-between in Mughal India, 1648–67." Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, no. 2 (April 2021): 153–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464621997863.
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This article examines the materials around François le Gouz de la Boullaye, a French gentilhomme (gentleman or minor aristocrat) from the Anjou Province of western France, who visited India twice, once in the late 1640s, and again in the mid-1660s. The result of his first visit, in which he mostly spent time in Surat and Goa, was an extended travel-narrative, the Voyages et Observations, of which two editions appeared in 1653 and 1657. On this basis, Boullaye became a fairly well-known ‘expert’ on Islamic and Indian affairs in Louis XIV’s France. Because of his reputation, he was then chosen as a member of an embassy sent to open trading relations with Safavid Iran and Mughal India in 1664 on behalf of the French Compagnie des Indes. This second visit was not a great success on account of misconceptions regarding diplomatic protocols and because of deep rivalries and divisions amongst rival French actors, including celebrated travellers like Bernier and Tavernier.
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Sourieau, Marie-Agnès. "Paralyses: Literature, Travel, and Ethnography in French Modernity by John Culbert, and: Voyages contemporains: voyages de la lenteur ed. by Philippe Antoine." French Review 87, no. 1 (2013): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2013.0032.
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Thompson, Victoria E. "An Alarming Lack of Feeling: Urban Travel, Emotions, and British National Character in Post-Revolutionary Paris." Articles 42, no. 2 (June 23, 2014): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025696ar.
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This article analyzes British narratives of voyages made to Paris during three periods: the Peace of Amiens (March 1802 to May 1803), the first Restoration (April 1814 to May 1815), and in the first few years of the second Restoration (June 1815 to ca. 1820). These accounts reveal a consistent use of strong and distressing expressions of emotion when describing locations in the city associated with the events of the French Revolution. An analysis of these “emotional landmarks” allows us to understand the role of trauma in unsettling distinctions between the British and French in the aftermath of the Revolution. It also demonstrates that travel writers participated in an emotional community consistent with the nation, one that used these emotional landmarks to establish a new distinction between the two national characters based on emotion.
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Thomas, Kristin L., and Deborah Kerstetter. "The Awe in Awesome in Education Abroad." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 32, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v32i2.469.
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Few have examined how students perceive or make sense of their formal educational travel experiences, resulting in a dearth of knowledge about perceived educational value of experiences. To rectify this situation, this study addressed how students make meaning during their education abroad (EA) experience. Employing a constructivist grounded theory approach, students were found to process their experiences through four meaning-making structures labeled, “Seeking Novelty,” “Actually Being,” “Securing/Blending,” and “Living in a State of Awe,” all of which contributed to experiencing awe during their EA experience. The authors propose the Education Abroad Meaning-Making Framework, which can be used to understand students’ experiences while on EA and to serve as a theoretical foundation upon which further research on EA can be conducted. They also discuss implications of the Framework for pre- and post-experience advising, program, and curriculum development.
Abstract in French
Peu d’études ont examinées comment les étudiants perçoivent et donnent du sens aux expériences formelles durant leurs voyages éducatifs, résultant en un manque de connaissance quant à la valeur perçue de ces expériences. Afin de rectifier cette situation, cette étude décrit comment les étudiants donnent du sens à leurs expériences durant leurs voyages éducatifs (VE). Utilisant une approche théorique constructiviste, il est apparu que les étudiants traitent leurs expériences à travers quatre structures donneuses de sens appelées « Chercher la nouveauté », « Être vraiment », « Confort/Immersion », et « Vivre émerveillé », qui ont toutes contribuées à leur émerveillement durant leurs VE. Les auteurs proposent le Cadre de Voyage Éducatif Donneur de Sens, qui peut être utilisé pour comprendre les expériences des étudiants pendant leur VE et servant de fondement théorique sur lequel baser de futures recherches sur les VE. Ils discutent aussi des implications de ce Cadre pour le développement de l’encadrement, du programme et du curriculum avant et après les VE.
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Kellman, Jordan. "Mendicants, Minimalism, and Method: Franciscan Scientific Travel in the Early Modern French Atlantic." Journal of Early Modern History 26, no. 1-2 (March 3, 2022): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-bja10005.
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Abstract This article explores the scientific travels of French members of mendicant orders in the early modern Atlantic World. The Royal Cosmographer André Thevet, the Capuchin Claude D’Abbeville and the Minim Charles Plumier demonstrate a coherent but evolving Franciscan perspective in missionary scientific observation on the colonial frontier. It argues that the Franciscan monastic tradition, the Franciscan reform movement, and the teachings of the Minim order interacted with the colonial landscape and encounters with local environments and indigenous peoples in the Atlantic and Caribbean to produce a unique tradition of natural knowledge production. This tradition culminates in the convergence of the Minim worldview with the cartographic and observational program of the Paris Academy of Sciences in the Atlantic voyages of the French Minim friar and scientific traveler Louis Feuillée at the turn of the eighteenth century.
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Coiffier, Christian. "Christine A. Hemming, The Art of the French Voyages to New Zealand. 1769-1846." Journal de la société des océanistes, no. 120-121 (December 1, 2005): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/jso.500.
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Campbell, Gwyn. "Africa, the Indian Ocean World, and the ‘Early Modern’: Historiographical Conventions and Problems." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 1, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v1i1.25.
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European-inspired scholarship underscores conventional academic consensus that African commercial entrepeneurship disappeared with the European voyages of discovery, and subsequent implantation of the Potuguese, Dutch, English, and French commercial empires. Thus the people of eastern Africa are portrayed largely as technologically backward and isolated from the main currents of global history from about 1500 until the onset of modern European colonialism from the close of the nineteenth century. This article argues that the conventional view needs to be challenged, and that Eastern African history in the period 1500-1800 needs to be revised in the context of an Indian Ocean world economy.
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Cavanagh, Edward. "Possession and Dispossession in Corporate New France, 1600–1663: Debunking a “Juridical History” and Revisiting Terra Nullius." Law and History Review 32, no. 1 (February 2014): 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000679.
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Following Jacques Cartier's voyages up and down the St. Lawrence River in 1534, 1535–36 and 1541–42, French interest in the region surged. This interest was confined to the region's potential deposits of minerals, and then diverted realistically to the trade of furs, before ultimately, during the seventeenth century, it diversified to take into account the prospect of agricultural smallholding. So confined, this interest did not account for customary tenure and systems of property relations among indigenous inhabitants; generally these were matters avoided by merchants, traders, missionaries, and early settlers until the expediencies of settlement on the ground required otherwise. These were matters for which, in New France, the companies in charge devised no coherent policy. These were matters for which, at home, the French Crown was no beacon of advice either, meting out meager and inconsistent policies of empire before 1663, preferring instead to endorse trade monopolies while preparing for disputes with neighboring nations with competing designs to the New World.
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Rubiales Bonilla, Lourdes. "Franceses y españoles en el Cádiz de 1700 a través de Voyages du P. Labat des FF. Prescheurs en Espagne et en Italie." Çédille, no. 20 (2021): 431–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2021.20.21.
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"Our point of departure shall be the volume in which Jean-Baptiste Labat (1663-1738) devotes to his stay in Spain in Voyages du P. Labat des FF. Prescheurs en Espagne et en Italie (1730a). In this light, our paper shall explore some biographical, sociohistorical and literary clues in order to understand the author’s relationship with Spain as well as the representation of the relationships between Spanish and French communities in his account. With a focus on what unites rather than on what separates both communities, our purpose is to highlight the elements interfering with the apparently stable opposition between «We» and «They» in Labat’s discourse."
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Pinar, Susana. "The Scientific Voyages of Francisco Noroña (1748-1788) in Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006859.
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The figure of the Spanish botanist Francisco Noroña has been overlooked by most historians, and the same fate has befallen his travel diary, which contains valuable information on Spanish, Dutch and French possessions in Western and Southeast Asia – the Philippines, Java, Mauritius and Madagascar. The son of a physician, Michel Noroña, and Elizabeth Smith from England, Francisco Noroña was born in Seville (Spain) in about 1748. Following his father's footsteps, Noroña studied medicine at Osuna (Seville) and Seville, completing his formation in botany, physics, chemistry and natural history at London and Paris.
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Borucki, Alex. "Trans-imperial History in the Making of the Slave Trade to Venezuela, 1526-1811." Itinerario 36, no. 2 (August 2012): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115312000563.
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The last two decades have witnessed an unprecedented expansion of knowledge about the transatlantic slave trade, both through research on specific sections of this traffic and through the consolidation of datasets into a single online resource: Voyages: The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (hereafter Voyages Database). This collective project has elucidated in great detail the slave trading routes across the Atlantic and the broad African origins of captives, at least from their ports of embarkation. However, this multi-source database tells us little about the slave trading routes within the Americas, as slaves were shipped through various ports of disembarkation, sometimes by crossing imperial borders in the New World. This gap complicates our understanding of the slave trade to Spanish America, which depended on foreign slavers to acquire captives through a rigid system of contracts (asientos and licencias) overseen by the Crown up to 1789. These foreign merchants often shipped captives from their own American territories such as Jamaica, Curaçao, and Brazil. Thus, the slave trade connected the Spanish colonies with interlopers from England, France, the Netherlands, Portugal (within the Spanish domain from 1580 to 1640), and eventually the United States. The importance of the intra-American slave trade is particularly evident in Venezuela: while the Voyages Database shows only 11,500 enslaved Africans arriving in Venezuela directly from Africa, I estimate that 101,000 captives were disembarked there, mostly from other colonies. This article illuminates the volume of this traffic, the slave trading routes, and the origins of slaves arriving in Venezuela by exploring the connections of this Spanish colony with the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and French Atlantics. Imperial conflicts and commercial networks shaped the number and sources of slaves arriving in Venezuela. As supplies of captives passed from Portuguese to Dutch, and then to English hands, the colony absorbed captives from different African regions of embarkation.
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Leo, Russ. "Nicolas Gueudeville's Enlightenment Utopia." Moreana 55 (Number 209), no. 1 (June 2018): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2018.0029.
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Nicolas Gueudeville's 1715 French translation of Utopia is often dismissed as a “belle infidèle,” an elegant but unfaithful work of translation. Gueudeville does indeed expand the text to nearly twice its original length. But he presents Utopia as a contribution to emergent debates on tolerance, natural religion, and political anthropology, directly addressing the concerns of many early advocates of the ideas we associate with Enlightenment. In this sense, it is not as much an “unfaithful” presentation of More's project as it is an attempt to introduce Utopia to eighteenth-century francophone audiences—readers for whom theses on political economy and natural religion were much more salient than More's own preoccupations with rhetoric and English law. This paper introduces Gueudeville and his oeuvre, paying particular attention to his revisions to Louis-Armand de Lom d'Arce, Baron de Lahontan's 1703 Nouveaux Voyages dans l'Amérique Septentrionale. Published in 1705, Gueudeville's “revised, corrected, & augmented” version of Lahontan's Voyages foregrounds the rational and natural religion of the Huron as well as their constitutive aversion to property, to concepts of “mine” and “yours.” Gueudeville's revised version of Lahontan's Voyages purports to be an anthropological investigation as well as a study of New World political economy; it looks forward, moreover, to his edition of Utopia, framing More's work as a comparable study of political economy and anthropology. Gueudeville, in other words, renders More's Utopia legible to Enlightenment audiences, depicting Utopia not in terms of impossibility and irony but rather as a study of natural religion and attendant forms of political, devotional, and economic life. Gueudeville's edition of Utopia even proved controversial due, in part, to his insistence on the rationality as well as the possibility of Utopia.
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Breeze, Andrew. "Arthur, la mer et la guerre, ed. Alban Gautier, Marc Rolland, and Michelle Szkilnik. Rencontres 289: Série Civilisation médiévale, 26. Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2017, 345 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.28.
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Fifteen essays in English or French, the actes of a colloque international at Boulogne in 2014, offer novel approaches to Arthur vis-à-vis war and the sea. Simon Esmonde-Cleary (after an introduction by the editors) relates these entities to the historical Arthur; Stéphane Lebecq then considers Celt and Saxon in the mers de l’Ouest of the Dark Ages. Alban Gautier informs us on early Anglo-Saxons and the sea; Krista Kapphahn discusses Celtic Otherworld voyages and the Irish Sea; Charlotte Wulf attends to Geoffrey of Monmouth and his contemporaries on Channel crossings. Michelle Szkilnik describes naval expeditions in French Arthurian verse romance. Frédérique Laget examines narratives of Arthur in the context of Wales and the March, with the legendary king coming to resemble Edward I as instigator of a colonizing imperialistic British state. Irène Fabry-Tehranchi discusses representations of Arthur’s wars and Channel crossings in manuscript illuminations for the Suite Vulgate of Merlin; Anne-Cécile Le Ribeuz-Koenig analyzes war and the sea in isaïe le Triste.
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SANKEY, MARGARET. "Jean Paulmier, Gonneville and Utopia: The Making and Unmaking of a Myth." Australian Journal of French Studies 58, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2021.02.
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The first mention of Gonneville’s land occurs in Abbé Jean Paulmier’s Mémoires of 1664 petitioning the Pope to approve a Christian mission to the as yet undiscovered Terres australes. Central to Paulmier’s argument was the extract from a document purporting to be the travel account of a sixteenth-century navigator, Gonneville. The extract details how the unknown land was discovered after the navigator’s ship L’Espoir had lost its way and landed in the fabled Terres australes, south-east of the Cape of Good Hope. His utopian account of the unknown land played an important role in French voyages of discovery during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. After Cook’s refutation of the existence of a Great South Land, Gonneville’s land was identified in the nineteenth century as being in Brazil. Recent scholarship, however, has revealed that Gonneville and his story were probably invented by Paulmier. This article examines how and why the Gonneville story became part of the history of French exploration, then details the elements which led to its being discredited.
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González Gil, Isabel. "Una creadora olvidada: Irène Hillel-Erlanger, entre el simbolismo y las vanguardias." Çédille, no. 20 (2021): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2021.20.16.
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"This article is about an unknown author of the French avant-garde, Irène Hillel-Erlanger, and her main work, Voyages en kaléidoscope, an unusual poetic novel, published in 1919, belonging to the genre of the “Scientific-marvellous”, the proto-science-fiction developed in France between 1900 and 1930. As a result of the hybridisation of the languages of symbolism and avant-garde experimentalism, the novel shows the tensions between these two movements, which will be studied through the analysis of thematic and formal aspects, such as allegory, hermeticism, fragmentarism, or visuality, as well as textual and discursive plurality. Finally, we will address the poetics of the gaze underlying the utopian invention of the kaleidoscope, in the context of the end of the First World War. "
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Winsnes, Selena Axelrod. "P. E. Isert in German, French, and English: A Comparison of Translations." History in Africa 19 (1992): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172009.
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Paul Erdmann Isert's Reise nach Guinea und den Caribäischen Inseln in Columbien (Copenhagen 1788) seems to have enjoyed a lively reception, considering the number of translations, both complete and abridged, which appeared shortly after the original. Written in German, in Gothic script, it was quickly ‘lifted over’ into the Roman alphabet in the translations (into Scandinavian languages, Dutch, and French), thus making it available to an even greater public than a purely German-reading one. In the course of my research for the first English translation, I have found that the greatest number of references to Reise in modern bibliographies have been to the French translation, Voyages en Guinée (Paris, 1793). This indicates a greater availability of the translation, a greater degree of competence/ease in reading French than the German in its original form, or both. The 1793 translation has recently been issued in a modern reprint, with the orthography modernized and with an introduction and notes by Nicoué Gayibor. Having recently completed my own translation, I have now had the opportunity to examine the 1793 edition more closely, and have noticed a number of variations and divergencies from the original. I would like to examine these here, largely as an illustration of problems in translation, using both a copy of the 1793 edition and the new reprint. The latter, barring a few orthographical errors—confusion of f's and s's—is true to its predecessor.
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ALLEN, RICHARD B. "THE CONSTANT DEMAND OF THE FRENCH: THE MASCARENE SLAVE TRADE AND THE WORLDS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN AND ATLANTIC DURING THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707003295.
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ABSTRACTAnalysis of an inventory of 641 slaving voyages involving Mauritius and Réunion between 1768 and 1809 reveals that the Mascarene Islands were at the center of a substantial and dynamic regional slave trading network that also reached into the Americas in ways that raise questions about the relationship between the ‘worlds’ of the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic. The fact that colonial, as well as metropolitan, merchant capital underwrote Mascarene-based slave trading ventures raises additional questions about the role of locally generated and/or non-Western capital in financing the movement of slave, and ultimately ‘free’, labor throughout the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century colonial world.
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Duquet, Michel. "The Timeless African and the Versatile Indian in Seventeenth-Century Travelogues." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 14, no. 1 (February 4, 2005): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010318ar.
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Abstract The seventeenth century saw the early stages of significant trading on the west coast of Africa as well as the establishment of permanent settlements in North America by Dutch, French and English explorers, merchants, colonists and missionaries in a period marked by the imperial contest that had been set in motion on the heels of the discovery of America in 1492. The travelers who wrote about their voyages overseas described at length the natives they encountered on the two continents. The images of the North American Indian and of the African that emerged from these travel accounts were essentially the same whether they be of Dutch, French or English origin. The main characteristic in the descriptions of African native populations was its permanent condemnation while representations of the Indian were imbued with sentiments ranging from compassion, censure and admiration. The root causes for this dichotomy were the inhospitable and deadly (to Europeans) tropical environment of Africa’s West Coast and the growing knowledge of local societies that Europeans acquired in North America. The analysis of the contrasting images of natives on both sides of the Atlantic and the context within which they were produced are the focus of the paper.
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Raulwing, Peter, and Thomas L. Gertzen. "Friedrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Bissing im Blickpunkt ägyptologischer und zeithistorischer Forschungen: die Jahre 1914 bis 1926." Journal of Egyptian History 5, no. 1-2 (2012): 34–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416612x632517.
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Abstract The extensive bibliography of Friedrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Bissing (1873–1956) lists 621 numbered items, documenting over six decades of Egyptological productivity. Widely unknown to Egyptologists and ancient historians, however, are a handful of publications by F.W. von Bissing, printed between 1914 and 1917, in which he defends the German occupation of Belgium to a French-speaking audience using the pseudonym “Anacharsis le jeune.” This name refers to the antagonist in the novel Les Voyages du jeune Anacharsis en Grèce (1787) by the French antiquarian Jean-Jacques Barthélemy (1716–1795), which reached the status of, what might be called, a Bildungsroman in the late 18th and 19th century in Europe. Furthermore, F.W. von Bissing is the author of numerous political writings published between 1915 and 1922 for a German-speaking audience under his own name, mostly dealing with the relationship between the German Empire and Belgium during World War I.; later with the political situation in post-war Germany.—This study tries to shed light on F.W. von Bissing’s pamphlets, writings, letters and political background and non-academic activities in the last years of the Kaiserreich and the early Weimar Republic until his retirement from the chair at the university in Utrecht in 1926.
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Djurhuus Hansen, Bergur, and Jan Borm. "The Faroe Islands visited by the French expedition “La Recherche” in 1839. A presentation and discussion of the Faroese chapter of Xavier Marmier’s official account." Fróðskaparrit - Faroese Scientific Journal 68 (October 4, 2022): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18602/fsj.v68i.139.
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AbstractThe French expedition La Recherche conducted by naval surgeon and naturalist Paul Gaimard (1793-1858) was one of the first major international and interdisciplinary scientific endeavours to explore the European North in the first half of the nineteenth century. Inaccessibility in English may be one of the principal reasons why La Recherche is far from receiving the critical attention it deserves. Xavier Marmier (1808-1892) was the expedition’s official historian and chronicler. The Faroese chapter from his official account in Voyages de la commission scientifique du Nord, en Scandinavie, en Laponie, au Spitzberg et aux Feröe, pendant les années 1838, 1839 et 1840, sur la corvette La Recherche [1842] is printed for the first time in English translation in this issue of Fróðskaparrit. Considering Marmier’s short stay, he writes quite extensively about the Faroes. His descriptions are marked by the Romantic longing for the sublime as well as images of the North as a cold and sparsely populated place. Marmier’s purpose however, did not consist solely of sharing his impressions, but to provide an official account of the voyage including the principal points of interest observed, concerning e.g. geography, economy, trade and popular culture. Marmier is in this context the typical travel writer at the time, representing modernity and progress, noticing lack of developments, suggesting improvements, having better insight and knowing the world better than the people he is visiting, while at the same time not forgetting the actual purpose of his travel, which is to gather information and introduce the reader to an unknown far away region in the world.
Úrtak
Franska rannsóknarferðin La Recherche var millum fyrstu stóru rannsóknarferðirnar í Norðuratlantshavi í fyrru helvt av 19.øld. Við nøkrum undantøkum í Norðurlondum hevur ferðin ikki vakt so stóran ans millum granskarar, sum hon átti, kanska tí tað mesta av tilfarinum frá ferðini ikki er til á enskum. Greinin er ein viðgerð av kapitlinum um Føroyar í frásøgnini hjá Xavier Marmier (1809-1892), sum var almennur skrivari á ferðini. Kapittulin er prentaður fyri fyrstu ferð í enskari týðing í hesum Fróðskaparriti. Náttúruvísindamaðurin Paul Gaimard (1793-1858) stóð fyri ferðini, og umframt Xavier vóru vísindafólk og tveir listamálarar við. Árini eftir komu fleiri útgávur við frásagnum og úrslitum frá luttakarunum á ferðini. Kapittulin um Føroyar er úr almennu frágreiðingini Voyages de la commission scientifique du Nord, en Scandinavie, en Laponie, au Spitzberg et aux Feröe, pendant les années 1838, 1839 et 1840, sur la corvette La Recherche [1842]. Í greinini verður víst á, at hóast steðgurin hjá Xavier í Føroyum var stuttur, ger hann rættiliga nógv burtur úr at lýsa oyggjarnar, týðiliga ávirkaður av romantiskum rákum, serliga hugmyndum um tað kalda, næstan manntóma norð og hugsanini um tað sublima, sum eyðkendi bæði skaldskap og ferðafrásagnir í fyrru helvt av 19. øld. Endamálið við ferðini var kortini ikki einans at lýsa upplivingar, men at skriva eina almenna frágreiðing við nýtiligum upplýsingum um t.d. landafrøði, búskap, handil og siðir. Sum flestu ferðafrásagnarhøvundar í síni samtíð tekur Marmier í hesum samanhangi á seg leiklutin sum tann, ið leggur til merkis ein tørv á broytingum og menning, t.e. umboðar framburð, hevur størri útsýni og kennir heimin betur enn fólkini í landinum, hann vitjar, meðan hann um somu tíð eisini veit meir enn lesarin og ikki gloymir, at endamálið við ferðini er at savna inn upplýsingar um ein ókendan part av heiminum.
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Favelukes, Graciela. "Voyages of a 17th-Century Map of Buenos Aires: From Spies and Sailors to Printers and Scholars." Material Culture Review 94 (October 4, 2022): 12–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1092685ar.
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The proposed paper will present the long and rich life span of a city map of Buenos Aires and its changing settings, by following the many editions of a map first drawn by a French military engineer, Barthelemy de Massiac, that stayed as a prisoner in the city between 1660 and 1662. This example helps to further questions referring to the problem of stability / instability of maps. How do copies and adaptation to different supports or media affect their alleged unicity? How do they travel and what are the effects of their journeys? The problem may be addressed on the basis of the works on sociology of culture and science by Pierre Bourdieu, and on the history of the book and print culture by Roger Chartier. Although they don´t specifically study maps, their views add to the social and cultural approach to maps of the now classical critical studies in history of cartography by John B. Harley and David Woodward, among others. In this respect, Bourdieu stressed that ideas, books especially (as well as, it can be added, images and maps), travel without their context of production, through appropriations, translations and editions that sustain their circulation in space and, I also add, in time. The work of Roger Chartier also offers ground for this claim, as do his more recent work about images and their life in manuscripts, print and digital records and production. On a more epistemological perspective, attention to these changing supports, media and audiences contributes to rethink Bruno Latour’s definition of maps as immutable mobiles that sustained the making of modern science. I intend to address these issues presenting an example of the many copies, versions, printing of a map and its consequent storing, selling, circulating, archiving and studying, that show both the persistence and mutability of maps in shifting scenarios and readership. Briefly, the map drawn in 1669 by de Massiac lived a broad and long life, travelling from drawing desk to shelves, from print to books, from geography to antiquarianism and tourism, from urbanism to history, along at least 15 different versions and supports made until 1981, always surrounded by doubts about its trustworthiness yet at the same time used as a virtual logotype for the earlier stages of the city of which no other plans survive. Much later, pursue in French archives helped restore its original status as part of a military plan. The significance of recovering its original condition is more fully grasped when we put it into the perspective of its changing appropriations and journeys in time, place and varying scholarship.
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Gillespie, Rosemary G., Elin M. Claridge, and Sara L. Goodacre. "Biogeography of the fauna of French Polynesia: diversification within and between a series of hot spot archipelagos." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 363, no. 1508 (September 5, 2008): 3335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2008.0124.
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The islands of French Polynesia cover an area the size of Europe, though total land area is smaller than Rhode Island. Each hot spot archipelago (Societies, Marquesas, Australs) is chronologically arranged. With the advent of molecular techniques, relatively precise estimations of timing and source of colonization have become feasible. We compile data for the region, first examining colonization (some lineages dispersed from the west, others from the east). Within archipelagos, blackflies ( Simulium ) provide the best example of adaptive radiation in the Societies, though a similar radiation occurs in weevils ( Rhyncogonus ). Both lineages indicate that Tahiti hosts the highest diversity. The more remote Marquesas show clear examples of adaptive radiation in birds, arthropods and snails. The Austral Islands, though generally depauperate, host astonishing diversity on the single island of Rapa, while lineages on other islands are generally widespread but with large genetic distances between islands. More recent human colonization has changed the face of Polynesian biogeography. Molecular markers highlight the rapidity of Polynesian human (plus commensal) migrations and the importance of admixture from other populations during the period of prehistoric human voyages. However, recent increase in traffic has brought many new, invasive species to the region, with the future of the indigenous biota uncertain.
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WINTROUB, MICHAEL. "The Heavens Inscribed: the instrumental poetry of the Virgin in early modern France." British Journal for the History of Science 42, no. 2 (December 15, 2008): 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087408001581.
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AbstractThe expert in the early modern period was frequently looked upon with suspicion. Though expertise was associated with specialized knowledge and skill, it was also associated with cunning, deception and social climbing. Indeed, such knowledge threatened well-defined and time-honoured social and disciplinary boundaries. This was certainly the case with practical mathematics, which was considered by many to be an inferior grade of knowledge, especially when compared with natural philosophy and theology. This spawned numerous attempts to elevate the status of practical mathematics and to lend legitimacy to its practitioners. This article focuses on one such attempt, that of an early sixteenth-century French cosmographer–explorer–poet named Pierre Crignon. Crignon participated in voyages of exploration and was renowned as a cosmographer and navigator, but his contemporaries perhaps best knew him as a poet. The paper examines how Crignon attempted to bring together and legitimate the disparate forms of his expertise as a navigator, cosmographer, humanist poet and theologian through the multivalent medium of his poetry, and in particular through a poem comparing the Virgin Mary to the astrolabe.
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Franks, Jeremy. "Christopher Henrik Braad (1728-81) and his extracts in 1760 from the Surat Capuchins' mission diary that they had kept since the 1650s. An Introduction." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 6 (2009): 435–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537809x12574724196576.
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AbstractMade in Surat, India, in 1760, these extracts from a confidential diary kept in French by a Capuchin mission there since the 1650s are presented in a 21st-century translation into English. Beginning when Aurangzeb became the Mughal emperor, they record nearly a century of significant events while the mission survived as the city declined. The manuscript of extracts, held by Uppsala University, is the only known evidence of the diary's existence. C.H. Braad (1728-81), a senior trader for the Swedish East India Company when he made the extracts, was a Stockholm-born Lutheran. The Catholic Capuchins' trust that he, alone of countless Europeans in Surat, would keep the diary secret—as he did to the end of his life—is good reason for relying on his accuracy. The introduction provides a context for the extracts by drawing on his extensive, still unpublished writings about India: Surat in 1750-51, Bengal in the mid 1750s and his autobiography from 1781 for this and his voyages in the Indian Ocean.
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Glaubrecht, Matthias, and Kathrin Podlacha. "Freshwater gastropods from early voyages into the Indo-West Pacific: The ‘melaniids’ (Cerithioidea, Thiaridae) from the French ‘La Coquille ’ circumnavigation, 1822-1825." Zoosystematics and Evolution 86, no. 2 (September 2010): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/zoos.201000002.
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ANSELL, RICHARD. "EDUCATIONAL TRAVEL IN PROTESTANT FAMILIES FROM POST-RESTORATION IRELAND." Historical Journal 58, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 931–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000102.
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AbstractThis article examines travel within a group of Protestant families from Ireland over three generations after the Restoration. It offers both a case-study through which to reassess continental educational voyages, exploring a neglected period between the royalist exile of the 1650s and the mid-eighteenth-century heyday of the Grand Tour, and a contribution to current work on Irish elite formation. Histories of travel often begin as undifferentiated Englishmen or Britons arrive on the French or Dutch coast, but this study is the first to prioritize where travellers came from. Backgrounds, outlooks, and networks from home shaped experiences abroad. The article uses manuscript journals, letters, and financial accounts to locate travel within family educational strategies and to reconstruct preparations and advice. It explores how connections and identifications from home informed interactions with fellow travellers, expatriate communities, and foreign hosts. Travellers pursued two-sided interactions with hosts and destinations, returning with objects, accomplishments, and connections that fed into Irish elite formation. Continental links often feature in explanations of how Catholic Ireland survived, but this article shows that European encounters also contributed to Protestant hegemony. It demonstrates the importance of origins, as well as destinations, to understandings and experiences of educational travel.
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Murphree, Daniel S. "Transnational Racialisation on the Periphery: Europeans, Indians, and the Construction of Identity in the Colonial Floridas, 1513–1565." Itinerario 27, no. 2 (July 2003): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020544.
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In 1565, an English sailor named John Sparke visited the colonial Floridas for the first, and probably, only time. Sparke, along with thousands of other Europeans, was in the midst of exploring, settling, and exploiting the Western Hemisphere's eastern coastline, an endeavour that escalated in intensity following the spectacular voyages of Christopher Columbus almost eighty years before. Encountering a variety of locales, objects, and peoples for the first time, the mariner made observations that reveal a great deal about the meeting of Old and New World cultures. Referring to the indigenous inhabitants of the region, Sparke wrote, ‘those people of the cape of Florida are of more savage and fierce nature, and more valiant than any of the rest [he had met in the Americas]’. Significantly, the sailor based his opinions, at least in part, on tales of native barbarity communicated to him by Spanish settlers who had begun colonising the peninsula at the dawn of the sixteenth century. According to these stories, Indians were uncivilised and ‘eaters of the flesh of men […] canibals’. Yet, Sparke remained unsure about how to evaluate the indigenous inhabitants. His confusion stemmed from conflicting assessments supplied by French colonisers who had also recently established a foothold in the Floridas.
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Wolfart, H. Christoph. "Lahontan’s Bestseller." Historiographia Linguistica 16, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.16.1-2.02wol.
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Summary Among the early descriptions of the Algonquian languages of New France, the Petit Dictionaire (1703) of the baron de Lahontan stands out, despite its modest size, as the first vocabulary to appear in print. Thanks to the remarkable success of his Nouveaux Voyages, to which it forms an appendix, Lahontan’s Algonquin (Ojibwa) vocabulary became very widely known, serving as either model or source for many successors (including, it appears, the first printed vocabulary for Cree). On the evidence of a set of verb stems exhibiting a common non-initial morpheme (*-êl-), Lahontan’s analytical approach appears consistent in the segmentation of the inflexional prefixes, but the morpheme which defines this set is variously recorded with either l or r. The further variation between the French and English editions of 1703 sheds some light on the editorial process, and the general congruence between the occasional Algonquin word in his travel narratives and those in the Petit Dictionaire seems to corroborate Lahontan’s account of his efforts at language learning. The political establishment and his Jesuit detractors notwithstanding, Lahontan’s Algonquin vocabulary proved to be as influential in its domain as his narrative and philosophical writings were in the intellectual and literary world of the 18th century.
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Kim, Jong-geun. "An Analysis on the Shape Changes of the Korean Peninsula on the British Charts of the 19th Century and identification of Factors that Influence the Changes." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-173-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Modern nautical charts, the result of scientific coastal research and survey, had been made from late 18th century, and at the end of 19th century almost of the world had been charted. Different to the neighbouring countries such as China and Japan, Korean peninsula had not been accurately charted until the end of 19th century. Moreover, during the 19th century, the shape of Korean peninsula had been changed several times in the Western nautical charts. However, in the academic circle of the history of cartography, this case was scantly examined. In this presentation, this author, firstly, analyse the changes in the shape of the Korean Peninsula on the British Charts in the 19th Century and, secondly, identifies factors that influence the changes. For this research, British nautical charts, which are the representative and finest charts during the 19th century in the world, are selected. Examined charts are ‘Map of the Islands of Japan Kurile & C.’ (Year of 1811, 1818) of Aaron Arrowsmith (1750&ndash;1823), the hydrographer to his majesty, ‘The Peninsula of Korea (No.1258)’ (year of 1840, 1849) and ‘(Preliminary Chart of) Japan, Nipon Kiusiu and Sikok and a part of the coast of Korea (No. 2347)’ (Year of 1855, 1862, 1873, 1876, 1892, 1898, 1902, 1914) of the British hydrographic office. According to the analysis, major shape changes of the Korean Peninsula were occurred in 1818, 1840, 1849, 1855, 1862, 1873, 1876, 1892, and the shape of the Peninsula became perfect in the chart of the year 1914.</p><p>Meanwhile, the factors of the shape changes of the Korean peninsula in these nautical charts were various voyages, expeditions, and military surveys to Korea. For example, the change in the map of 1818 was initiated by the voyage of the captain Basil Hall in 1816 to the west coast of Korea, and the change in the map of 1840 was made by the map of Korea of A.J. von Krusenstern (1770&ndash;1846) and the voyage of H.H.Lindsay (1802&ndash;1881) to the west coast of Korea in 1832. Moreover, the modification of 1849 was made by the outcome of E. Belcher’s scientific survey around Jeju Island and other southern islands of Korea. In 1852, French admiral G. de Roquemaurel (1804&ndash;1878) surveyed eastern coast of Korea and drew nautical chart and this chart became the source of the British chart of the year 1855. A Russian admiral, Yevfimy Putyatin (1803&ndash;1883), also surveyed east side of the peninsula and triggered the change of nautical chart of eastern part of Korea. During French campaign against Korea in 1866 and United States expedition to Korea in 1871, French and American navy surveyed west-middle part of the peninsula and added detailed coastline of it and British chart also reflected these changes. The Japan-Korea treaty of 1876 enabled coastal survey of the Korean peninsula by the Japanese navy by the article 7, which permitted any Japanese mariner to conduct surveys and mapping operations at will in the seas off the Korean Peninsula's coastline. By virtue of the treaty, Japan could directly surveyed coastline of Korea and could make updated nautical charts of Korea. These Japanese charts were circulated to the Western countries and British hydrographers made the best use of them. Thanks to this situation, the British admiralty could update the chart of Korean peninsula and the perfect one published in 1914.</p><p>This analysis contribute not only to understand how and why the shape of Korean peninsula changed in British nautical charts during the 19th century, but also to add the historical case of the map trade and geographical knowledge circulation in East Asia.</p>
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Behrend, Heike. "“Wondering with an Unending Wonder”: Remarks on Ham Mukasa's Journey to England in 1902." History in Africa 25 (1998): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172180.
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Stephen Greenblatt has shown that wonder was the central characteristic of the first European encounters with the New World and the decisive emotional and intellectual experience in the face of radical difference (Greenblatt 1994:27). Wonder, says Greenblatt, appears to be a category immune to all denial and ideological co-optation, and it exerts an irresistible force. It occurs in a moment when meanings are lacking and is accompanied by the fragmentation of contextual understanding (Greenblatt 1994:33).Wonder was already an essential topic of discourses in philosophy and art even before the voyages of discovery (Matuschek 1991); thus, for Socrates, philosophy begins with astonishment and wonder, and the art of poetry intends the creation of the wondrous (Greenblatt 1994:33). Greenblatt argues that the frequency and intensity with which European discoverers of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries referred to the experience of the wondrous provoked its conceptual elucidation (Greenlbatt 1994:34). The colonization of the wondrous began; and astonishment became a means of appropriation and subjugation (Greenblatt 1994:42).By the nineteenth century, the century of European journeys of discovery in Africa, wonder had been used up. English, French, and German travelers no longer wondered about anything. Their glance had achieved a confidence that allowed them to objectify and take possession of what was foreign to them. It was now the various Others, the objects of their glance, to whom they imputed the wonder they themselves were no longer capable of.
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Kundra, Sakul. "Narratives of French Travelers’ and Adventurer’s of Indian Education System." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 12, no. 4 (October 18, 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.27.1.
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The French travelers and adventurers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries stated that Hindu philosophy, meteorology, Sanskrit language, literature, history and culture were taught by the Brahmans in schools. Indian education system has been a fascinating domain for the French voyager‟s observation who make compare and contrast with standard, knowledge and rationality of the Orient with Occidental world. Most of the travelers showed in their observations, a kind of superiority in terms of rationality and scientific knowledge of the west in comparison to east. These travelers highlighted a demeaning picture of Indian education system which according to them was based on sluggish, monotonous and irrational basis. The objective of this paper is to narrate the observations made by the French voyagers regarding Indian education system and its implications. Many firsthand French adventurers‟ records have been used in this paper in order to make an assessment of Indian education system by analyzing their records.Keywords: Education system, Vedas and Sanskrit language, Benaras sanctuary, Brahman role, Occident vs. Orient, Orthodox religious implications, Corruptness, Sluggishness, Astrologers
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Harpham, John Samuel. "Locke and the Churchill Catalogue Revisited." Locke Studies 17 (February 19, 2018): 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/ls.2017.888.
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At the time of his death, in 1704, the library of John Locke held 269 volumes of philosophy—but 275 volumes of geography and travel. Works of geography drew on discoveries related in books of travel, but Locke did nevertheless see them as distinct genres. In both, his holdings were extensive. He owned several volumes of maps; the great recent surveys of Africa, America, and Japan printed by John Ogilby; and the descriptions of the world by Abbot, Purchas, Morden, and Moll. It was in books of travel, though, of which Locke owned 195, where his holdings were most remarkable. He owned the massive collections of Ramusio (in Italian), de Bry (in Latin), Thévenot (in French), and Hakluyt and Purchas (in English). He owned accounts of the well-known voy- ages of Hariot to Virginia, de Léry to Brazil, Sandys to the Ottoman Empire, Gage to the West Indies, and Choisy to Siam. He owned as well accounts of dozens of more minor voyages, such as those of Blount to the Levant, Monconys to Syria, Ray to the Continent, Josselyn to New England, and Fryke to the East Indies. No student of Locke’s library has failed to remark upon what Harrison and Laslett, its modern editors, have called its ‘great strength’ in these areas. This is to understate the matter, for it seems that among libraries of its size in late Stuart England, only the library of Robert Hooke (and perhaps that of Robert Boyle) rivalled Locke’s in works of geography and travel.
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Moal-Ulvoas, Gaëlle. "Les motivations à voyager des retraités: l'influence du vieillissement étudiée via la théorie de la gérotranscendance." Décisions Marketing, no. 76 (December 2014): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7193/dm.076.29.45.
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Mazurkowa, Bożena. "Przywołania i deskrypcje ruin w dzienniku podróży Walerii Tarnowskiej do Italii." Tematy i Konteksty 12, no. 17 (2022): 240–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/tik.2022.17.
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The main part of this study is preceded by information on the subject of dynamically increasing, since the beginning of the 18th century, participation of Polish women from wealthy houses in social life. It can be confirmed by, among others, their travels abroad to e.g. Italy with its rich resources in the form of works of art including those preserved from ancient times being of great interest then. In the main stream of investigation the author focuses on the preserved French travel journal (“Mes voyages”) of the journey that Waleria from the Stroynowskis Tarnowska undertook to Italy in years 1803–1804 with her husband Jan Feliks and her father Walerian. The analytical and interpretational considerations refer to the fragments concerning the buildings observed by the countess during her Italian journey, which were to a various degree damaged by the power of time or human activity and that was indicated by singled out synonymous terms used for ruins. The crucial aspect of this reflection is concretisation of Tarnowska’s impressions depicted in descriptions from close contact with antique and modern edifices, not too rarely preserved in a remnant form. According to the author of this study references to and descriptions of ruins in the analysed journal are the expression of not a genuine passion but rather of the influence of contemporary fashion for ancient times and great curiosity for the world during the first journey abroad and the will to see and then record in writing all that was required to see during this Italian trip. They also prove psychologically conditioned perception of wors of art.
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Cabral, João Paulo. "A entrada na Europa e a expansão inicial do eucalipto em Portugal Continental." História da Ciência e Ensino: construindo interfaces 20 (December 29, 2019): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2178-2911.2019v20espp18-27.
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Resumo As primeiras observações e recolhas de eucaliptos ocorreram nas grandes viagens inglesas e francesas ao Pacífico, em particular à Austrália, em finais do século XVIII. O género Eucalyptus L'Hér. foi estabelecido em 1788, e logo nas duas décadas seguintes seriam descritas, por botânicos franceses e ingleses, muitas espécies novas. O primeiro eucalipto cultivado em Inglaterra foi trazido, em 1774, na segunda viagem de James Cook. Em França, a introdução terá sido feita em 1804, no Jardim Botânico de Montpellier, na Alemanha em 1809, no Jardim Botânico de Berlim, e em Itália, em 1813, no Jardim Botânico de Nápoles. Em Portugal, a introdução do eucalipto foi muito posterior a estas datas. Na propriedade do duque de Palmela no Lumiar, foram plantados dois eucaliptos em 1850-1852. No Horto Botânico da Escola Médico-Cirúrgica de Lisboa, existia em 1852, pelo menos um espécimen, certamente para uso ou demonstração das suas propriedades terapêuticas. A partir da década de 1860, a expansão foi muito rápida. Em 1869, a companhia real dos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses iniciou a plantação de eucaliptos nas estações, casas de guarda e ao longo da via-férrea. As primeiras plantações em larga escala terão ocorrido na década de 1880 em propriedades perto de Abrantes arrendadas por William T. Tait. Em 1886 estavam já plantados 150 mil eucaliptos. Nesta mesma década começou a plantação, em escala apreciável, de eucaliptos nas Matas Nacionais. Em finais do século XX, tinham sido introduzidas em Portugal cerca de 250 espécies, sendo o Eucalyptus globulus Labill., a espécie largamente dominante. É interessante constatar que tendo sido um dos países europeus que mais tarde introduziu a cultura do eucalipto, Portugal é hoje, a nível mundial, um dos que apresenta maior percentagem da sua área florestal dedicada a esta cultura.Palavras-chave: eucalipto; jardins botânicos; Portugal. Abstract The earliest observations and collections of eucalypts occurred on the great English and French voyages to the Pacific, particularly Australia, in the late 18th century. The genus Eucalyptus L'Hér. was described in 1788, and soon in the following two decades, many species would be described by French and English botanists. The first eucalypt grown in England was brought in 1774 on James Cook's second voyage. In France, the introduction seems to have occurred in 1804, at the Botanical Garden of Montpellier, in Germany in 1809, at the Botanical Garden of Berlin, and in Italy, in 1813, at the Botanical Garden of Naples. In Portugal, the introduction of eucalypts was much later than these dates. In the property of the Duke of Palmela in Lumiar, two eucalypts were planted in 1850-1852. The Botanical Garden of the Medical-Surgical School of Lisbon had in 1852, at least one specimen, certainly for use or demonstration of its therapeutic properties. From the 1860s the expansion was very rapid. In 1869, the royal company of the Portuguese railways began planting eucalypts in the stations, guard houses and along the railroad. The first large-scale plantations occurred in the 1880s in properties near Abrantes leased by William T. Tait. By 1886, 150,000 eucalypts were already planted. In the same decade began the planting, on an appreciable scale, of eucalypts in “Matas Nacionais”. By the end of the 20th century about 250 species had been introduced in Portugal, being Eucalyptus globulus Labill., the species largely dominant. It is interesting to note that Portugal, one of the European countries that later introduced the eucalypt, is today, worldwide, one of the countries with the highest percentage of its forest area dedicated to this culture. Keywords: eucalypt; botanical gardens; Portugal.
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TYBJERG, KARIN. "J. LENNART BERGGREN and ALEXANDER JONES, Ptolemy'sGeography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000. Pp. xiii+192. ISBN 0-691-01042-0. £24.95, $39.50 (hardback)." British Journal for the History of Science 37, no. 2 (May 24, 2004): 193–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087404215813.
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J. Lennart Berggren and Alexander Jones, Ptolemy's Geography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters. By Karin Tybjerg 194Natalia Lozovsky, ‘The Earth is Our Book’: Geographical Knowledge in the Latin West ca. 400–1000. By Evelyn Edson 196David Cantor (ed.), Reinventing Hippocrates. By Daniel Brownstein 197Peter Dear, Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge and Its Ambitions, 1500–1700. By John Henry 199Paolo Rossi, Logic and the Art of Memory: The Quest for a Universal Language. By John Henry 200Marie Boas Hall, Henry Oldenburg: Shaping the Royal Society. By Christoph Lüthy 201Richard L. Hills, James Watt, Volume 1: His Time in Scotland, 1736–1774. By David Philip Miller 203René Sigrist (ed.), H.-B. de Saussure (1740–1799): Un Regard sur la terre, Albert V. Carozzi and John K. Newman (eds.), Lectures on Physical Geography given in 1775 by Horace-Bénédict de Saussure at the Academy of Geneva/Cours de géographie physique donné en 1775 par Horace-Bénédict de Saussure à l'Académie de Genève and Horace-Bénédict de Saussure, Voyages dans les Alpes: Augmentés des Voyages en Valais, au Mont Cervin et autour du Mont Rose. By Martin Rudwick 206Anke te Heesen, The World in a Box: The Story of an Eighteenth-Century Picture Encyclopedia. By Richard Yeo 208David Boyd Haycock, William Stukeley: Science, Religion and Archaeology in Eighteenth-Century England. By Geoffrey Cantor 209Jessica Riskin, Science in the Age of Sensibility: The Sentimental Empiricists of the French Enlightenment. By Dorinda Outram 210Michel Chaouli, The Laboratory of Poetry: Chemistry and Poetics in the Work of Friedrich Schlegel. By David Knight 211George Levine, Dying to Know: Scientific Epistemology and Narrative in Victorian England. By Michael H. Whitworth 212Agustí Nieto-Galan, Colouring Textiles: A History of Natural Dyestuffs in Industrial Europe. By Ursula Klein 214Stuart McCook, States of Nature: Science, Agriculture, and Environment in the Spanish Caribbean, 1760–1940. By Piers J. Hale 215Paola Govoni, Un pubblico per la scienza: La divulgazione scientifica nell'Italia in formazione. By Pietro Corsi 216R. W. Home, A. M. Lucas, Sara Maroske, D. M. Sinkora and J. H. Voigt (eds.), Regardfully Yours: Selected Correspondence of Ferdinand von Mueller. Volume II: 1860–1875. By Jim Endersby 217Douglas R. Weiner, Models of Nature: Ecology, Conservation and Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia. With a New Afterword. By Piers J. Hale 219Helge Kragh, Quantum Generations: A History of Physics in the Twentieth Century. By Steven French 220Antony Kamm and Malcolm Baird, John Logie Baird: A Life. By Sean Johnston 221Robin L. Chazdon and T. C. Whitmore (eds.), Foundations of Tropical Forest Biology: Classic Papers with Commentaries. By Joel B. Hagen 223Stephen Jay Gould, I Have Landed: Splashes and Reflections in Natural History. By Peter J. Bowler 223Henry Harris, Things Come to Life: Spontaneous Generation Revisited. By Rainer Brömer 224Hélène Gispert (ed.), ‘Par la Science, pour la patrie’: L'Association française pour l'avancement des sciences (1872–1914), un projet politique pour une société savante. By Cristina Chimisso 225Henry Le Chatelier, Science et industrie: Les Débuts du taylorisme en France. By Robert Fox 227Margit Szöllösi-Janze (ed.), Science in the Third Reich. By Jonathan Harwood 227Vadim J. Birstein, The Perversion of Knowledge; The true Story of Soviet Science. By C. A. J. Chilvers 229Guy Hartcup, The Effect of Science on the Second World War. By David Edgerton 230Lillian Hoddeson and Vicki Daitch, True Genius: The Life and Science of John Bardeen, the Only Winner of Two Nobel Prizes in Physics. By Arne Hessenbruch 230Stephen B. Johnson, The Secret of Apollo: Systems Management in American and European Space Programs, John M. Logsdon (ed.), Exploring the Unknown: Selected Documents in the History of the U.S. Civil Space Program. Volume V: Exploring the Cosmos and Douglas J. Mudgway, Uplink-Downlink: A History of the Deep Space Network 1957–1997. By Jon Agar 231Helen Ross and Cornelis Plug, The Mystery of the Moon Illusion: Exploring Size Perception. By Klaus Hentschel 233Matthew R. Edwards (ed.), Pushing Gravity: New Perspectives on Le Sage's Theory of Gravitation. By Friedrich Steinle 234Ernest B. Hook (ed.), Prematurity in Scientific Discovery: On Resistance and Neglect. By Alex Dolby 235John Waller, Fabulous Science: Fact and Fiction in the History of Scientific Discovery. By Alex Dolby 236Rosalind Williams, Retooling: A Historian Confronts Technological Change. By Keith Vernon 237Colin Divall and Andrew Scott, Making Histories in Transport Museums. By Anthony Coulls 238
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Haugen, Marius Warholm. "Traduire le Voyage comme acte politique." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 55, no. 2 (August 7, 2019): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.17016.hau.
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Abstract This article studies the discourse in the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century French periodical press on the topic of translations of travel writing. It reveals that travel reviews were arenas for discussing the political and ideological value of translating travelogues into French, notably from English. In the context of the Franco-British conflicts at the turn of the century, the French press perceived translations of British travel writing as potential patriotic tools that allowed different ways of countering or subverting British global influence. Paratextual elements of translations, the translator’s prefaces and notes, appeared to be particularly important in this respect. By analysing the periodical discourse on travel book translations, the article shows how travel writing was constructed as a politically invested genre.
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Mosakowski, Marek. "Jean Chappe d’Autroche and his Voyage to Siberia (1768). Demystifying Russia under Catherine the Great." Cywilizacja i Polityka 16, no. 16 (November 30, 2018): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7603.
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Jean Chappe d’Autroche, the French scientists and prominent member of the Académie des Sciences, was sent in 1761 on a scientific mission to Siberia to observe a rare astronomical phenomenon, namely the transit of Venus over the sun’s disc. In 1768 he published in Amsterdam a book entitled Voyage en Sibérie (Voyage to Siberia), in which not only did he discuss the astronomical event in question, but also analyzed various aspects of the Russian socio-political reality. Extremely critical towards contemporary Russia, his account infuriated Catherine the Great to the point that she decided to write in French and then to publish in 1770 the Antidote, a curious booklet in which she attempted to discredit Autroche’s work and to contest the unfavorable image of her Empire presented by the French writer.
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Grechanaya, E. P. "TWO FRENCH POEMS IN TREDIAKOVSKII’S COLLECTION "VOYAGE TO THE ISLAND OF LOVE"." Russkaya literatura 1 (2021): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/0131-6095-2021-1-225-226.
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In his Voyage to the Island of Love, V. K. Trediakovskii points out that two of his French poems have French sources, but does not provide the names of the authors of the texts referred to. The sources of the two poems, as established in the article, testify to his close attention to the French poetry, and make it possible to analyze the fi ner features of the assimilation and re-creation of the French texts by the Russian poet.
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Warholm Haugen, Marius. "« Voyageons avec lui »." 1700-tal: Nordic Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 17 (June 24, 2020): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.5526.
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This article examines the use of travel metaphors in French periodical reviews of non-fiction travelogues at the turn of the eighteenth and the nineteenth century. The French periodical press took an increasing interest in travel literature in this period, forming an important instance of mediation between travel writers and the reading public. In travel-book reviews, journalists would frequently make use of a rhetoric aimed at presenting the periodical text as a double co-experience: an imaginary travel in the wake of the travel writer and a ‘travel’ through the journalist’s own reading experience. The article shows how this metaphor appears as a diverse rhetorical device that served different functions within the periodical text. Clearly aimed at engaging the reader in the text, the metaphor can also be read as conveying a meta-discourse that highlights the reviewers’ appropriation and remediation of the travelogue. The article analyses occurrences of the travel metaphor in reviews taken from a varied set of periodicals – journals, advertisers, and newspapers – in order to shed light on how the French periodical press operated in retransmitting literary travel experiences in a golden age of non-fiction travel writing.
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Frost, Alan. "Roger L. Williams. French Botany in the Enlightenment: The Ill‐Fated Voyages of La Pérouse and His Rescuers. (International Archives of the History of Ideas, 182.) 240 pp., illus., bibl., index. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 2001. €89, $85 (cloth)." Isis 96, no. 1 (March 2005): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/433011.
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