Academic literature on the topic 'French revolution, 1789-1794'
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Journal articles on the topic "French revolution, 1789-1794"
SAVAGE, GARY. "NOVEL NARRATIVES, NEW RESEARCH: THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE BICENTENNIAL." Historical Journal 40, no. 1 (March 1997): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x96006929.
Full textBERETTA, MARCO. "CHEMISTS IN THE STORM: LAVOISIER, PRIESTLEY AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." Nuncius 8, no. 1 (1993): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539183x00046.
Full textScott, Samuel F., and William S. Cormack. "Revolution and Political Conflict in the French Navy, 1789-1794." Journal of Military History 60, no. 2 (April 1996): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944422.
Full textWhite, John C., and William S. Cormack. "Revolution and Political Conflict in the french Navy, 1789-1794." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 828. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171579.
Full textHarris, Bob. "Scotland's Newspapers, the French Revolution and Domestic Radicalism (c.1789–1794)." Scottish Historical Review 84, no. 1 (April 2005): 38–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2005.84.1.38.
Full textCenser, Jack R., and Paul R. Hanson. "Provincial Politics in the French Revolution: Caen and Limoges, 1789-1794." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, no. 2 (1990): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204424.
Full textSheppard, Thomas F., and Paul R. Hanson. "Provincial Politics in the French Revolution: Caen and Limoges, 1789-1794." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (December 1991): 1554. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165358.
Full textKim, Minchul. "Condorcet and the Viability of Democracy in Modern Republics, 1789–1794." European History Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2019): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419833611.
Full textTrevien, C. "Staging the French Revolution: Cultural Politics and the Paris Opera, 1789-1794." French History 27, no. 3 (April 11, 2013): 470–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt037.
Full textLeon, M. "Staging the French Revolution: Cultural Politics and the Paris Opera, 1789-1794." French Studies 67, no. 4 (September 27, 2013): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knt217.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "French revolution, 1789-1794"
Ramaswamy, Jaikumar. "Reconstituting the 'liberty of the ancients' : public credit, popular sovereignty, and the political theory of terror during the French Revolution, 1789-1794." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272642.
Full textPouffary, Marion. "Robespierre, le poids des mots, le choc de l’échafaud. L’image de Robespierre dans le discours politique de la Restauration à la fin du XIXe siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL138.
Full textStudying the image of Robespierre in the political discourse from the Restauration to the end of the 19th century highlights the construction process of the golden legend of Robespierre, which has never been precisely analysed, although it influenced profoundly historiography. Built from 1830 onwards by militants belonging to the radical fringe of the republican movement, it presents Robespierre as the defender of political and social equality, the theoretician of the right to insurrection and the apostle of a brotherly religion, basis of a new social contract. This study also shows that Robespierre’s dark legend is split by ideological divides which remained until now unclear. A dark legend which can be called “conservative/counter-revolutionary” appeared during the Revolution. It describes Robespierre at the same time as a tyrant and as a godless leveller anarchist. The liberal dark legend appeared under the Restoration presents Robespierre only as a clerical tyrant. The communist and anarchist dark legends, which emerged respectively at the beginning of the 1840’s and under the Second Republic, point out not only Robespierre’s clericalism but also his lack of social concerns. Unlike the communist dark legend, the anarchist dark legend reuses the image of the tyrant and denounces Robespierre’s implication in the Terror. Finally, a republican-liberal dark legend emerges in the middle of the 19th century. It is a continuation of the liberal dark legend which is also influenced by the communist and anarchist dark legends. It presents Robespierre as a political and clerical tyrant and stresses on his lack of interest in economic issues
Le, Joncour Tristan. "La République entre péril intérieur et insécurité extérieure." Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMR049.
Full textThe distinction of the friend and the enemy as the determining factor of politics – a theory of Carl Schmidt – has been developped by his pupil, translator and introducer Julien Freund who indicated besides two other factors of the "essence of politics" : the distinction of the commanding one and the commanded one and that of the public sphere and the private sphere. The act of fundation or refundation of politics (the greek kairos) is the ‘exceptional situation’ and its qualification is the sovereign’s task. Freund adds to this Schmittian approach two objective elements : civil war and foreign war changing the political crisis into the danger of death for the collectivity, that is the combination of the internal threat with that from abroad. The only events in the History of France that do correspond to this definition are the Great Revolution and the National Revolution. The enemy coming back in France (and not war coming back) is the ‘resumption’ (Kierkegaard : the thing from the past appearing as the situation changed it in itself) of the internal and external conflict of 1954-1962, a conflict that led to the reform of the fundamental law (referundum of October 1958), the decision to decree the exceptional situation (application of section 16 of the Constitution enabling the incarnation of the command for the first time since 1944) and the installation of the regime (referendum of October 1962). The assimilation of the épuration légale (French : “legal purge”) to the "Jacobin Terror" hides the reinstatement of revolutionary laws by the French State and that of the laws of the Bourbon Restoration by the Gaullo-communist power. While counterrevolutionary authors had described in the Revolution a providential work of national regeneration, the subversive political theories of illustrious "Revolutionaries" and their application (by themselves) contradict the action and the results of illiberal Jacobinism: Brissot’s patriotism, Cloots’ federalism, Babeuf’s communism. A revolutionary-conservative (realist) dialectic thus meets in mirror a reactionary-progressive dialectic which can only be impolitic in the sense that its goal is the overcoming, the annihilation or the implosion of a given political community, the Nation. Robespierre, from this angle, thus embodied the conservative tendency of the Revolution. The inaugural victory of the oligarchy by a parliamentary coup (Thermidor) involves the delegation of the sovereign power from deputyship to the army (stratocracy). At the end of a generation, the July monarchy consecrates the structural alliance of the Order and the Movement. It was the coup d'etat of 1851 that revived universal suffrage; the Second Empire was then to reconsider the liberal heritage of 1789 in the temporal field (abolition of fund, prohibition of coalitions) as well as in the spiritual field (civil constitution of the clergy) by endowing the Church and authorizing labor unions (1864). After the foreign (Franco-Prussian) and then civil (Commune) wars, a "new Ancien Regime" (Pierre Leroux) was institutionalised, with the left as active wing and the right as the passive wing. In 1939, as the government declared war against the opinion of Parliament, what remained of the Republic was overthrown de facto; the congress at Vichy, by its vote of July 10, 1940, paradoxically reconquered sovereignty by delegating it. The history of the Vichy regime must therefore be reviewed in this light, like that of Gaullism (dissent of Tradition) and communist resistance (dissent of the Revolution); these last two forces, united from 1941, would reconstitute the reactionary-progressive movement. The memories of the French Revolution and the National Revolution are undermined by the blows of an ever more hegemonic liberalism altering the People, the Constitution, politics itself. The liberal regime refers back to back Jacobinism and Maurrassism in the same memorial hell
Pouffary, Marion. "Robespierre, le poids des mots, le choc de l’échafaud. L’image de Robespierre dans le discours politique de la Restauration à la fin du XIXe siècle." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL138.
Full textStudying the image of Robespierre in the political discourse from the Restauration to the end of the 19th century highlights the construction process of the golden legend of Robespierre, which has never been precisely analysed, although it influenced profoundly historiography. Built from 1830 onwards by militants belonging to the radical fringe of the republican movement, it presents Robespierre as the defender of political and social equality, the theoretician of the right to insurrection and the apostle of a brotherly religion, basis of a new social contract. This study also shows that Robespierre’s dark legend is split by ideological divides which remained until now unclear. A dark legend which can be called “conservative/counter-revolutionary” appeared during the Revolution. It describes Robespierre at the same time as a tyrant and as a godless leveller anarchist. The liberal dark legend appeared under the Restoration presents Robespierre only as a clerical tyrant. The communist and anarchist dark legends, which emerged respectively at the beginning of the 1840’s and under the Second Republic, point out not only Robespierre’s clericalism but also his lack of social concerns. Unlike the communist dark legend, the anarchist dark legend reuses the image of the tyrant and denounces Robespierre’s implication in the Terror. Finally, a republican-liberal dark legend emerges in the middle of the 19th century. It is a continuation of the liberal dark legend which is also influenced by the communist and anarchist dark legends. It presents Robespierre as a political and clerical tyrant and stresses on his lack of interest in economic issues
Rogers, Rachel. "Vectors of Revolution : The British Radical Community in Early Republican Paris, 1792-1794." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00797967.
Full textDéplanche, Nicolas. "L'autonomie d'un jeune agent révolutionnaire : Marc-Antoine Jullien de Paris, 1789-1794." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7705.
Full textBooks on the topic "French revolution, 1789-1794"
Lilly, Library (Indiana University Bloomington). Liberty, equality, or death: The French Revolution, 1789-1794. Bloomington, Ind: Lilly Library, Indiana University, 1989.
Find full textProvincial politics in the French Revolution: Caen and Limoges, 1789-1794. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989.
Find full textJane, Shuter, ed. Helen Williams and the French Revolution. Oxford: Heinemann Library, 1994.
Find full textBerkvam, Michael L. Liberty, equality-- or death: The French Revolution, 1789-1794 : an exhibition. Bloomington, Ind: Lilly Library, Indiana University, 1989.
Find full textScurr, Ruth. Fatal purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006.
Find full textFatal purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. New York: H. Holt, 2007.
Find full textFatal purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. London: Vintage Books, 2007.
Find full textFatal purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. London: Chatto & Windus, 2006.
Find full textKrause-Tastet, Peter. Analyse der Stilentwicklung in politischen Diskursen während der Französischen Revolution (1789-1794). Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1999.
Find full textHuet, Marie Hélène. Mourning glory: The will of the French Revolution. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "French revolution, 1789-1794"
McPhee, Peter. "Settling Scores: The Thermidorian Reaction, 1794–95." In Living the French Revolution, 1789–99, 163–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230228818_9.
Full textMitchell, L. G. "The French Revolution, 1789–1794." In Charles James Fox, 108–35. Oxford University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201045.003.0006.
Full textGill, Graeme. "The French Revolution." In Revolution and Terror, 24–57. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198901105.003.0002.
Full textWhatmore, Richard. "The Republican Turn in France, 1776—1789." In Republicanism and the French Revolution, 61–84. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199241156.003.0004.
Full textWhatmore, Richard. "Revolution and the Political Economy Of Terror." In Republicanism and the French Revolution, 85–108. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199241156.003.0005.
Full text"CHAPTER 6. From Victims to Fanatics Nuns in the French Revolution, 1789-1794." In Convents and Nuns in Eighteenth-Century French Politics and Culture, 155–79. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501726996-008.
Full textMcPhee, Peter. "Ending the Revolution, 1795-1799." In The French Revolution 1789-1799, 154–77. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199244140.003.0009.
Full textConference papers on the topic "French revolution, 1789-1794"
Ivshin, V. S. "WHERE THE KING'S SCEPTRE AND THRONE ARE TRAMPLED...": REFLECTIONS ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 AND THE GREATER POLAND UPRISING OF 1794 IN RUSSIAN POLITICAL CULTURE IN THE 1790-S." In Историческое вече: проблемы истории и археологии. Великий Новгород: Новгородский государственный университет имени Ярослава Мудрого, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.34680/978-5-89896-850-2/2023.veche.12.
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