Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'French Polynesia_politics and government'
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Smith, Ian Stewart. "Sharing geographic information in French local government." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264440.
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Bessette, Josee. "Government French language training programs: Statutory civil servants' experiences." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26852.
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This collective case study explores second language (L2) training experiences from the perspectives of six Canadian statutory civil servants and examines factors that may have influenced their L2 learning experience. Three instruments were used to collect data: a preliminary questionnaire, an in-depth questionnaire, and an interview protocol. Findings reveal that a language and culture connection, opportunities to use the L2, and a short-term intensive cultural and linguistic immersion experience in particular were all associated with more positive L2 learning experiences. Negative comments regarding L2 learning experiences revolved around the anxiety and stress surrounding the one-shot summative nature of the oral exam, and seemingly no link between instruction and evaluation. This research contributes to the growing literature on factors affecting the L2 learning processes and outcomes. Furthermore, it may be beneficial for future candidates, language teachers, L2 program planners and curriculum designers within the Public Service Commission (PSC) and similar contexts.
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Wold, Atle Libaek. "The Scottish Government and the French Threat, 1792-1802." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530404.
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Over the period 1792 to 1802 the British state faced the unprecedented situation of fighting a war against France, while simultaneously being challenged on the home front by an upsurge of political radicalism and demands for extensive alterations in the British political system. In the early part of the period, it was the threat posed by domestic radicalism and radical agitation which posed the greatest challenge to the government, but gradually, as radicalism was defeated and the threat of invasion from France increased, the war effort became the main priority and cause of concern for the authorities. This thesis examines Scotland's contribution to the British state's war against Revolutionary France and its struggles against the domestic challenges of the 1790s. with a view to establish how the government of Scotland met and handled the specific challenges it faced over the course of the decade, and the extent to which the Scots rallied to the defence of British state at this time of crisis. Chapter one sets out the main challenges facing the authorities in Scotland in this period, while chapter two addresses the government's overall response and policies. Emphasis has been placed on the relationship between the central government in London and local government officials in Scotland, and the degree of interaction which took place between the two. Chapter three provides more detail on the political trials which followed the government's decision to bring some of the leading radicals before the law courts on a charge of sedition, while chapters four and five address the two crucial aspects of the Scottish contribution to the war effort - the recruitment of men for service in the armed forces, and the financing of military operations. It is argued here that, while Scotland provided more than a proportionate share of men for armed service, the Scottish financial contribution was less than proportionate. The last two chapters examine the support the government received from the Scottish public. Chapter six looks at the various ways in which the Scots demonstrated loyalty to the British state at a time of war, and chapter seven discusses the arguments presented by loyalist writers in Scotland. Sections on naval protection for Scotland. barracks-building and the Scottish whisky-industry were omitted from the final version of the thesis to reduce its length, as were some details on the manager system and Henry Dundas, on the law of sedition in Scotland, and on the causes of the militia riots in 1797.
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Exley, Alexandria. "An Investigation into the Socio-Political Dissonance between the French Government and the Islamic French Minority." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/369.
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The Islamic minority in France today is experiencing adversity as the government of France passed legislation stating that all facial coverings will be henceforth illegal, restricting or prohibiting religious symbols in various public spaces. Some Islamic women feel as though this is a pointed attack on women of the Muslim faith for their choice to wear traditional clothing which covers the face and body. There have been outcries that this is a human rights violation and restriction of religious rights. This project is an examination of the effects of France’s “burqa ban” and restrictions on religious symbols on both Islamic men and women who live in France. The goal of this project is to speak directly to those affected by this legislation and to understand the perspective and opinions of French Muslims. Records such as documented personal testimonies, legal archives, and transcriptions of in-person interviews are utilized to study the perspective of this minority in response to the controversial legislation. Neglecting to pursue an understanding of another culture and belief system will only yield disharmony among groups, and this research aims to avoid this phenomenon. In collecting the data, I set a goal to have and later discuss a better understanding of this issue and the people affected by it.
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Naughton, Honora Mary. "The ambiguous partnership : Elf Aquitaine and the French government 1976-1986." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1586/.
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This thesis explores the relationship of collaboration and conflict between France's state-owned oil group, the Societe Nationale Elf Aquitaine, and successive governments during the critical decade, 1976-1986, before wide-scale privatisation was initiated. The group's development reflects the broader trend in government - industry relations away from dirigisme to market economics by both senior managers and politicians alike. Created as an instrument of government with a "national interest" mission, the group was expected to work for and with governments. This partnership was conditioned by the international nature of the oil industry. Directly exposed to the impact of the oil crisis, the group suffered from the switch made in France from oil to nuclear energy as the main source of power. This development accelerated not only the diversification of the group's product range and multinationalisation of its activities but also modified its relations with government. It remained in public ownership, but became financially independent and acted increasingly like a private company. Governments were also affected by the economic crises of the 1970s, and by France's closer integration into Europe. While Elf maximised its profits, governments relied on the oil group's wealth. This confusing combination of dependence and governments' use of their powers of ownership produced many conflicts. Yet Elf's leaders could also exploit the state link through grand corps networks to achieve their own goals. These ambiguities were sharpened during the decade because Elf was shifting between two modes of relationship; an instrument of government enjoying privileged links with the state and an independent private multinational. Partial privatisation in 1986 somewhat resolved the contradictions but heralded new challenges. Under the impact of the Single Market programme and GATT agreements, French governments divested themselves of powers they could no longer exercise, French firms shifted partnership with the state to partnership with foreign firms and the development of each individual firm became subject to its performance in the market.
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Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
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Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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Seaward, Louise. "The French government and the policing of the extra-territorial print trade, 1770-1789." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5070/.
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This thesis argues that censorship in eighteenth-century France was highly focused and could be remarkably successful. It considers the way in which the French government attempted to impose its will on authors, journalists and publishers who operated outside France in the years 1770 to 1789. By examining the way French and foreign officials worked together to manage the print industry, this study sheds light on the practicalities of external censorship. The French government developed a relatively effective system for managing the spread of news information about French affairs of state. The Bourbon regime also experienced particular successes in its attempts to keep the book trade in check. It concentrated on curbing the dissemination of defamatory texts or libelles and was often able to stop these kinds of works from circulating in huge numbers. The year 1783 was critical in the French government’s strategy of policing print beyond the borders of the kingdom. It was at this point that the French state shifted its approach by combining a stronger system of inspection for imported books with a more pragmatic outlook abroad. In doing so, it was able to intensify its hold over the print industry. This thesis makes the case for a more nuanced interpretation of censorship in old regime France and underscores the need to appreciate how control fluctuated according to chronology and geography. By pointing to the successes of censorship, it suggests that that forbidden book trade was perhaps weaker than once thought whilst the ancien régime government was considerably stronger.
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Kim, Young Jim. "The impact of the 'turn to Europe' : external policy and policy-making in three government departments, 1957-1963." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266393.
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McHugh, Timothy James. "Crown, civic elites and the poor in France 1656-1715 : charity and poor relief during the reign of Louis XIV." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324982.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Strother, Christian Matthew. "Malaria policy and public health in French West Africa, 1890-1940." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648260.
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Fieschi, Catherine. "The French Fifth Republic and populism : a neo-institutional analysis of the Front national." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36767.
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The aim of the thesis is to offer an explanation for the emergence and success of the French political party the Front national. The project uses theories of political opportunity structures, neo-institutionalist approaches and a theory of ideological morphology to argue that institutions and ideologies have particular links to one another. This, in turn, leads to the argument that the FN's success can be attributed to the relationships between the institutions of the Fifth Republic on the one hand and fascist ideology in France on the other. It is argued that the gradual presidentialisation of French politics from 1958 onward reconciles two contradictory drives in French politics (the party drive and the rally drive), this reconciliation of the two drives and the institutionalisation of the rally drive grants renewed legitimacy to populist ideas in France. It is also argued that, given the component concepts of fascism as an ideology (its ideological morphology) and the links between ideologies and the contexts (institutional, social, political) in which they emerge, institutional pressures such as those generated by the Fifth Republic and its subsequent presidentialisation accounts for a mutation of French proto-fascism into a type of populist ideology. The FN's modification of its fascist ideology and conversion to an overt form of populism is depicted and analysed as a case study of a party's adaptation to, and exploitation of, the new structures of political opportunity created by the Fifth Republic; one in which populist ideas were more likely than fascist ones to lead to a measure of political success given the institutionalisation of a form of hitherto marginalised rally politics.
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Smith, Michael L. "Sir Percy Girouard : French Canadian proconsul in Africa, 1906- 1912." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55637.
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Underwood, Scott V. "A revolutionary atmosphere : England in the aftermath of the French revolution." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722223.
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This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France.Department of History
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
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Flutter, Chlöe. "A regional perspective on the French 35 hour week policy : tracing policy-making and implementation from nord-Pas-de-Calais to Paris." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f981bd7-5f74-487c-be60-e8c481dcae4b.
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In 1998, the French Socialist Government reduced the statutory workweek to 35 hours. This work time reduction policy was implemented in response to the country's chronic unemployment problem, which had seen unemployment average over 10% during the previous decade. The 35 hour week sought to reduce unemployment by spreading the existing stock of jobs more widely and by stimulating job creation. This policy choice was received with considerable scepticism from commentators outside of France. Critics argued that the 35 hour week diverged too greatly from the international orthodoxy of a flexible and deregulated labour market and, given the convergence pressures caused by contemporary globalisation, would reduce French competitiveness. The implication was that governments no longer had the freedom to implement employment policy that diverged from the international norm. In this thesis, I reconsider this argument. I undertake a political economy analysis of the use of work time reduction policy in France from the perspective of the regional labour market of Nord-Pas-de-Calais. In doing so, I focus on the implementation of the 35 hour week policy in this high unemployment region. In addition, I focus on the regional work time reduction policy implemented in Nord-Pas-de-Calais, which predated the national 35 hour week policy and was the source of several of its key features. Thus, I provide a regional perspective on the French 35 hour week policy, an alternative to the 'top down' perspective taken by its critics. Throughout this research, I concentrate on three key issues: (1) the logic of work time reduction policy within the local labour market in France, using Nord-Pas-de-Calais as my case study; (2) the method of policy-making and the importance of geographic scale; and (3) the viability of France's work time reduction policy in the face of globalisation. My aim is to understand the policy process that led to this policy choice, to appreciate how traditions of economic governance influenced its formation and implementation in the local labour market, and to study how these traditions influenced the ability of work time reduction policy to reduce unemployment. I show, first, that French traditions of labour market governance, on which work time reduction policy is based, continue to have meaning in the local labour market, with the public continuing to demand policy consistent with its ideals. Second, I show that scale contributes to policy outcomes and policy innovation, suggesting the importance of geographic factors in the policy, process, such as the spatial match between the policy and policy problem, the transfer of policy between scales, and issues such as proximity and homogeneity. Third, I show that the success of work time reduction policy is largely dependent upon socially determined factors including effective negotiation, preferences between work and leisure, and empathy for the unemployed. Fourth, I show that the 35 hour week policy was not incompatible with international demands for labour market flexibility because it provided significant scope for productivity gains via its design and increased flexibility in the use of work time, albeit within constraints. Therefore, by examining the making and implementation of work time reduction policy in France from a regional perspective, I show that while globalisation places genuine exogenous constraints on the policy choices of government, there nonetheless remains considerable scope within these constraints, especially when implementing policy that is compatible with traditions of governance that continue to resonate in the local labour market.
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Provan, James. "A comparative study of French and UK Government programmes to tackle the physical, management, and social problems of postwar social housing estates." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3325/.
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This thesis examines the impact of the Estates Action (EA) programme in the UK, and Developpment Social des Quartiers (DSQ) programme in France, on run down, post war, marginalised estates. Its focus is the housing management aspects of the problems on the estates. It examines the methodological problems associated with comparative studies of housing estates, then sets out a comparative analysis of the origins, development, and nature of the estates under consideration. The origins and structure of the DSQ/EA programmes are explained, and a descriptive evaluation is given of their impact, based partly 12 detailed case studies. There is considerable use of primary documentary sources, and interviews with both local and national government officials, including with over 100 housing and other agents on the estates. It also draws on published reports and other material. I argue that there are a number of factors, shared in both counties, which create the problems: - the physical state of the estate itself - poor management of the estate - failure to carry out the necessary infrastructural works to accompany construction - the encouragement of low cost home ownership as the natural and desired tenure - the need to fill the empty properties with anyone who would pay rent, allied with social and racial "dumping". The provision of EA/DSQ resources to the estates was due to wider imperatives than simply housing problems of voids or disrepair -rather it was the problems of high pockets of unemployment, rising crime rates, and the notion of "social exclusion". Successful aspects of the programme include physical rehabilitation, new devolved management, and better infrastructural provision, although these were often quickly subject to vandalism. Less successful were the attempts to reduce residualisation by tenure mix or social engineering of allocations. Voids were tackled by a variety of imaginative solutions, and the programmes increasingly included measures to tackle the underlying problems of crime and economic marginalisation. The most effective remedies were those which involved wholesale remodelling of estates, with demolitions and the introduction of new homes, including new tenures. This type of solution is most likely to be effective in the worst estates; though the less radical measures will be effective in the less problematic areas. Note: Throughout this thesis French expressions are generally translated, and where appropriate the original is given between square brackets; for example: APL Housing Benefit [Aide Personalise a Logement] In addition, any price comparisons made at an assumed exchange rate of £1 =F10, irrespective of the year of comparison.
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Kelly, Stéphane. "La petite loterie : comment la Couronne a obtenu la collaboration du Canada français après 1837 /." [Montréal] [Québec] : Boréal, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37522465s.
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Panisello, Sabaté Susana. "Els deporats d’ETA: els oblidats del conflicte (1984-1998)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/51249.
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La col•laboració entre el govern espanyol i el francès contra l’organització armada Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) va començar al gener de 1984 amb l’ús de les deportacions a tercers països. Els refugiats bascos que vivien al País Basc francès i que eren detinguts van començar a ser enviats a llocs americans i africans. Aquesta pràctica va estar vigent entre 1984 i 1990. Però els deportats van continuar vivint als tercers països i hi ha qui encara hi viu. La deportació va ser la mesura que el govern francès va usar abans de decidir-se a extradir cap a Espanya. Va implicar a tercers països que van acollir als bascos a canvi de compensacions econòmiques espanyoles. Aquestes es produïen a través d’Ajudes Oficials al Desenvolupament. Va acabar per convertir-se en una mesura oblidada pel pas del temps.The collaboration between the French and the Spanish government against the armed organization Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) began in January 1984 with the use of deportations to third countries. Refugees living in the French Basque Country and who were arrested began to be sent to African and American places. This practice was in force between 1984 and 1990. But the deportees continued living in third countries and now there are someone who are still alive. The deportation was the extent that the French government used before deciding to extradite to Spain. It implied in third countries that they accommodated the Basques in exchange for Spanish economical compensations. These were produced through Official Development Assistance. Eventually become a measure forgotten by time.
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Massé, Sylvain. "Démocraties et minorités linguistiques : le cas de la communauté franco-manitobaine." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66189.
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Chen, Tianhao. "Le droit des marchés publics en France et en Chine dans le contexte de la globalisation : entre libéralisation et utilisation stratégique des marchés publics." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0698/document.
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Aujourd’hui, tant en France qu’en Chine, les marchés publics sont de plus en plus utilisésdans la perspective stratégique, visant à poursuivre des divers objectifs de politiques publiques.Néanmoins, une telle utilisation stratégique devra inévitablement affronter la logique libérale inhérenteau régime des marchés publics, qui ne se traduit pas seulement par le régime traditionnel libéralisésous la logique de finances publiques, mais aussi par le régime découlant récemment de l’ambition del’ouverture des marchés publics à la concurrence globale. Ainsi, parachever un équilibre entre cesdeux exigences devient un problème crucial, notamment lors de la formulation des normes juridiquesglobales en la matière. Bien que, à cause de la vague de globalisation juridique, une homogénéité peutdéjà être identifiée à la fois dans l’utilisation stratégique et la libéralisation des marchés publics entrela France et la Chine, cette tendance à la convergence n’est pas imposée par des méthodes d’équilibreadoptées dans ces pays. De surcroît, en se basant sur les particularismes nationaux du droit chinois, lesméthodes d’équilibre adoptées en Chine bénéficient d’une légitimité intrinsèque. Il est ainsiimpossible en l’état actuel d’inciter les pouvoirs publics chinois à se détourner en convergeant avec lesméthodes d’équilibre adoptées en FranceIn the contemporary era, whether in China or in France, government procurement isincreasingly employed in strategic use in order to pursue numerous policy-based objectives. However,this mode of policy-based utilization would be inevitably in conflict with the liberal logic inherent tothe system of government procurement which is not only present in the financial logic of traditionalliberal systems but also used to establish a government procurement system open to globalcompetition. Thus, how to balance the conflict between liberalization and policy orientation in thefield of government procurement is a crucial problem which should be solved in global governmentprocurement norms. However, on the one hand, with the process of legal globalization, Chinese andFrench government procurement systems are largely homogeneous in terms of liberalization andpolicy orientation. On the other hand, the methods they use to balance the conflict betweenliberalization and policy orientation remain different. At the same time, because of the specificity ofthe Chinese judicial system, the Chinese equilibrium methods have their own legitimacy. In the currentcircumstance, it is impossible for the Chinese public authorities to abandon their own equilibriummethods to seek convergence with the French equilibrium methods
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Noteboom, Emilie Jeannette. "Critical analysis of Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer's Christian-historical principle, with a comparative critical analysis of his argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke's as used in their critique of the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6233d0bf-9fd2-4c4a-ad1c-9becb5cd514c.
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This thesis provides an analytical interpretation of the critique Dutch nineteenth-century statesman-cum-historian Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801-1876) articulated of French revolutionary ideology. It achieves an original reading of Groen's thought as Protestant right-order theory. This reading achieves a clarification of the functions that Scripture, 'nature', and 'history' have in his thought, and connects his thinking to that of a small group of contemporary British-based political theologians, notably Oliver and Joan Lockwood O'Donovan, and their minority view on the ontological grounding of justice. Our comparison of Groen's argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke achieves original critical leverage on their concepts of 'history', and draws out that Burke's critique of the Revolution purposes to re-affirm English common law, while Groen's is an apologia for Christianity.
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Xu, Zhikai. "Les employés allemands du Gouvernement Militaire Français (1945 - 1949)." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLN015/document.
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Après la seconde guerre mondiale et suite à sa défaite, l'Allemagne fut divisée en quatre zones d'occupation par les forces alliées. Sous le contrôle général du CONL (Conseil de Contrôle Interallié), les Allemands durent alors obéir aux ordres des quatre occupants alliés qui, chacun dans leur zone respective, cherchèrent de mener à bien leurs propres projets d'occupation. Pour des raisons diplomatiques et géopolitiques, les autorités françaises de la ZFO (zone française d’occupation) maintinrent une position plus indépendante, afin de non seulement garantir la sécurité géopolitique de la France, mais aussi s’assurer de pouvoir se procurer les moyens nécessaires à la reconstruction de la France -- à travers la réparation économique que l’Allemagne s’était vue imposer --, et enfin de lui permettre la décentralisation de l'Allemagne. Ainsi, une série de décisions sur l'utilisation directe ou indirecte des ressources humaines allemandes locales seront prises par le GMF (Gouvernement Militaire Français) pour faciliter l'administration de la zone française et assurer les intérêts français en Allemagne. Dans ce modèle représentatif de l’utilisation française du personnel allemand, trois groupes particuliers d’employés allemands directs ou indirects du GMF existèrent et aidèrent ainsi les occupants français à réaliser efficacement les objectifs qu’ils s’étaient fixés concernant l'occupation de l’Allemagne : les employés allemands relevant directement du GMF, les fonctionnaires et enfin, les légionnaires allemands. En raison de différentes décisions interalliées du CONL, d’événements historiques cruciaux et de mouvements populaires en Allemagne dans l’immédiat après-guerre – tels que par exemple, la dénazification, la démocratisation, la rééducation et la démilitarisation --, tous ces groupes d’employés allemands du GMF connurent des destins différents pendant la période d’occupation. Leurs sorts furent le reflet direct et concret du changement d’attitude des Français envers le peuple allemand ainsi que l’évolution des principes français relatifs à l’occupation de l’Allemagne dans l’après-guerreAfter the Second World War, defeated Germany was divided into four zones occupied by allied force. Under the general control of ACC (Allied Control Council), Germans had to obey the rule of Allied occupants and the four allied powers sought to carry out their own plans of occupation in their zones. Due to the reasons diplomatic and geostrategic, the French authorities maintained a more independent position to pursue the geopolitical security of France, the economic reparation for the reconstruction and the decentralization of Germany. Hence, a series of decisions about the direct or indirect use of local German human resource were adopted by the FMG (French Military Government) to simplifier the administration of the zone and ensure the realization of French interests in Germany. In this typical model of the French employ of German personnel, three major special germen groups existed; they supported French occupants to achieve efficiently their objectives of occupation in Germany: the germen employees relevant directly to FMG, the functionaries and the legionnaires. With the allied decisions of ACC, the crucial events and the popular movements in Germany, such as denazification, democratization, reeducation, and demilitarization, these typical groups of the employees of FMG have experienced the different situations during the occupation period and their fates reflect directly and deeply the change of French attitude toward the Germen people and the evolution of French principles of occupation in Germany in the postwar period
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Reignier, Dorothée. "La discipline de vote dans les assemblées parlementaires sous la cinquième République." Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20010.
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Depuis 1958, les parlementaires, quels que soient leur assemblée ou leur groupe, manifestent une unité de vote exemplaire. Celle-ci est la manifestation de la discipline de vote, phénomène complexe que certains, notamment, les parlementaires et ceux qui ont vocation à les assister, définissent comme une autodiscipline. Elle apparaît, cependant, comme le résultat d’un conditionnement mâtiné de contraintes exercées par des structures, groupes parlementaires, partis politiques et Gouvernement, qui ont intérêt au maintien de l’unité. Tous agissent en direction des élus qui, s’ils adhèrent par principe à la consigne de vote élaborée dans le cadre du groupe, sous le contrôle du parti et/ou du pouvoir exécutif, peuvent parfois exprimer quelques réticences. Ces actions, cumulées, prennent la forme de pressions et confortent l’existence de la discipline de vote.Au-delà de la pratique parlementaire, et parce qu’elle assure la collaboration des pouvoirs propre au régime parlementaire, la discipline de vote est devenue, comme le démontre sa constance, une caractéristique de la Cinquième République. Une pratique institutionnelle qui semblait pourtant contraire aux principes du régime représentatif, forgés à la Révolution. Si la discipline de vote est aujourd’hui considérée comme, sinon conforme, du moins compatible avec eux, c’est qu’elle révèle une lecture rénovée du régime parlementaire, fondée non plus sur la division, mais sur la fusion des pouvoirsSince 1958 MPs’, whatever their assembly or their group, show an exemplary unity of vote. The latter is the result of party discipline, a compound subject, which some, in particular, MPs’ and those who have authority to assist them, define as self-discipline. Party discipline appears, however, as the outcome of a conditioning mixed with constraints exercised by organizations, parliamentary groups, political parties and Government. Their common interest is to maintain unity. They all act towards the elected members. The latter, on principle, subscribe to the voting instructions, worked out within the scope of the group, under the party and/or the executive power control. Nevertheless, the elected members may sometimes be reluctant.All these actions become pressure, confirming that unity is not only the result of cohesion but really of party discipline. Beyond the parliamentary practice, and because it guarantees powers’ collaboration, which is peculiar to the parliamentary system, party discipline has become, as its constancy shows, a major characteristic of the French Fifth Republic. An institutional practice that appeared, however, to go against the French representative system’s principles, established during the Revolution. If party discipline is now considered as, if not in accordance with, but at least compatible with them, it is that it reveals a new way to define the parliamentary system, based not on powers’ divisions anymore, but on their fusion
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Weiss, Stephane. ""Le jour d'après" : organisations et projets militaires dans la France libérée : août 1944 - mars 1946." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2080/document.
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A la mi-septembre 1944, la France métropolitaine se trouve en grande partie libérée. Au terme de quatre années d'occupation, l'outil militaire national est à reconstruire. Soucieux de préparer l'avenir et, à court terme, de contribuer significativement à la victoire alliée, le gouvernement provisoire de la République française entend s'y atteler sans attendre, en négociant, un nouveau plan de réarmement avec les Alliés et en mettant à profit le potentiel humain constitué par les Forces françaises de l'Intérieur (FFI). Les négociations avec les Alliés aboutissent laborieusement au plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944, dont la mise en œuvre va tourner court au printemps suivant. Quant à l'intégration des hétérogènes FFI dans l'Armée, elle donne brièvement lieu à un bras de fer politique durant l'automne 1944. Le gouvernement provisoire n'est en effet pas la seule entité politique française à envisager la refondation d'une armée nationale. Sans attendre le gouvernement, une part des cadres et des organes issus de la Résistance intérieure a en effet d'emblée engagé des initiatives militaires, dérégulées et décentralisées, bien que non nécessairement divergentes par rapport à l'action gouvernementale. La présente thèse propose d'étudier ces projets et ces organisations, ainsi que les voies de leur intégration au sein des projets gouvernementaux, en prêtant une attention particulière aux dynamiques régionales. Cette thèse est divisée en quatre parties. La première partie, intitulée Tous en rangs !, est consacrée aux jeux d’acteurs français. Cette partie a pour centre de gravité la question du rétablissement par le gouvernement, avec un mode opératoire tantôt dirigiste, tantôt négocié, d'une administration militaire territoriale, sous la forme de régions militaires, destinées à servir de matrices incubatrices pour la formation de nouvelles unités. La seconde partie, intitulée Formez vos bataillons !, traite des modes de construction des projets de réarmement de 1944-1945. Outre une réinterrogation du plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944 et des raisons de son échec, cette partie est consacrée aux initiatives décentralisées de grandes unités (avec une douzaine de projets de divisions FFI) et au parcours souvent sinueux ayant conduit des bataillons de marche FFI de l'automne 1944 aux nouveaux régiments du printemps 1945. Une troisième partie, intitulée Engagez-vous !, décrit les modalités de réunion des ressources humaines nécessaires aux projets de réarmement, sans se limiter aux FFI ni à la seule question de l'amalgame pratiqué au sein de la 1re Armée française. Enfin, la dernière partie, intitulée Aux armes !, présente les modalités d’accès aux ressources matérielles requises pour l’équipement des forces recréées en métropole, en se focalisant sur les voies alternatives au matériel américain qui n'a guère été perçu en 1945 que sous forme d'échantillons. Cette partie aborde successivement l'emploi de matériels britanniques de seconde main, les essais de relance d'une production industrielle française dès l'automne 1944 et le recours à la récupération de matériels de prise, abandonnés par les forces allemandes. Au final, la présente thèse expose une dynamique de refondation militaire hybride, sensiblement différente de celle opérée en Afrique du Nord en 1943. Dans un environnement mouvant et concurrentiel, en l’absence des livraisons escomptées d'armement américain, le projet gouvernemental initial a été largement amendé, intégrant une part des initiatives décentralisées et entrepreneuriales issues de la Résistance intérieure, tout en les canalisantIn September 1944, the main part of France has been liberated. Thus, for the French provisional government as for the Allied headquarter, time was to rearmament by using the French manpower and the metropolitan industrial plants. The place for innovation is weak: what was planned, was just the continuity of allied schemes and of the pre-war French military institution. But, without waiting for governmental or allied instructions, a part of the Resistance's leaders has developed different local or global rearmament programs, especially by using the volunteers of the French Forces of Interior, in order to contribute to the final victory as to the renaissance of a new French army earned by the Resistance's ideas.The present thesis deals with the organizations and the projects born in this frame: their conditions of apparition, their ways of development and their integration’s modalities within the French Army and within the Allied strategy. A large importance is accorded to the regional and decentralized dynamics observed through the French territory. As a result, compared to the rearmament occurred in North Africa in 1943, the French rearmament's approaches took on the French ground a different and novel path, including initiatives and entrepreneurship
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Urban, Michael Crawford. "Imagined security : collective identification, trust, and the liberal peace." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:92c67271-8953-46a8-b155-058fb5733881.
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While not uncontested, the finding that liberal democracies rarely, if ever, fight wars against each other represents one of the seminal discoveries of international relations (IR) scholarship. Nevertheless, 'democratic peace theory' (DPT) – the body of scholarship that seeks to explain the democratic peace finding – still lacks a satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. In this thesis, I argue that a primary source of this failure has been DPT's failure to recognize the importance of collective identification and trust for the eventuation of the 'liberal peace'. Building on existing DPT scholarship, most of it Realist or Rationalist in its inspiration, but also employing insights from Constructivist and Cognitivist scholarship, I develop a new model of how specific forms of collective identification can produce specific forms of trust. On this basis, I elaborate a new explanation of the liberal peace which sees it as arising out of a network of trusting liberal security communities. I then elaborate a new research design that enables a more rigorous and replicable empirical investigation of these ideas through the analysis of three historical cases studies, namely the Canada-USA, India-Pakistan, and France-Germany relationships. The results of this analysis support the plausibility of my theoretical framework, and also illuminate four additional findings. Specifically, I find that (1) IR scholarship needs a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between agents and structures; (2) 'institutionalized collaboration' is especially important for promoting collective identification; (3) DPT scholarship needs to focus more attention on the content of the narratives around which collective identification takes place; and (4) dramatic events play an important role in collective identification by triggering what I term catharses and epiphanies. I close the thesis by reviewing the implications of my findings for IR and for policymakers and by suggesting some areas worthy of additional research.
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Kim, Daebo. "La gestion routière du département de la Haute-Garonne 1790-1796." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H116.
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Cette thèse porte sur la gestion des routes du département de la Haute-Garonne de 1790 à 1796. Dans ce département né du nouvel ordre territorial et administratif qui s’impose en France en 1790 et formé d’une partie de deux anciennes provinces hétérogènes, la Guyenne et le Languedoc, l’administration locale se voit confier le rôle de maintenir les infrastructures de transport en bon état. Pour ce faire, elle doit faire face aux nombreuses difficultés qui peuvent empêcher localement l’exécution des travaux routiers. Ses compétences à cet égard dépendant étroitement du degré de centralisation de l’administration centrale des ponts et chaussées, composée du ministre de l’Intérieur et du Corps des Ponts et Chaussées. Au cours de la Révolution française, ce jeu de pouvoir entre Paris et le département subit l’influence des contextes national et local, tels que les crises politiques ou la guerre. Le pouvoir local ne peut prendre les mesures qu’il juge nécessaire pour assurer la bonne gestion de son réseau routier que dans les limites de la politique routière imposée par ParisThis thesis is a study of the management of roads in the “département” of Haute-Garonne between 1790 and 1796. This “département” had been created as a part of the new territorial and administrative order in France established in 1790, and it was made from parts of two former different provinces, Guyenne and Languedoc. In Haute-Garonne the local administration was entrusted with the role of maintaining the infrastructures for transport. To this end the “département” had to face various difficulties that could impede the execution of road works in the locality. Its powers in this respect depended closely on the degree of centralization of the national administration of roads and bridges, an administration composed of the Minister of the Interior and the “Corps des Ponts et Chaussées”. During the French Revolution this power relationship between Paris and Haute-Garonne was dictated by a combination of national and local contexts, including political crises and war. The local authorities could take measures they deemed necessary to ensure the proper management of their road networks only when these were within the limits set by the road policy decided on by the national authorities in Paris
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Mingous, Gautier. ""Selon les nouvelles que vous nous ferez savoir" : Information et pouvoir à Lyon au tournant des guerres de Religion : (Vers 1552- vers 1576)." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE2069.
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La ville du XVIe siècle constitue un terreau favorable à la propagation d’informations en tous genres. Portées par des marchands ou des particuliers, ces nouvelles sont primordiales pour connaître la situation de régions éloignées, mais peuvent aussi se révéler dangereuses lorsque leur contenu n’est pas assuré. Les pouvoirs urbains ont donc cherché à encadrer les informations pour en faire un outil de bon gouvernement. Dans une société où l’information est perçue comme une marque de pouvoir pour agir sur le réel, les autorités des villes ont mis en oeuvre une méthodologie de gestion des nouvelles pour bâtir l’action politique grâce à l’émergence d’une administration de plus en plus spécialisée. Cette question de la maîtrise des nouvelles se pose avec d’autant plus d’urgence que la guerre civile remet en cause l’unité de la cité.En partant de la ville de Lyon, capitale économique et ville frontière du royaume de France, il s’agit d’analyser la place prise par l’information dans le gouvernement d’une ville soumise aux guerres de Religion. La correspondance et la documentation officielle des pouvoirs laïcs permet d’envisager toutes les étapes d’appropriation de la nouvelle, de la recherche du renseignement à l’élaboration d’un discours officiel destiné à être communiqué à d’autres pouvoirs ou à la population. Ces questionnements mettent en lumière des pratiques de codification de la bonne information qui doivent servir à construire la décision politique. La circulation des nouvelles encadrée par les pouvoirs urbains fait également apparaître de multiples réseaux élaborés avec le roi, la cour et de nombreuses villes proches et plus lointaines. Grâce aux systèmes de messageries de plus en plus institutionnalisés, les autorités lyonnaises ont bâti des espaces de communications destinés à protéger les intérêts de la cité, à réagir face aux troubles et aux rumeurs pour conserver le contrôle. Cette organisation a eu pour objectif d’affermir le pouvoir des élites et de justifier leur statut social.L’étude de l’information au XVIe siècle a pour effet d’intégrer les villes dans une trame beaucoup plus large que la seule histoire locale. Elle apporte également un tout autre regard sur les pratiques de gouvernement durant les guerres de Religion et, plus généralement, sur la société politique de la première modernitéCities in the 16th century were a fertile ground for the propagation of all kinds of information. Whether conveyed by merchants or in private spheres, all news items were necessary to know about the situation of distant regions but could also prove to be dangerous when their content was uncertain. Urban powers endeavoured to control the circulation of information in order to turn them into a political tool. In a society where information was perceived as a token of power that allowed the elite to act on reality, a new method to manage and control it was implemented, on which urban powers built their political action thanks to the emergence of an increasingly specialised administration. This question of the command of information was all the more urgent as a civil war was challenging the unity of the city.Focusing on the city of Lyon, an economic capital and a border city of the French realm,my goal is to analyse the role played by the handling of information in the government of a city in the midst of Religion wars. The letters and official documents of lay authorities show all the different ways the urban elite appropriated the circulation of informat ion, its search and itselaboration into an official discourse meant to be communicated to other authorities and to the population. These questions shed light on the growing codification of “good information” which served the purpose of political decision-making. The circulation of all news controlled by the urban powers also unveils the many networks woven with the king, the court andnumerous cities, both near and far from Lyon.Thanks to messaging services that were increasingly institutionalised, the municipal authorities of Lyon created networks in order to defend the city’s interests, to react to the conflicts unfolding and to the rumours spreading in order to remain in control. This organisation aimed to tighten the grip of the elites on the city and to justify their social status
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Olofsson, Louise. "Les changements de la politique de santé en Suède : Comparés avec la politique de santé en France, avec l'exemple de l'indemnité journalière." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5341.
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After the elections in 2006 there was a change of government in Sweden, when the Moderate Party with the right block took over the power from the Social democrats. The politics of the new government is more liberal than the politics of the Social democrats, which implied several changes of the Swedish social security system, in particular some important changes of the sickness benefit.
The objective of this essay has been to examinate the changes of the system, as well as the reasons for the changes, and also to compare the system in Sweden to the one in France, who has another structure.
The methods used are archive and corpus crossings in terms of collecting information from literature and websites of the social insurance offices in Sweden and in France. Further a qualitative method has been carried out in shape of an interview with the administrative official responsible of the sickness benefit at the social insurance office in Växjö.
The result has shown that there are several reasons for the changes in the Swedish system. It seems as if the most important reason is the big number of individuals on the sick-list which causes economical problems, since the employment rate is too low compared to the retired quotient of the population. The economical crises might have an influence on the changes of the systems, but not the present recession. Despite the rather big changes from a social system towards a more liberal one, the Swedish scheme has still kept its basic characteristics.
En 2006, la Suède a eu un changement de gouvernement. Les sociaux-démocrates ont été remplacés par l'alliance entre les partis à droite. Le nouveau gouvernement mène une politique plus libérale que les sociaux-démocrates, et ils ont introduit plusieurs changements dans le système de santé et particulièrement dans le règlement de l'indemnité journalière.
Ce mémoire a pour but d'examiner les changements dans le système, ainsi que les raisons de ces changements.
Les méthodes appliquées sont l'archive et le corpus, puisque j'ai étudié les ouvrages relatifs à la santé ainsi que les sites Internet des institutions responsables de l'indemnité journalière en Suède et en France. J'ai aussi eu un entretien avec un employé de la Caisse de Sécurité sociale à Växjö qui s'occupe particulièrement de l'indemnité journalière.
Les résultats de cette étude montrent qu'il y a plusieurs raisons à l'origine des changements dans le système suédois. Il semble que la raison la plus importante soit le nombre croissant de personnes en arrêt maladie ce qui génère des difficultés économiques, de même la proportion de la population active par rapport aux retraités est au cœur de la problématique. Enfin, les crises économiques peuvent influencer le système, mais la crise actuelle ne semble pas avoir eu une influence importante sur les changements.
Malgré les changements assez bouleversants vers un système plus libéral en Suède, qui tend à se rapprocher légèrement du système français, le système suédois reste plus social que le système français.
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Defline, Julien. "Le ministre des Finances sous la Ve République : contribution à l'étude du désenchantement d'une toute-puissance." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0503.
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Il est de bon ton d’admettre, puisque l’image se dessine dans nombre de travaux universitaires, que le ministre des Finances est, sous la Ve République, un « super-ministre dont l’influence contrebalance celle du chef du Gouvernement », un « deuxième Premier ministre », ou encore un « ministre universel », à la tête d’un ministère « encore plus puissant que tout ce que l’on peut imaginer ». Grâce à ses pouvoirs et à ses compétences, le ministre des Finances disposerait d’une supériorité sans appel que beaucoup considèrent comme incontestable sous la Ve République. Si l’affirmation d’une puissance semble se dégager des écrits portant sur le ministre des Finances sous la Ve République, une étude approfondie laisse apparaître d’incontestables limites le contraignant, remettant en cause cette prétendue hégémonie au sein de nos institutions. Des servitudes de toutes parts et de plus en plus présentes viennent atténuer cette image mythique glorifiant la fonction. Cette démonstration est réalisée en deux temps. Dans un premier temps, il est établi qu’il n’existe aucune hégémonie administrative du ministre des Finances, malgré certains particularismes dus à la matière financière. Il est, en tant qu’autorité administrative, essentiellement assimilable à un ministre ordinaire. Dans un second temps, il est prouvé qu’il existe bien une hégémonie politique du ministre des Finances. Cependant, celle-ci a connu un affaiblissement au cours de la Ve République, même si les événements ne sont pas parvenus à en faire une autorité politique ordinaireIt is quite fashionable to admit, since the image is looming in many pieces of research work, that the French Finance minister stands, during the Fifth Republic, as a « super-minister whose influence counterbalances the Prime minister’s », a « second PM », or even a « universal minister », at the head of a ministry « which is even more powerful than anyone can imagine ». Thanks to his powers and competences, the Finance minister is said to enjoy some undeniable superiority that many consider unquestionable during the Fifth Republic. If a definite power appears obvious in the pieces of writing which deal with the Finance minister during the Fifth Republic, a thorough study shows some indisputable limits coercing him, thereby questioning this would-be hegemony within our institutions. This mythical image which glorifies the function tends to be mitigated by a number of constraints, coming from all sides, and increasingly present. This demonstration will be twofold. First, it establishes that there is no administrative hegemony by the Finance minister, in spite of some peculiarities which are proper to the financial matters. As an administrative authority, he can be compared to an ordinary minister. Second, it can be proved that the Finance minister’s political hegemony does exist, even if it has been weakened under the Fifth Republic, not turning though into an ordinary political authority
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Le, Merle Mathilde. "Les tribunaux du Gouvernement militaire en zone française d’occupation en Allemagne (1946-1956) : Vivre et agir en régime totalitaire." Thesis, Orléans, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019ORLE3018.
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Alors même que se déroulaient à Nuremberg et dans les zones d’occupation britannique et américaine des procès passés à la postérité, se tenaient en zone française d’occupation nombre de procès demeurés longtemps confidentiels. Toutefois ce furent un peu plus de 2100 présumés criminels de guerre, hommes et femmes, qui furent déférés de 1946 à 1956 devant les tribunaux de Gouvernement militaire puis les tribunaux de la Haute-Commission alliée. Accusés sur le fondement de la loi n°10 du Conseil de contrôle, ils eurent à répondre principalement de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité mais également, et ce de manière exceptionnelle, de crime contre la paix. Couvrant un spectre large de responsabilité, allant de celle de simples citoyens à celle de dignitaires du parti national-socialiste et de membres des camps de concentration en passant par celle d’industriels mais également de professionnels de santé ou du droit, la riche jurisprudence des tribunaux de Gouvernement militaire de la zone française d’occupation, empreinte de naturalisme juridique, a permis de définir un certain nombre de standards devant impérativement être respectés par les individus, y compris dans un Etat totalitaire et quel qu’ait été l’état du droit interne, sous peine d’engager leur responsabilité pénaleEven if the trail in Nuremberg and the British and American occupation zones passes into posterity, those in the French Zone rested confidential for a long time. However, there were over 2100 presumed war criminals, men and women, who appeared from 1946 to 1956 before the military government courts and then the Allied High Commission courts. Charged under the Control Council Law Number 10, they were held liable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and in an exceptional case, for crimes against peace. Covering a wide range spectrum of responsibility, ranging from that of ordinary citizens to that of the National Socialist Party officials and members of concentration camps through to that of industrialists, as well as, that of legal and healthcare practitioners, the rich case law of Military Government Courts in the French zone of occupation, marked by the natural law, allowed to define a number of standards that all should respect, even a totalitarian State and what ever was the state of the internal law, otherwise, under penalty of criminal responsibility
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Kiattibutra-Anantalapochai, Raksi. "Analyse lexicale, morphologique et syntaxique du Thaï en vue de la traduction automatique appliquée au domaine de l'administration publique." Phd thesis, Université de Franche-Comté, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01020748.
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Cette recherche présente une méthode d'analyse micro-systémique des mots composés thaïs. Le but denotre étude est de trouver une réponse au questionnement suivant " existe-t- il une voie qui permette de traduireautomatiquement les mots thaïs vers le français avec un résultat parfait ? ". Ce travail est divisé en cinqchapitres. La première partie concerne une histoire brève de la traduction automatique dont celle du thaï. Lespoints de vue des autres travaux sont étudiés. Le deuxième chapitre présente les caractéristiques de la langue thaïe qui possède une forme d'écriture typique sans espacement et peut entrainer des difficultés en termes d'ambiguïté dans la traduction. Certaines divergences entre le thaï et le français sont soulignées à l'aide de la théorie micro-systémique du Centre Tesnière. Le troisième chapitre fait l'étude des mots composés thaïs en utilisant une méthode hybride de l'analyse morphosyntaxique et notre système à base de règles conformes à notre modèle d'analyse de données. Le quatrième chapitre met en évidence un contrôle modélisé des unités lexicales codées syntaxiquement et sémantiquement afin d'en définir des algorithmes efficaces. Le dernier chapitre conclut sur les résultats des nouveaux algorithmes par leur informatisation. Sont enfin énoncées les perspectives ouvertes par cette nouvelle recherche. Cette étude est présentée comme un travail fiable à l'élimination des ambiguïtés. Fondée sur une méthode hybride, elle nous a permis d'atteindre notre objectif et de trouver ainsi une voie efficace qui nous autorise à traduire automatiquement les mots thaïs vers le français. Le résultat place cet outil comme l'un des plus accessibles à la recherche internationale où le thaï et le français prennent leurs places de choix
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Hwang, Kuei-ying, and 黃貴瑛. "The Study of Anti-poverty policies in American,Taiwan and French Government（1980 - 2002）." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/20066954855258107381.
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碩士國立中山大學
政治學研究所
92
So far as we know, there is no world recognized poverty measurement can adopt to each country. Even the definitions of poverty differentiate from time and places. In Taiwan, the measurement and definition of poverty is similar to France. Both of them adopt each person’s consuming outcomes for the standard of measurement. America adopts quantitative index to calculate and measure their poverty. This measurement is according to different age, sex and family total numbers, and then refers to inflation ratio of each year. About the contents of anti-poverty policy, this study find out the way of dealing with poverty issues in American, French and Taiwan are the same. All of them cannot exclude from the influences of their own historic traditional concepts. That’s why America and Taiwan adopt the Residual Model to relieve the poor. After experienced the painful lessons of two world wars that brought mass poor population, France set up a popular and completed institutional re-distributive model. His or her anti-poverty policy is full caring all different statuses person. In America and Taiwan, the relationships of political parties, anti-poverty policy and elections are hard to separated. But there''s a different issue altogether in France, the sense of welfare implants in the mind of French, so that no matter left-wing government or right-wing government rules the country, they could not persuade people to give up the social welfare by the fact of financial deficits. In short, the purpose of this study is try to find out how the left-wing or right-wing government is the way to treatment in the poverty issues. I chose the 1980s of American and France for the beginning -- In America, the neoliberalism economics, the right-wing government, was popular during the 1980s, and France, the only one left-wing government in western democratic countries. These two governments have been to resist poor problems over 20 years for my reference. And then discuss about the results of dealing with poverty problems in Taiwan these 20 years. This study hope can use the poverty problems, for a primary realization of the social welfare policy.
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Cirone, Alexandra. "Essays on Historical Political Economy: The Case of the French Third Republic." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8SQ9BV5.
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My dissertation examines how political institutions -- such as dual mandates, committee systems, and political associations -- impact the level and timing of party consolidation in a new democracy, as well as incentivize the behavior of elite politicians. I explore this through an intensive, data-driven analysis of the French Third Republic (1870-1940), during its formative years of its democratization. I trace the evolution of French political development across three papers. I first begin in the electorate, by looking at how a lack of ``bottom-up" electoral pressures slowed early political competition in France, and use an exogenous shock to population to demonstrate how urbanization affected local races and the creation of the first political associations in 1901. I then link the electorate with the legislature by examining how an institution meant to connect local and national politics -- cumul des mandats, or the ability to hold two offices -- had a negative effect on party development. Finally, I look at how the legislative organization of the committee system affected the career trajectories of politicians, in the absence of party institutions. In sum, this research contributes to a growing microfoundations literature that argues the geographic distribution of voters and the incentives of political elites are crucial but understudied factors in key episodes of early institution building in new democracies.
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Deacon, Valerie Anne. "The art of secrecy and subversion : the Cagoule and French politics in the 1930s." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/854.
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Auriacombe, Christelle Jeanette. "Die rol van die Franse ministeriele cabinet : 'n vertolking." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18023.
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Text in AfrikaansIn die politieke en administratiewe stelsel van Frankryk bestaan die ministeriele cabinet as 'n instelling eiesoortig aan Frankryk, met die doel om ministers individueel in stoat te stel om die politieke wil van die regering ten uitvoer te bring. Die gesag van die cabinets is kontroversieel en word enersyds geprys en andersyds gekritiseer. Die Franse ministeriele cabinet neem die plek in van 'n permanente departementshoof. en bestaan uit 'n groep persoonlike personeel wot aan elke minister verbonde is. Sy funksie is om horn te ondersteun en te adviseer sodat hy 'n ingeligte oordeel kan fel voordat hy besluite neem, en ook om te verseker dot sy beleid geformuleer, verduidelik en uitgevoer word. Die ministeriele cabinet was oorspronklik 'n politieke instelling wot in die algemeen uit politieke bondgenote van die minister bestaan het. In die Vyfde Republiek het dit egter ontwikkel tot 'n formele instelling. Dit het 'n onontbeerlike rol begin speel om die skakeling van die politieke stelsel met die administratiewe stelsel te bewerkstellig en ko6rdinering te verseker. Net soos die ministers, funksioneer die cabinets op daardie kruispunte waar verskeie politieke en administratiewe instellings met mekaar skakel. Hulle vervul gevolglik 'n sleutelrol om skakeling te fasiliteer en samewerking te bewerkstellig. Ministeriele cabinets verbind dus die politieke partye, die Parlement, belangegroepe en drukgroepe met ministeries (staatsdepartemente) as uiNoerende instellings. In hierdie proefskrif word die funksionering van die cabinets ontleed en hulle besondere rol in die Franse politieke en administratiewe stelsel vertolk. Die skrywer het bevind dot, waar cabinets effektief funksioneer, hulle doelmatige en doeltreffende meganismes is om die verhouding tussen die politieke en administratiewe stelsel in die bree te versterk tot voordeel van goele regering. Cabinets wot egter nie effektief funksioneer nie, lei tot 'n verswakking in die verhoudinge in en tussen ministeries met nadelige gevolge vir die regering. Voorts is bevind dot die cabinets 'n belangrike rol vervul om die kloof tussen die minister en die amptenare in sy ministerie te oorbrug. 'n Cabinet kan dus 'n minister se loopbaan bevorder of benadeel.
The French political and administrative system includes the ministerial cabinet, a uniquely French institution that exists with the purpose of enabling individual ministers to execute the political will of the government. The authority of the cabinets is either praised or criticised. The French ministerial cabinet substitutes for a permanent head of a deportment, and consists of a group of personal staff serving each minister. Its function is to support and advise him, in order to enable him to make informed judgements before taking decisions, and also to ensure that his policy is formulated. clarified and executed. In its original form the ministerial cabinet was a political institution, generally consisting of political allies of the minister. However. in the Fifth Republic it was transformed into a formal institution. It acquired an indispensable role in effecting liaison and co-ordination of the political system with the administrative system. The cabinets, like the ministers, function at the intersections of political and administrative institutions. Thus they play a key role in facilitating liaison. Hence. ministerial cabinets link the political parties, Parliament, interest groups and pressure groups, with the ministries (state deportments) as executive institutions. This thesis consists of an analysis of the functioning of cabinets, and interprets their particular role in the French political and administrative system. The author has found that where cabinets function as efficient and effective mechanisms, they strengthen the relationship of the political and administrative systems in general to the advantage of good governance. Ineffective cabinets, however. impair the relations within and among ministries to the disadvantage of the government. It has also been established that cabinets play an important role in bridging the gap between the minister and the officials in his ministry. A cabinet can thus improve or damage a minister's career.
Public Administration and Management
D. Litt. et Phil. (Publieke Administrasie)
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Boels, Maxence. "French government transparency policy on healthcare: building and monitoring a public data base : an ETL and business intelligence project." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/79932.
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Internship report presented as partial requirement for obtaining the Master’s degree in Data Science Advanced AnalyticsThis internship Report is part of the second year of Master’s in data science and advanced analytics from University of Nova IMS in Lisbon. Students are required to complete either a thesis, a working project or an internship and its written report. My internship started on the 3rd of September 2018 and finished on the 1st of March 2019. Thus, it is a 6 month long internship. Students are free to go abroad and in any kind of structure as long as the context in which the internship takes place is related to the subject of the master. In my case, I had to find an internship related to the data science or advanced analytics. The content of this master is defined by its courses. The following courses were given during the first year of the master. First Semester Second Semester Big Data Predictive Models Data Mining I Data Mining II Computation Intelligence for Optimization Inferential Analytics Data Warehousing Business Intelligence Table 1: Master Program modules in the 1st year (Deloitte, 2019) All those courses are theoretical and practical. Indeed, in each of those courses, a hands-on approach has been given to the students during practical classes to help them implement the theoretical knowledge taught daily. Students were asked to work in teams on every project which enhance their team working skills and sense of responsibility. During the second year of the Master, students are asked to land an internship and find a report supervisor by themselves. Nova IMS is providing to the best students of the first year a chance to get their internship in one of its partner companies such as Accenture, Fidelidade, SAS, and so on. On the other hand, the student office is sharing to students some internship offers to who might need some help to find an internship. At the end of the internship, students must complete a written report and present it to a jury composed by professors and professionals. After this final step, students are graduating from Nova IMS.
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Gonschor, Lorenz R. "Law as a tool of oppression and liberation: institutional histories and perspectives on political independence in Hawaiʻi, Tahiti Nui / French Polynesia and Rapa Nui." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/20375.
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Scott, Victoria Holly Francis. "La beauté est dans la rue : art & visual culture in Paris, 1968." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10958.
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Removed from its artistic origins in the French avant-garde during the interwar
period, the European based group known as the situationist international is often
represented as being solely occupied with politics to the exclusion of all else, particularly
art and aesthetics. In what follows I argue that throughout the sixties the anti-aesthetic
position was actually the governing model in France obliging the avant-garde to adjust
their strategies accordingly. Artists and artists' collectives that placed politics before
aesthetics were the norm, enjoying widespread popularity and recognition from both the
public and the French State. These overtly partisan groups and individuals sapped art of
the power it had enjoyed in the fifties as a venue removed, or at least distanced from,
formal politics. In response, the situationists officially rejected the art world, turning to
the popular and vernacular culture of the streets in an attempt to get beyond both
classical aesthetic principals and the overt propagandistic objectives of groups such as le
Salon de la jeunePeinture. Turning to the climactic moment of 1968 I track the ways in
which these debates informed the posters and graffiti which marked the unfinished
revolution, sorting out the various aesthetic positions and political persuasions that
dominated the events. My thesis contends that the situationists were not anti-aesthetic,
that they simply advocated a different kind of aesthetics: one that rejected traditional
notions of beauty for the more active and open concept of poiesis or poetry. Beyond
words on a page, this notion implied art as a way of life, emphasizing production,
creation, formation and action and can be traced back to the groups prewar origins in the
Dada and surrealist movements. Moreover, this concept of poetry was not adverse to
issues of form being highly dependent on the materiality and physicality of the urban
centre, specifically the streets. Finally my conclusion expands upon the similarities
between this notion of poetry and the 17th century understanding of beauty, the latter
concept being associated with a subtle criticality and strategic wit. It was this
interpretation of beauty that defined and produced the art of 1968.
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De, Sève Étienne. "Uni, autoritaire et éclairé : le gouvernement français dans la pensée d'Olympe de Gouges de l'Ancien Régime à la première République, 1785-1793." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7651.
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Tijani, Hakeem Ibikunle. "Britain and the development of leftist ideology and organisations in West Africa: the Nigerian experience, 1945-1965." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2025.
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Although organised Marxist organisations did not emerge in Nigeria until the mid-1940s, leftist ideology had been prevalent among nationalist and labour leaders since the late 1920s. Both official documents and oral histories indicate deep-rooted support for leftism in Nigeria and anxiety among British colonial officials that this support threatened the Colonial Office's own timetable for gradual decolonisation. This study analyses the development of leftist ideology and attempts to establish a nationwide leftist organisation in colonial and post-independent Nigeria.
The role of the Zikist movement is retold in light of new evidence, while other leftist organisations are salvaged from the footnotes of Nigeria nationalist history. More importantly, the adaptability of Marxist-Leninist ideology to colonial reality by the different leftist groups in Nigeria is emphasized. The reaction of Anglo-American officials in Lagos and the metropolis towards the Communist Party of Great Britain and other leftist organisations' sponsorship of Marxist groups in Nigeria are discussed. Lastly, the continuity between the departing colonial power and the Balewa administration is addressed to juxtapose the linkage between the two governments. The study thus provides a lucid explanation for the failure of leftist ideology and organisations in Nigeria during the twentieth century.
In this eight-chapter thesis I consistently argue, based on official documents from England, Nigeria, and the United States, that the role of Marxists and Soviet Cold War interests in colonial territories are relevant to nationalism and decolonisation in Nigeria; that the issue is not to determine or measure whether or not Anglo-American policies are direct response to Soviet interests; that there are political, economic, and diplomatic policies carried out as part of the transfer of power process; and that the success of these is partly a result of collaboration with local subaltern leaders and official resolve to institutionalise imperial preferences before independence on October 1, 1960.History
D.Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Hertel, Petr. "Pokusy Španělska o znovunabytí svých mocenských pozic v šedesátých letech 19. století." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350964.
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The thesis The Attempts of Spain at Power Recuperation in the sixties of the 19th Century analyzes five actions of military and naval character undertaken by the Spanish Monarchy out of its territories roughly between the years 1858 and 1866, along with their preconditions, circumstances, course, and results. In the comparison with two actions realized or initiated by Spain as early as towards the close of the 1850s (her participation in the French intervention in Vietnam in 1858-1863, the war against Morocco in 1859-1860), an profounder attention is paid to three interventions effectuated from 1861 in the American countries which still approximately four decades before had been creating components of her great overseas empire (the reannexation of Santo Domingo in 1861- 1865; the participation in the so-called Tripartite Intervention in Mexico in 1861-1862; the naval expedition towards the South America's Pacific watersides that culminated in Spanish-Peruvian controversy of 1864 and afterwards, in the so-called First Pacific War, managed in 1865-1866 by Spain against the South America's Pacific republics, primarily against Chile and Peru). After all, just the Hispanic American emancipation, consummated in the 1820s (and thus, the decomposition of the great Spanish empire in continental America, after three...
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Keady, Joseph. "A Translation of Dominik Nagl’s Grenzfälle with an Introductory Analysis of the Translation Process." 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/881.
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My thesis is an analysis of my own translation of a chapter from Dominik Nagl's legal history 'Grenzfälle,' which addresses questions of citizenship and nationality in the context of the German colonies in Africa and the South Pacific. My analysis focuses primarily on strategies that I used in an effort to preserve the strangeness of a linguistic context that is, in many ways, "foreign" to twenty first-century North Americans while also striving to avoid reproducing the violence embedded in language that is historically laden with extreme power disparities.