Journal articles: 'French political philosophy'

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Fukuyama, Francis, and Mark Lilla. "New French Thought: Political Philosophy." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 6 (1994): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046936.

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Podolskiy, Vadim. "Social policy and paternalism in the traditionalistic political philosophy of 17th century France." Socium i vlast, no. 3 (September 2022): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2022-3-95-105.

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Introduction. Discussions on social policy in French traditionalism of the XVII century served as a source for philosophic considerations in the XVIII century, and defined the features of the French conservatism in the XIX century and specif- ics of the French welfare state in the XX century. The purpose of the article is to review the attitude of the French traditionalists of the XVII century on the social policy. Methods. The article relies on historic and com- parative approach and analysis of institutions and shows the features of the political philosophy in France of the XVII century within the context of the social and political problems and religious polemics. Scientific novelty of the study. The article offers analysis of the social policy conceptions of the French traditionalistic philosophy of the XVII century and highlights in paternalistic feudal- ism the background for the development of the conservative philosophy and social policy. Results. Two main approaches coexisted within the French traditionalism of the XVII century: support of the traditional role of the aristocracy and advocacy of the strong monarchy. Both approaches held paternalistic views and believed that it was neces- sary for the strong to display responsibility for the well-being of the weak, they supported aid for the needy to preserve the social order and to for their education. Conclusions. Reflections of the French traditional- ists of the XVII influenced the development of the unique structure of the welfare state in France, defined by the principle of solidarity, and coexist- ence of many different actors, with strong role of the state.

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Cherygova, Anastasiia. "Henri-Dominique Lacordaire in the Canadian ultramontane philosophy." DIALOGO 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.12.

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When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.

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Khoma, Oleg. "Spinoza in the focus of national traditions. Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic." Sententiae 39, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent39.02.207.

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Review of Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic.

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Evdokimova, Kristina N. "Violence in the Political Philosophy of J.-P. Sartre." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 3 (2019): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-3-285-296.

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The article identifies the place and role of violence in the texts of French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre. The main task is to identify the origins of the theme of violence in the philosophy of Sartre. It is noted that the first ideas on violence appeared in earlier works of Sartre, and later they were developed in his political philosophy. It is shown how Sartre interprets the concept of violence, defines its framework, and also highlights its positive and negative evaluations. It may cause some difficulties since Sartre sometimes gave ambiguous interpretations of the same things but ultimately, he recognized that human freedom is always somehow limited. The degree of influence of K. Marx’s ideas on the development of the theme of violence in the philosophy of Sartre is determined. With the topic of violence being close to such topics as freedom and alienation in the political philosophy of Sartre, an analysis of his efforts on their understanding is presented.

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Hamburger, Jacob. "Tocqueville, America, and Us. Avant-propos." Tocqueville Review 37, no. 2 (January 2016): 159–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.37.2.159.

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A partial English translation of this article appears under the title “Tocqueville” in a 1995 volume of essays on political philosophy edited by Mark Lilia for the series New French Thought The stated aim of this volume was to introduce English-speaking readers to a new generation of French thinkers who had rediscovered political philosophy in a country that had for decades cast it aside. The prestige of such intellectual trends as existentialism, Marxism, structuralism, and post-structuralism, each in their own way, distracted generations of French thinkers from properly political questions.

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HAZAREESINGH, S. K. "Review. New French Thought: Political Philosophy. Lilla, Mark (ed.)." French Studies 51, no. 3 (July 1, 1997): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/51.3.367.

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Lee, Taek-Gwang. "Critical Theory in the Age of Big Data." Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 27, no. 3 (October 31, 2022): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2022.27.3.241.

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This essay discusses the rise of neoliberalism and globalization and its effects on the reconstruction of critical theory. This consideration will be about how the desire for critical theory, or the desiring critique, could intervene in the cognitive or surveillance capitalism phase based on big data technology. For this purpose, I will clarify the fact that the revival of critical theory should be the reconsideration of French philosophy (or French theory) and its political foundation since the 1950s. The vital link between critical theory and political conjunctures is revealed in the CIA’s report on French philosophy in the 1980s. The failure of radical French philosophy led to the decline of intellectuals and the reification of critical theory. I will relate this situation to the advent of cognitive or surveillance capitalism and its changed mode of accumulation. My conclusion will focus on the role of critical theory in understanding the function of big data capitalism and imposing its political implication on the celebration of technological advances.

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howard, dick. "french rhetoric and political reality." Philosophy & Social Criticism 12, no. 4 (October 1987): 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145378701200403.

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Wokler, Robert. "The French Revolutionary Roots of Political Modernity in Hegel's Philosophy, or the Enlightenment at Dusk." Hegel Bulletin 18, no. 01 (1997): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200001208.

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Readers of Auguste Comte's Cours de Philosophie positive which began to appear just before Hegel's death might well have imagined, from the work's title, that they were about to confront an interpretation of Hegel's philosophical system. If Hegel himself had assembled his writings as systematically as his doctrines, that collective title would probably have embraced their meaning with greater accuracy than any other. The positivity of Comte's philosophy was of course strikingly different from Hegel's and was in a crucial sense meant to supplant it, replacing it with a genuinely scientific understanding of society, just as metaphysics had earlier overturned theology. Over the past hundred and fifty years or so, Comte's positive philosophy – which he also termed sociology – has in its various formulations by his disciples come to encapsulate the proper agenda of the human sciences for a post-metaphysical, post-Hegelian, age.

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Włodarski, Bartosz. "Pomiędzy filozofią a nauką – rozważania o francuskich korzeniach wiedzy o polityce na Akademii Krakowskiej w dobie reform kołłątajowskich." Politeja 17, no. 1(64) (February 26, 2020): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.64.10.

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Between Philosophy and Science – Reflections on the French Roots of Political Science at the Cracovian University in the Era of Kołłątaj’s Reforms This paper aims to present the history of the political sciences at the Academy of Cracow during its reorganisation by Hugo Kołłataj in the 18th century. Kołłątaj and other patriots – professors and representatives of the law faculty, precursors of French physiocratic political doctrine in Poland – established „The Chair of the Law of Nature, Economical and Political Law and Law of Nations”. It was the institutional and theoretical base for all political sciences at that time. The plan of developing this particular branch of science was put into practice by Antoni Popławski – great philosopher, reformer and the author of the first book on physiocracy in Poland inspired by dr. Quesnay’s doctrine. The article also presents the origin of the 20th century’s modern political sciences rooted in the knowledge of the 18th Central Crown School – at present known as the Jagiellonian University.

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Yosypenko, Oxana. "Wittgenstein and Phenomenology: Controversies of the French Interpretation." Sententiae 40, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent40.03.068.

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The author of the article focuses on the matter of Wittgenstein's philosophy reception in France. The reception of Wittgenstein's philosophy was quite late and led to different, sometimes opposite interpretations of his thought, even among French analytical philosophers. Applying a sociological approach to the problem of reception, the author identifies factors that hindered the penetration of the ideas of analytical philosophy in France, including the powerful institutionalization of philosophy in France with its inherent traditionalism and conservatism, fully expressed national character of French philosophy, as well as the extremely polemical character of French analytical philosophy, the transformation of the choice of this tradition of philosophizing into an ethical and political choice. These factors are illustrated by an analysis of Wittgenstein's conflicting interpretation of Jacques Bouveresse and Sandra Laugier. If the first creates an image of Wittgenstein as Anti-Husserl, blaming the phenomenologist for ignoring ordinary language, the second proposes a phenomenological reading of Wittgenstein's ideas using the philosophy of ordinary language. The article shows how opposing interpretations of Wittgenstein's philosophy reproduce the internal conflicts of the French philosophical field.

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Ma, Lin. "Cosmo-nationalism: American, French and German philosophy." Contemporary Political Theory 19, S2 (January 1, 2019): 130–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-018-00303-x.

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Krotov, Artem A. "Interpretation of the French Revolution as a means of political forecasting: On the concept of Paul Janet." Philosophy of the History of Philosophy 3 (2023): 244–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu34.2022.116.

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The article analyzes the ideas of one of the classics of 19th century French philosophy about the essence of the French Revolution concepts. He divided their history into two stages, referring to the first (until the middle of the 19th century) categorical, tough assessments, to the second — calmer and more balanced. The typology of concepts of the French Revolution proposed by him contains historical, philosophical, mystical and theocratic, liberal, republican, democratic-socialist, economic schools. Burke, who fell upon the abstract foundations of the revolution, according to Janet, was mistaken, for it was about justice and improving social life. Fichte, on the contrary, with youthful naivety developed a speculative interpretation of revolutionary events. Janet believed that Fichte, who was carried away by the abstract formulation of the question of the revolution, did not notice the full complexity of the problem. Saint-Martin, the mystic, expected a renewal of religion from the revolution, his forecasts did not come true. Joseph de Maistre saw the revolution as a heavenly punishment, predicting a return to the previous orders. Janet criticizes the socialists for extolling Robespierre with “revolutionary fanaticism” and justifying all the acts of the Jacobeans. Explaining his plan, Janet stated that he was only going to become a historian of the concepts of the French Revolution, to study their philosophy. But in fact, he goes beyond this task, because in his desire to find the truth in the variety of opinions he eventually comes to the formulation of his own social ideal. This ideal highlights legal justice. For Janet, the revolution appears as a natural result of the entire previous history, in which the main attitudes of common sense were determined. It was these attitudes that were systematically fixed by the French Revolution. Given the mentioned context, the future task was seen by the philosopher in the peaceful development and completion of the revolution.

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Roberts, Colin. "Contemporary French philosophy: Dialogue and interdisciplinarity." Modern & Contemporary France 5, no. 3 (August 1997): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489708456386.

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Sirczuk, Matías. "Look at Politics With Eyes Unclouded By Philosophy." Arendt Studies 2 (2018): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/arendtstudies201862013.

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In the following, I will trace the presence of Montesquieu in Arendt’s work, giving an account of both Arendt’s praise for the French writer’s particular way of thinking the political and his approach to problems that will become central to the development of Arendt’s own thought. Firstly, I will follow Arendt down the path that led her to discover fundamental tools in Montesquieu for understanding totalitarianism “with eyes unclouded by philosophy.” Secondly, I will track the way in which the Arendtian reconceptualization of some key political words—power, law and freedom—is threaded through with her reading of the French author. Thirdly, I will look into the way in which Montesquieu’s formulation of a particular link between what Arendt calls the basic experience and the political regime, allows her to go on to discover a criteria that makes it possible to distinguish between political and anti-political ways of living together; and allows us to see that there is a phenomenally essential element within tyranny and totalitarianism that ensures that it “develops the germs of its own destruction the moment it comes into existence.”

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Jennings, J. R. "Conceptions of England and its Constitution in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought." Historical Journal 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018628.

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References to England abound in nineteenth-century French political thought and what interested French writers about England varied enormously. English education, agriculture, religion, morals, national character, social structure: all figured in their writings. Very few failed to take note of England's rapid industrial growth and commercial power. England, in the words of Eugène Buret, was ‘le pays privilégié pour les études sociales’. Few Frenchmen, however, developed an enthusiastic admiration for English philosophy in this period. Yet there was one prevailing and predominant theme in French writings about England.

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Crosson, Frederick J. "Introduction to “Law and Liberty” by Yves R. Simon." Review of Politics 52, no. 1 (1990): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500048294.

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Yves R. Simon was a French-born philosopher who studied with Jacques Maritain, came to America just before the Second World War, taught at the University of Notre Dame and then at the University of Chicago. He died in 1961. Perhaps his best known work is the Philosophy of Democratic Government, published in 1951 and still in print.

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Moggach, Douglas. "Absolute Spirit and Universal Self-Consciousness: Bruno Bauer's Revolutionary Subjectivism." Dialogue 28, no. 2 (1989): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300015742.

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Recent literature on the Young Hegelians attests to a renewed appreciation of their philosophical and political significance. Important new studies have linked them to the literary and political currents of their time, traced the changing patterns of their relationships with early French socialism, and demonstrated the affinity of their thought with Hellenistic theories of self-consciousness. The conventional interpretative context, which focuses on the left-Hegelian critique of religion and the problem of the realisation of philosophy, has also been decisively challenged. Ingrid Pepperle emphasizes instead the centrality of practical philosophy, notably Hegel's dialectic of objectification, arguing that Bruno Bauer in particular derives from this a doctrine of autonomy with politically revolutionary implications.

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Sharpe, Matthew. "On a Neglected Argument in French Philosophy." Critical Horizons 16, no. 1 (February 2015): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1440991714z.00000000038.

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Zhurbina, Irina. "Political Ontology of Alain Badiou and Sylvain Lazarus." Balkan Journal of Philosophy 13, no. 2 (2021): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bjp202113218.

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The article reviews the concepts of the French anthropologist and political theorist Sylvain Lazarus and the philosopher Alain Badiou, who suggest a new perspective on the subjective foundations of politics as thought. The focus on the subjective foundations of politics can be explained by the initial ambiguity in the works of the French theorists, who interpret the activities of the intellectual activist in different ways. The paper shows that Sylvain Lazarus is more concerned with the intellectual activity of political activists, whom he categorizes as political activists and politicians by the degree of intellectual activity. It was concluded that, according to Lazarus, politicians occupy a priority position. They are presented as professional lone thinkers with revolutionary consciousness, which allows them to think politics from the perspective of a probable revolution. In this regard, the politics, according to Lazarus, is a politics of revolutionary action. It was found that in Alain Badiou’s theory the semantic emphasis is on the participation of intellectuals in politics. Based on Plato’s thought on the development of a philosopher, Badiou formulates the idea of an exemplary subject of politics. The exemplary subject of politics is a philosopher-mathematician who is good at mathematical logic.

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Vereb, Zachary. "Should Kant Be Viewed as a Public Philosopher?" Con-Textos Kantianos. International Journal of Philosophy 17 (July 6, 2023): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/kant.88692.

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Immanuel Kant is rarely appreciated for his contributions to public philosophy. This is unsurprising, given his dry, technical style, criticism of the popular German philosophy movement, and prolonged silence on religious topics following censorship threats from Frederick William II. Yet Kant’s underappreciation vis-à-vis public philosophy is curious: Not only was he a vocal supporter of the early French Revolution, but he also said much on the public and political value of enlightenment. These ideas come across indirectly in his systematic writings and explicitly in writings for the learned public. This paper focuses on the question as to whether Kant should be viewed as a public philosopher, drawing from recent contributions in Kant scholarship to argue for the affirmative, though in an admittedly qualified sense.

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Bichet, Marlène. "Translating Feminist Philosophy: A case-study with Simone de Beauvoir's 'Le Deuxième Sexe'." Labyrinth 21, no. 2 (March 3, 2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v21i2.191.

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The relationship between languages and philosophy is so strong that French philosopher Barbara Cassin speaks of 'philosophising in languages' (Cassin 2010). This paper aims to show how translation can be a means to help disseminate philosophical ideas. It might even be called a political tool, when circulating feminist philosophical thoughts is concerned. The article uses the latest English translation of Simone de Beauvoir's Le deuxième sexe to address the pitfalls philosophy presents translators with. It also aims to defend the Interpretive Theory of Translation as a translation strategy particularly relevant to philosophy. The novelty of the paper lies in the fact that the translation of feminist philosophy is largely underanalysed in the field of Translation Studies. Therefore, the article intend to bridge the gap between those disciplines, in order to enhance the reception of feminist philosophy.

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Zbinden, Karine. "Badiou and the philosophers: interrogating 1960s French philosophy." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 24, no. 2 (February 16, 2016): 314–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2016.1144350.

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Kostikova, Anna A. "To the anniversary year of L. Wittgenstein: The experience of the French national reception." Philosophy of the History of Philosophy 2 (2021): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu34.2021.114.

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The article is devoted to the history of the reception of L. Wittgenstein’s philosophical ideas in the French-speaking philosophical tradition. The most important ideas of L. Wittgenstein are considered from the point of view of French-speaking philosophers and historians of philosophy. Reconstructions of different directions are compared. On a number of issues, the European, in particular the French-speaking, history of philosophy offers an interesting interpretation of certain aspects of L. Wittgenstein’s philosophy, reactualizes them. For example, Wittgenstein’s “linguistic turn” in philosophy is read as a turn to the discourse traditional for French-speaking philosophy, an appeal to detailed verbalized reasoning, culturally and historically defined communicative practice. And the European philosophers of the second half of the twentieth century, first of all, of course, M. Foucault, are the successors of Wittgenstein’s philosophy of language. In our opinion, it is in relation to the philosophical heritage that the specificity of national philosophical thought, the peculiarities of reception and interpretation are manifested. French philosophy, which opens with Descartes’ “Discourse of the Method”, forms a special attitude to the language of philosophy, the process of reasoning in general and philosophizing in particular, its argumentative grounds and procedures. In general, the presented historical and philosophical picture is characterized by an interest in topics specific to national philosophy — political engagement, a claim to universality, attention to the process of persuasion and the unfolding of thought. At the same time, we clearly see the tendency of the entire analytical tradition, at the origins of which L. Wittgenstein stood, to turn today to these topics that were not considered the main ones for a long time.

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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "The Ideology of Colonization: Metamorphoses of the Colonial Question in the Political Philosophy of Alexis de Tocqueville." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021057-1.

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In this article the evolution of views on the empire, colonies and colonization by Alexis de Tocqueville, the outstanding French liberal thinker of the 19th century, are analyzed. It was shown that in the process of expanding the scale of the colonization of the 19th century Tocqueville, like many other French thinkers, began to defend and justify colonial domination, trying to justify colonial policy in every possible way and try to give it legitimacy. Although Tocqueville was fully aware of the vices of colonization, he was ready to defend it. He believed that the French nation could not afford not to be the dominant colonial power. Justifying the expansion of the French empire, he believed that the colonial project could contribute to the political unification of the French, and at the same time he feared that France would lose its position and its international reputation, lagging behind Great Britain in the annexation of overseas possessions. Tocqueville’s ideas about progress and the understanding of progress were fairly typical of nineteenth-century European thinkers. In 19th century Europe as a rule, attempts to justify colonization were combined with a linear theory of progress and a belief in the superiority of Europeans over other worlds.

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رسول, عابد, and مبارک حمد. "Revolution as an Arena of Practicing Political Freedom in (Hanna Arendt)’s Perspective." Journal for Political and Security Studies 3, no. 6 (December 1, 2020): 200–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10044.

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Freedom concept in the perspective of (Arendt)’s political philosophy and theory has a place and a special important, that in the way of (Arendt)’s thinking in political appearance’s Greece and Romanian ancient, criticism in the ancient philosophy about view, cristian philosophy, westerns philosophy custom, political theory and moderns phenomenon concerning freedom concept formalized. (Arendt)’s freedom passes the philosophical picture to freedom, all beliefs metaphisics about this concept are neglected, philosophical freedom as will freedom is pictured far from inner feeling in the political really world. In the opposite, (Arendt) sees action and speech as political freedom activity in the way individuals meeting in the public sphere is produced in the opposite problem and general issues. In this way, revolution as an arena, or public sphere in the doing politica freedom has crucial importance in the Arendt’s perspective, and in here political theory especially about American and French revolution has stood; in this way, the aim of this research is to answer and deal research main problem in the way of this question: what is the act of the revolution as arena in doing political freedom in Arendt political theory? We can to the conclution that revolution is like an arena in Arendt’s perspective, so new beginning foundation and public sphere of doing political freedom, which in it relation, discussion, and exchanging different opinion among equal individuals should provide, and participation of political citizenship afford in it.

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Campbell, T., and F. Luisetti. "On Contemporary French and Italian Political Philosophy: An Interview with Roberto Esposito." Minnesota Review 2010, no. 75 (September 1, 2010): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00265667-2010-75-109.

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Dastmalchian, Amir. "Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment: Philosophies of Hope and Despair." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i3.1246.

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Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment is Mirsepassi’s latest treatisethat focuses on the Iranian intellectual and political climate. Mirsepassiis concerned to show the German and French intellectual influences of Islamistintellectuals as they search for an appropriate response to modernity.With Iran taken as a case study, Mirsepassi’s discussion is intended to underminethose analyses of Muslim political aspirations which deem theseaspirations to be inherently anti-Western. Comprising an introduction andseven chapters, Mirsepassi’s work speaks to those researchers in a range ofsociopolitical disciplines concerned with coming to grips with intellectualdevelopments in the Muslim world. The book might also interest thoseinterested in understanding the impact of continental philosophy on theMuslim world. Although the emphasis is on Iran, an attempt is made inthe final chapter, especially, to broaden the discussion by dealing with theIndian experience of modernity.According to Mirsepassi, the Muslim understanding of modernity andsecularism was influenced by the specific visions of modern society heldby Kemal Ataturk and the “Shah of Iran” (presumably the ambitious RezaShah). These two figures were in turn influenced by the antireligious fervorof French secularism. The attempt of Muslim intellectuals, therefore, toestablish a correct vision of society was informed by the radical Counter-Enlightenment figures of German and French philosophy. Furthermore,Muslim intellectuals overlooked Western visions of modern society whichwere not antireligious. Political Islam, Iran, and the Enlightenment, therefore,constructs a narrative that leads to examining the experience of British-style secularism in India. Mirsepassi’s fear is that a lack of appreciationof the European heritage of Islamists ‒ who Mirsepassi sees as intellectuallyand politically totalitarian and as representing all Muslims ‒ will leadto the sidelining of two groups from within the Muslim world. These twogroups are the quietist ulama and the reformist intellectuals, the latter ofwhich offer Mirsepassi the hope of an Islamic response to modernity thatis consistent with democratic principles ...

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Kostikova, Anna A. "Jean-Jacques Rousseau as an emblematic figure of French-speaking philosophy." Philosophy of the History of Philosophy 3 (2023): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu34.2022.112.

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The article is devoted to the interpretation of the philosophical heritage of J.-J. Rousseau is primarily in French philosophy and culture. The key and most famous ideas of J.-J. Rousseau are considered from the point of view of modern philosophy and the formulation of vital questions peculiar to modern culture — about education, about freedom, about human rights, about the relationship between men and women, about languages, about music, about theater and about culture in general. Without claiming to be a complete reconstruction of the philosophical ideas of J.-J. Rousseau, the article suggests to focus on the complexity and ambivalence of these ideas, which allow the modern Western intellectual to turn to J.-J. Rousseau with the most pressing issues of our time. The date of birth — June 28, 1712 — even not in the “jubilee” year becomes an occasion for an active and creative return to the ideas of J.-J. Rousseau, offering an interesting interpretation of certain aspects of the philosophy of J.-J. Rousseau, reactualizing them. J.-J. Rousseau appears not as part of a collective project of the French Enlightenment, but as an independent and original thinker who anticipated many topical lines of discussion of the key topics of philosophy for modernity. So, for example, the philosophy of language J.-J. Rousseau “discovered” the fundamental factor of the emergence of language — its acoustic component, musical in essence. Rousseau undoubtedly, in our opinion, supports the traditional French-speaking thought, reframed by the Cartesian “Reasoning about Method”, a detailed philosophical reasoning conditioned culturally and, as a rule, politically. In general, for the presented historical and philosophical portrait of J.-J. Rousseau is characterized by the features of national philosophy: political engagement, a claim to universality, attention to the process of persuasion and the unfolding of thought. This is what is demanded by the latest philosophy and turns J.-J. Rousseau became a kind of ambassador of French-speaking thought.

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Cheng, Anne. "Philosophy and the French Invention of Sinology." China Report 50, no. 1 (February 2014): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445513516533.

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Holley, Jared. "Book Review: Political Theory: Recognition Theory and Contemporary French Moral and Political Philosophy: Reopening the Dialogue." Political Studies Review 12, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12067.

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Møller, Sofie. "Rethinking Kant as a public intellectual." European Journal of Political Theory 16, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115611518.

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In Kant’s Politics in Context, Reidar Maliks offers a compelling account of Kant’s political philosophy as part of a public debate on rights, citizenship, and revolution in the wake of the French Revolution. Maliks argues that Kant’s political thought was developed as a moderate middle ground between radical and conservative political interpretations of his moral philosophy. The book’s central thesis is that the key to understanding Kant’s legal and political thought lies in the public debate among Kant’s followers and that in this debate we find the political challenges which Kant’s political philosophy is designed to solve. Kant’s Politics in Context raises crucial questions about how to understand political thinkers of the past and is proof that our understanding of the past will remain fragmented if we limit our studies to the great men of the established canon.

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Borg, Kurt. "Foucault on Drugs: The Personal, the Ethical and the Political in Foucault in California." Foucault Studies 1, no. 28 (September 27, 2020): 142–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/fs.v1i28.6077.

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Review Essay on: Simeon Wade, Foucault in California [A True Story – Wherein the Great French Philosopher Drops Acid in the Valley of Death], foreword by Heather Dundas. (Berkeley, California: Heyday, 2019). 144 pp, ISBN 9781597144636 (hardback).

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Staum, Martin S. "Individual Rights and Social Control: Political Science in the French Institute." Journal of the History of Ideas 48, no. 3 (July 1987): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2709760.

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Lachterman, David R. "Strauss Read from France." Review of Politics 53, no. 1 (1991): 224–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050300.

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Leo Strauss has long had a “scholarly” presence among French orientalists and medievalists, thanks to his fundamentally important works on the falasifa and Maimonides, two of which were published in France in the 1930's. To French political “thinkers,” caught as they were for so long, like Laocoon, in the serpentine toils of Stalinism, Maoism and other variants of “Marxism,” including its decadently ironic postmodern negations, Strauss seems to have been a largely unknown name. Some interpreters of the history of modern political philosophy have, of course, taken note of his analyses of Machiavelli, for example, and the French translation of Natural Right and History was in fact first published in 1954.

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Seguín, Bécquer. "Mute Cries: Louis Althusser Between Roberto Álvarez Ríos and Wifredo Lam." ARTMargins 6, no. 2 (June 2017): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00179.

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This introductory essay examines the role of two articles on the Cuban painters Roberto Álvarez Ríos and Wifredo Lam, “A Young Cuban Painter Before Surrealism: Álvarez Ríos” (1962) and “Lam” (1977), in the French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser's writing on art. It argues that these largely ignored articles offer snapshots of two key shifts in Althusser's thought: his transition, during the early 1960s, from Hegelian Marxism to structural Marxism, and, during the late 1970s, from structural Marxism to so-called aleatory materialism. It contextualizes the articles in the social and political milieu of French philosophy during the 1960s and 70s and shows how his articles on the Cuban painters, specifically, and art, more generally, are largely concerned with contemporary developments in the third world, a subject that receives scant attention elsewhere in his work. The articles not only register Althusser's reflections on Lacanian psychoanalysis, the nature of language, and the philosophy of history, but also reveal that his connections with Latin America to exceed mere questions of intellectual reception.

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Milesi, Laurent. "The Young Derrida and French Philosophy, 1945–1968." Modern & Contemporary France 21, no. 2 (May 2013): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2013.782281.

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Lafontaine, Céline. "The Cybernetic Matrix of `French Theory'." Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 5 (September 2007): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276407084637.

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This article aims to draw a portrait of the influence of cybernetics on soft science. To this end, structuralism, post-structuralism and postmodern philosophy will be successively analyzed in a perspective based on importing concepts stemming from the cybernetic paradigm (information, feedback, entropy, complexity, etc.). By focusing more specifically on the American postwar context, we intend to remind the audience that many soft science specialists were involved in the elaboration of this ‘new science’. We will then retrace the influence of the cybernetic paradigm on structuralism. Starting with the historic meeting between Roman Jakobson and Claude Lévi-Strauss, we will illustrate that structural phonology is directly inspired by discoveries stemming from the informational model. In the same perspective, the conceptual borrowings of psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan from cybernetics will be identified and analyzed. Then, we will address the matter of the relationship between postmodern theories and the cybernetic paradigm. The philosophical movement towards deconstruction, as well as Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophy, will be analyzed based on how they relate to this paradigm. We will also insist on the fact that the philosophy of Jean- François Lyotard’s La Condition postmoderne is fully in line with the epistemological revolution launched by cybernetics.

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Gehring, Petra. "The empiricism of Michel Serres a theory of the senses between philosophy of science, phenomenology and ethics." Filozofija i drustvo 32, no. 2 (2021): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2102229g.

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The paper presents the philosophy of the French philosopher Michel Serres, with an accent on his working method and unusual methodology. Starting from the thesis that the empiricist trait of Serres? philosophy remains underexposed if one simply receives his work as that of a structuralist epistemologist, Serres? monograph The Five Senses (1985) is then discussed in more detail. Here we see both a radical empiricism all his own and a closeness to phenomenology. Nevertheless, perception and language are not opposed to each other in Serres. Rather, his radical thinking of a world-relatedness of the bodily senses and an equally consistent understanding of a sensuality of language - and also of philosophical prose - are closely intertwined.

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Bianco, Lucien. "French Studies of Contemporary China." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 509–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035037.

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After belated and uneasy beginnings, French studies of contemporary China have recently matured. Thirty years ago the field was almost non-existent in France. Most sinologists either carried on the once celebrated philological tradition or concentrated on philosophy, religion, classical literature and ancient history. Few were happy to see the sacred field encroached upon by modern historians, whose secular interests they deemed closer to those of reporters than of scholars. Furthermore the tiny bunch of “barbarians” comprised mostly historians, not political scientists, economists or sociologists, and so they were interested in the century that preceded the Communist takeover (1840 to 1949), not in contemporary China as such.

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Labelle, Gilles. "Two refoundation projects of democracy in contemporary French philosophy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 27, no. 4 (July 2001): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145370102700404.

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Schofield, Philip. "Jeremy Bentham, the French Revolution and political radicalism." History of European Ideas 30, no. 4 (December 2004): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2003.11.019.

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Ekpo, Denis. "Speak Negritude But Think and Act French: The Foundations of Senghor's Political Philosophy." Third Text 24, no. 2 (March 2010): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528821003722223.

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Howard, Dick. "The French Strikes of 1995 and their Political Aftermath." Government and Opposition 33, no. 2 (April 1998): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00790.x.

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LIKE MANY OF HIS APHORISMS, MARX'S DESIGNATION OF THE FRENCH as the model political nation (leaving the economy to the English and philosophy for the Germans) contained enough of a grain of truth to remain relevant for over a century. Since 1989, the idea of politics based on the revolutionary experience begun in 1789 and pursued by a unified and international working-class subject has lost its utility for understanding the political choices facing modern industrial democracies. Nowhere is the need for a new understanding of the political more clear than in France itself, as illustrated by the strikes that paralysed the country for more than three weeks in November and December of 1995 and forced the government to retreat. While some saw the birth of a ‘social movement’, cheered the victory of society against the state, or imagined that class struggle had begun anew, the more pessimistic argued that the French had once again proven themselves incapable of political reform. The former presuppose a model of politics from the nineteenth century, the latter look forward to a globalized twenty-first century. For those of us still living in the twentieth, analysis of the French strikes can help us to understand how politics can make the shape of the twentyfirst century less inevitable.

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Ryder, Andrew. "Isabelle Garo and the Provincialism of French Marxism and Anti-Marxism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341510.

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Isabelle Garo’s study,Foucault, Deleuze, Althusser & Marx: La politique dans la philosophie, presents a historical approach to the French philosophy of the 1960s and 1970s and its relationship to Marx and the Marxist tradition. In her view, these authors were captured by a largely mistaken understanding of the resources present in Marxist thought, and were overly affected by the prejudices instilled by the French Communist Party. Speaking from a perspective of practical commitment, she traces a path from early French Marxism to an anti-totalitarian consensus. Her study renders Louis Althusser’s innovations the most pivotal in introducing a whole series of themes, with ambivalent effects on theoretical production today. Most significantly, she discerns a replacement of politics and political economy by philosophy and epistemology. She attends first to the mobilisation of psychoanalysis against humanism, which gave way to a vehement critique of the normative aspects of psychoanalysis itself. Re-reading Foucault and Deleuze as post-Althusserians, Garo suggests that this led to a championing of Friedrich Nietzsche’s viewpoints against Marx. Garo’s study is immensely valuable in contextualising the apparent innovations of poststructuralist thought. However, we can discern greater relevance for the insights of these thinkers for contemporary Marxist thought than Garo concedes, and her attempt to read them as a complete deviation from Marxist principles ultimately fails to convince.

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PEDEN, KNOX. "DESCARTES, SPINOZA, AND THE IMPASSE OF FRENCH PHILOSOPHY: FERDINAND ALQUIÉ VERSUS MARTIAL GUEROULT." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 2 (July 28, 2011): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000229.

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This article presents a decades-long conflict in the upper echelons of postwar French academic philosophy between the self-identifying “Cartesian” Ferdinand Alquié, professor at the Sorbonne, and the “Spinozist” Martial Gueroult of the Collège de France. Tracking the development of this rivalry serves to illuminate the historical drama that occurred in France as phenomenology was integrated into the Cartesian tradition and resisted by a commitment to rationalism grounded in a specifically French understanding of Spinozism. Over the course of Alquié and Gueroult's polemic, however, we nevertheless witness a shared concern to preserve philosophy from the reductive tendencies of historicism and its possible assimilation to theology. What is more, the ultimate impasse of this conflict continues to inform the most innovative projects in French thought in the wake of structuralism and the “theological turn” of French phenomenology.

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BEHRENT, MICHAEL C. "LIBERAL DISPOSITIONS: RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON FRENCH LIBERALISM." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (February 20, 2015): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000845.

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The story of French liberalism is, we are often told, one of exceptions, eccentricities, and enigmas. Compared to their British counterparts, French liberals seem more reluctant to embrace individualism. Whereas liberals in the English-speaking world typically espouse what Isaiah Berlin called “negative liberty”—a sphere of private autonomy from which the state is legally excluded—French liberals have often proved highly accommodating towards “positive liberty”—that is, liberty insofar as it is tethered to collectively defined ends. Most crucially, rather than seeking to shield individuals and civil society from an intrusive state, French liberals—consistent with a broader trend in French political culture—are inclined to see the state as an essential and even emancipatory political tool. In this vein, Jean-Fabien Spitz writes in a recent collection entitledFrench Liberalism from Montesquieu to the Present Day,Contemporary historians, political scientists, and philosophers all seem to share a simple idea: French political culture, marked as it is by legalism and statism, constitutes an exception to the main trend in modern political thought, which has been to discover and assert the principles of modern liberty.In addition to departing from some of Anglo-American liberalism's main tenets, French liberalism exhibits other oddities: as Larry Siedentop argued in an important essay, its idiom has tended to be historical (rather than theoretical), institutional (as opposed to ethical) and sociological (not legal or political).2This somewhat idiosyncratic variation on “normal” liberalism has led some scholars to characterize liberalism's French iteration as a “chaotic mixture.”3Others have questioned the extent to which liberalism is really a significant French political tradition at all. France's Revolutionary culture has been described as ultimately “illiberal,” leading some historians to speak of a FrenchSonderweg,4in which France's “special path” consists in the fact that it entered the modern age without having developed genuinely liberal institutions.

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Espada, João Carlos. "Edmund Burke and the Anglo-American Tradition of Liberty." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (March 2006): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100009383.

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It is proper for more reasons than the most obvious one that I should open this talk by quoting a former President of the Royal Institute of Philosophy, Lord Quinton, whose works on political philosophy I have so much enjoyed—and learnt from.In a chapter on political philosophy, which he contributed to the Oxford History of Western Philosophy, Lord Quinton says that ‘the effect of the importation of Locke's doctrines in to France was much like that of alcohol in an empty stomach’. In Britain, Lord Quinton adds, Locke's principles ‘served to endorse a largely conservative revolution against absolutist innovation’, whereas in France the importation of Locke's ideas would lead to the radicalism of the French revolution. Why was this so?

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CALVEZ, Jean-Yves. "The French Catholic Contribution to Social and Political Thinking in the 1930s." Ethical Perspectives 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ep.7.4.503817.

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Journal articles on the topic 'French political philosophy'

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