Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'French political philosophy'

This thesis seeks to explain the reasons behind Johann Wolfgang von Goethe's critical response to the French Revolution, and to identify his broader political views. It casts Goethe as a reform-minded conservative, who strove to advance civilisation and law-abiding liberty, and deplored tyranny, whether of the few or of the many. He deemed the Revolution politically and socially destructive, as it countered Enlightenment values of reason, tolerance, independent thought, and self-cultivation. While acknowledging the faults of the traditional ruling elite of the monarchy and aristocracy, Goethe also recognised the inherently flawed nature of human beings. This led him to support modest changes to redress specific grievances, rather than to overturn an entire political system in the utopian hope of realising a vice-ridden 'brotherhood of Man'. The fictional works indicate an author who favoured clearly definable freedoms over an abstract 'universal' freedom, who believed that BÃ1⁄4rger should develop their intellect and find an occupation best suited to their personal attributes, and that the most temperate and politically astute among them should influence government by co-operating with aristocrats. Goethe also portrays the fall of the ancien régime as largely self-inflicted, presenting many selfish and gullible courtiers, and incompetent kings. He appears to lament its demise, however, and not wish for a repeat in Germany, as the insurgent Bürger-dominated and/or republican regimes seem even more reckless. The advocates of 'liberté, égalité, fraternité' generally come across as perilously naïve or fraudulent, often using altruistic rhetoric to conceal egocentric and vindictive aims. The best cure for a flagging regime is (sometimes considerable) reform, not revolution. Political power should be treated with humility and self-restraint, and the relationship between rulers and subjects should be as intimate as possible. Above all, no part of the social hierarchy should suffer oppression from another, and people should be free to express various opinions, and criticise their government. For Goethe, the Revolution thwarted such principles.

ABSTRACT The numerous images of violence perpetrated by radicalized followers of Islam, has highlighted the complexities surrounding assimilation and integration of Muslims in Western society. Since the guest worker recruitment from French African colonies initiated after World War II, France has been witness to the unanticipated development of permanent communities of African laborers, many of whom are Muslim. Despite consistent promotion of French monoculture and specifically the use of the assimilation model for integration, segregation of African Muslims has occurred. Through the construction of a single country case study, I explore integration issues surrounding the French Muslim minority communities. I seek to assess the occurrences of segregation among African Muslims, and theorize that process established by the French government for the assimilation and integration of African Muslims into French society has culminated in the formation of segregated African Muslim diaspora communities. This topic was chosen because I possess a general interest in the integration of Muslims into Western society. Due to the broadness of the Muslim population, and given their high visibility I narrowed my focus on African Muslims. Furthermore, this topic was chosen to determine the viability of the French case as an alternative to the failed policies of multiculturalism. Therefore, I examine the assimilation strategy of French Republicanism established in France by the French Revolution of 1789. This thesis is relevant given the rising visibility of Muslims throughout Western society. Furthermore, the increased visibility highlights the position of African Muslim communities in France. The evidence presented in my thesis demonstrates that the presence of segregated African Muslim communities is an unintended consequence of the historical development of French monoculture and colonialism. French assimilation of African Muslims is not a complete failure due to marginal successes of African Muslims in political and economic arenas. Furthermore, the segregation of African Muslims in France does not diminish the viability of assimilation strategy in the overall integration of Muslims into Western society, especially as politicians across the European continent denounce the failed policies of multiculturalism.

This thesis aims to consider the contemporary relevance of the philosophical and religious project of Søren Kierkegaard by offering a systematic reading of his work against the backdrop of 19th century German idealism. Along with an emphasis on a systematic interpretation of a thinker usually considered to be wholly anti-systematic in aim and orientation, I also aim to show that through developing an ontological interpretation of the work of Kierkegaard the grounds are also created to develop a social and political interpretation of his work. Ultimately, I use the ontological and political reading of Kierkegaard developed in this work to not only show the relevance of this project to contemporary materialist philosophy, but equally to show how this version of Kierkegaard is capable of offering some crucial correctives to contemporary materialism.

Louis-Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (1767-1794) was a revolutionary, a statesman, and a political philosopher, yet it is largely only as a revolutionary that he is remembered. As a political person who occupied these three different but overlapping roles, Saint-Just is ideal as the subject and center of a study of actualization, the taking of political ideals into reality. Saint-Just’s political philosophy was that of an idealist, and yet he, by force of circumstance, ability, and audacity, had the opportunity in his short life to attempt to establish and put into practice his political ideals. In his work as a political person Saint-Just created templates for the understanding of the relationship between political theory and political action. Saint-Just’s political theory is examined in relation to his political action, using the concepts of ‘the natural’, ‘the civil’, ‘the social’ and ‘the political’, concepts which are central in Saint-Just’s political philosophy. Saint-Just’s formulations of these concepts, concepts which have also been central to the history of political philosophy, and his understanding of the relations between these concepts, helps to establish him as a political philosopher of some importance, as does the theory and practice approach to politics which his attempts demanded and which his political life demonstrated. In Saint-Just’s function as political philosopher the thesis finds the theoretical element of politics, which becomes redefined in its interaction with Saint-Just’s other functions as statesman and revolutionary, the latter two of which correspond roughly to practice and exigency. As a theorist who is also a statesman in a context of exigency, or revolution, Saint-Just’s political life is a constantly rearranged juxtaposition of theory, practice, and revolution, albeit one which never loses it essential ties to its philosophical base, even in the hours of greatest emergency. Such dedication to a philosophical base, one which refuses to dispense with political philosophy, demonstrates a new conception of political philosophy for the modern world, fills in elements of a theory of revolution as a phenomenon of both theory and action, and provides a contained case for examination of political philosophy and political action, questioning their disunity.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

The thesis takes the French revue Lignes (1987-present) as its object of study to provide a new account of French intellectual culture over the last twenty-five years. Whilst there are now many studies covering the role of such revues throughout the twentieth-century, the majority of such monographs extend no further than the mid-1980s: the major novelty of this thesis is extending these accounts up until the present moment. It is largely assumed that a reaction against the Marxist and structuralist theories of the 1960s and 1970s led to embrace of liberalism and an intellectual drift to the right in France from the 1980s onwards: whilst largely supporting this account, the thesis attempts to nuance this narrative of the fate of the intellectual left in the following years by showing the persistence of what can be called a politicised 'French theory' in Lignes, and a returning left-wing militancy in recent years. In doing so, it will both reveal under-studied aspects of well-known thinkers, such as Jean-Luc Nancy, Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou, as their thought develops through their participation in a collaborative, periodical publication, and introduce lesser known thinkers who have not received an extended readership in Anglophone spheres. Lignes also argues for the continued persistence and relevance of the thought of a previous generation of thinkers, notably Georges Bataille, Maurice Blanchot and Dionys Mascolo, and the thesis concludes by examining the potential role 'French Theory' could still have in France. Furthermore, as revues provide a unique nexus of intellectual, cultural, social and political concerns, the thesis also provides a unique history of France from the fall of the Berlin Wall to the 2007 financial crisis and the Arab Spring. Much of the thesis is concerned with contextualising intellectual debates within a period characterised by the moralisation of discourses, a return of religion, the global installation of neo-liberalism and the eruption of immigration as a controversial European issue. From a relatively theoretical and politically stable position to the left of the Parti socialiste, Lignes therefore provides a privileged vantage point for the mutations in French social and cultural life throughout the period.

The general aim of this dissertation is to investigate the subject of war, inside the project of Political Institutions, from the trajectory followed by Rousseau provided descriptions of a peaceful state of nature, through the emergence of the United State and the consequent outbreak of war found in international relations. The way to go is what leads to the degeneration of the human being from the entrance into civil society. This entry has the purpose to promote and maintain peace, however, with the advent of the State, moral being whose extent and strength are purely relative, creates an unequal match between them, engendering wars. Thus man is seen in a mixed condition: as an isolated individual, hostage of natural law; citizen as a participant of the social order, subject to civil law; and as a sovereign people, free to relate with other people in an international sphere lacks regulatory mechanisms. Thus, this research divided into two chapters. At first we treat the question of the natural man and the state of nature - characterized by Rousseau as a period of isolation and simplicity - yet the `historic´ pact, pact generator of a corrupt social order, the result of degeneration of the natural attributes of man to join in society. The state is created, and with it comes the war. In the second chapter, we will introduce the theme of the foundation of Nation-States and their relations in the international sphere. Address the issue of formation of a legitimate company, and incorporated as a remedy for dropping the hardships resulting from the ``historical pact´´. We will work primarily with the concepts of freedom, sovereignty and general will. Then discuss the theme of war, highlighting the concepts of state of war and legitimate war further emphasizing Rousseau´s pessimism about a permanent solution to the problem. Finally, we present the debate between Rousseau and Diderot on the possibility of a general society of humankind as a solution for peace. Our hypothesis is that the project of Political Institutions, if realized, would bring elements that would put Rousseau as a closer writer of political realism than tradition and philosophy manuals suppose, trying to give our little contribution to the vast literature on the theme. The main texts of Rousseau discussed here are: the Discourse on Inequality, Social Contract, Principles of the law of war and the second chapter of the Geneva Manuscript entitled The general society of humankind. These last three make up the unfinished project of Political Institutions.
O objetivo geral da presente dissertação é investigar o tema da guerra, dentro do projeto das Instituições Políticas, a partir da trajetória percorrida por Rousseau desde as descrições de um estado de natureza pacífico, passando pela emergência dos Estados e a consequente deflagração do estado de guerra verificado nas relações internacionais. Para tanto é fundamental que se examine o assunto em vista de maneira linear, mantendo como centro o conhecimento do homem. O caminho a ser percorrido é o que leva à degeneração do ser humano a partir do ingresso na sociedade civil. Tal ingresso tem como proposta fomentar e manter a paz, porém, com o advento do Estado, ser moral cuja extensão e força são puramente relativas, cria uma correspondência desigual entre eles, engendrando guerras. Assim, o homem se vê numa condição mista: como indivíduo isolado, refém da lei natural; como cidadão partícipe da ordem social, submetido à lei civil; e como povo soberano, livre para relacionar-se com outros povos numa esfera internacional carente de mecanismos reguladores. Assim, dividimos a presente pesquisa em dois Capítulos. No primeiro, trataremos a questão do homem natural e do estado de natureza - caracterizado por Rousseau como um período de isolamento e simplicidade - até o momento do pacto histórico , gerador de uma ordem social corrupta, fruto da degeneração dos atributos naturais do homem ao ingressar na vida em sociedade. O Estado é criado, e com ele nasce a guerra. No segundo capítulo, apresentaremos o tema da fundação dos Estados-Nação e suas relações na esfera internacional. Abordaremos a questão da formação de uma sociedade legítima, bem constituída, como remédio para amainar as agruras decorrentes do pacto histórico . Trabalharemos sobretudo com os conceitos de liberdade, soberania e vontade geral. Em seguida adentraremos no tema da guerra, destacando os conceitos de estado de guerra e guerra legítima, ressaltando mais ainda o pessimismo de Rousseau acerca de uma solução definitiva para o problema. Por fim, apresentaremos o debate entre Rousseau e Diderot acerca da possibilidade de uma sociedade geral do gênero humano como solução para a paz. Nossa hipótese é a de que o projeto das Instituições Políticas, como um todo, se concretizado, traria elementos que colocariam Rousseau como um escritor mais próximo do realismo político do que a tradição e os manuais de filosofia supõem, tentando assim, dar nossa pequena contribuição à imensa bibliografia sobre o tema. Os principais textos de Rousseau aqui analisados são: o Discurso sobre a Desigualdade, o Contrato Social, o Princípios do direito da guerra e o segundo capítulo do Manuscrito de Genebra intitulado Da sociedade geral do gênero humano. Estes três últimos comporiam o projeto inacabado das Instituições Políticas.

This thesis identifies and explores a ‘return to Freud’ in the work of Jacques Derrida. Resemblances between Derrida’s method of deconstruction and the therapeutic procedure of psychoanalysis have long been a source of debate among critics. Is deconstruction little more than a psychoanalytic reading of the history of philosophy, or is Freud a Derridean avant la lettre? Revealing this dilemma to be a false one, this thesis challenges major interpreters of Derrida such as Jonathan Culler and Gayatari Chakravorty Spivak. By developing Derrida’s well-known yet little understood concept of différance, it argues that this dilemma stems from an inadequate understanding of Derrida’s treatment of time. The structure of temporality implied by différance entails that the meaning of the past is continually reconstituted in its relationship to an ever-evolving present. Far from dissolving the importance of Freud’s contribution, this structure allows Derrida to circumvent nebulous notions of ‘influence’ and ‘indebtedness’ while still engaging psychoanalysis as a key theoretical resource in his own project of deconstruction. A productive engagement with psychoanalytic theory is shown to inform every major stage of the philosopher’s career, from his early phenomenological work to his later reflections on the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Derrida repeatedly turns to Freud as a crucial interlocutor in interrogating a number of philosophical problems encountered in his own work. These problems include the nature of time, space, and memory; the role of the fictive in scientific discourse; the question of the archive; the interdependence of the psyche and technology; and the relationship between politics and the unconscious. At a theoretical level, this thesis provides a detailed account of Derrida’s notion of spacing, arguing that the unconditional belatedness entailed by différance calls us to a difficult, dual responsibility: both towards the legator of an inheritance (that is, towards the textual legacy Freud has bequeathed to us) and towards the unforeseeable future contexts in which this inheritance will require transformation. The discourse of deconstruction, it concludes, enacts a careful negotiation of these two demands.

This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France.
Department of History

Le modèle réformiste de la Constitution de l’Angleterre a intellectuellement dominé la France du XIXe siècle. Synthèse des aspirations françaises visant la stabilité politique, cette représentation mêle un historicisme de l’accomplissement libéral du gouvernement représentatif et une adhésion à la légitimation coutumière de l’innovation. Elle procède d’un jeu de projections contradictoires sur la Constitution anglaise. D’une part, les libéraux romantiques identifient dans ses institutions, les conditions propres à préserver l’individu des abus du pouvoir et à permettre le développement de la démocratie. D’autre part, les traditionalistes perçoivent dans la continuité historique de l’Angleterre, les bienfaits structurants de la hiérarchie sociale et de la liberté aristocratique. Plus particulièrement, les Doctrinaires décèlent, dans la morphologie civilisationnelle de l’Angleterre, une société déployant la liberté dans l’ordre. C’est dans le parlementarisme, produit historique de l’évolution institutionnelle anglaise, que la doctrine politique finit par identifier le régime politique susceptible de clore les tensions révolutionnaires françaises. Pensé comme une matrice libératrice des énergies individuelles et conservatrice de l’ordre politique et social, il dépossède le chef de l’Etat de son pouvoir personnel, dans la mesure où il le rend irresponsable. En outre, il consacre le règne de l’opinion publique par la prédominance de la chambre élective et par la reconnaissance de la responsabilité politique des ministres. Enfin, il encadre l’action politique par les usages historiques hérités de la monarchie représentative. Fondé sur un projet politique, le parlementarisme français donne corps à une philosophie prudentielle du droit constitutionnel. Celle-ci conçoit la constitution comme un cadre institutionnel au sein duquel l’agir politique doit pouvoir adapter la société à son stade de développement historique. Le laconisme des Lois constitutionnelles de la Troisième République témoigne de l’enracinement de ce réformisme constitutionnel. Plus qu’un compromis politique de circonstances, il cristallise en effet une politique constitutionnelle libérale et conservatrice. Ce travail entend montrer qu’elle résulte de la modélisation française de la Constitution anglaise au XIXe siècle
The reformist model of the English Constitution was intellectually predominant in nineteenth century France. As a synthesis of French yearnings for political stability, this representation historicises the liberal achievement of representative government and endorses the legitimacy of innovation through custom. It results from contradictory visualisations of the English Constitution. On the one hand, romantic liberals identify in its institutions the necessary elements to protect individuals from abuses of power and to allow the development of democracy. On the other hand, traditionalists perceive in England’s historical continuity the structuring benefits of social hierarchy and aristocratic freedom. More particularly, French Doctrinaires see through the morphology of the English civilization a society that secures freedom within order. French thinkers recognise in parliamentarism, as a product of England’s institutional evolution, the political regime capable of putting an end to French revolutionary tensions. As a mould that both liberates the energies of individuals and protects the political and social order, it renders the Head of State irresponsible and thus strips him of personal powers. Furthermore, it establishes the reign of public opinion through the superiority of the elected chamber and the recognition of government responsibility. Finally, it disciplines political action through the historical practices inherited from representative monarchy. Based on a political project, parliamentary government in France gives substance to a prudential philosophy of constitutional law. This philosophy views the constitution as an institutional framework within which political action must be able to adapt society to its historical phase of development. The laconism of the constitutional laws of the Third Republic reflects this constitutional reformism. Rather than a circumstantial political compromise, it crystallizes a liberal and conservative constitutional policy. The present study aims to show that it is the result of how the English Constitution has been modeled in France during the nineteenth century

Orientador: Jose Oscar de Almeida Marques
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humansas
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Resumo: Ao se colocar Montesquieu e Rousseau lado a lado como pensadores políticos, costuma-se opô-los como se primeiro tivesse apenas estudado as leis tais como existiam para explicá-las segundo as situações reais que as geraram, e o segundo houvesse somente buscado o que as leis deveriam ser para corresponder às necessidades humanas. Assim, ter-se-ia de um lado um Montesquieu demasiadamente preocupado com a historicidade das instituições humanas para elaborar uma verdadeira teoria dos fundamentos do direito, e, de outro lado, um Rousseau avesso à história e dedicado à construção de formulações ideais acerca da política. Todavia, há boas razões para questionar essa oposição, o que pode ser feito pela aplicação de uma metodologia comparativa às reflexões de Montesquieu e de Rousseau sobre a história e a política, atentando-se para o diálogo por vezes aberto, mas freqüentemente implícito, empreendido pelo filósofo de Genebra com a corrente de pensamento político cujos problemas e proposições centrais estão configurados na obra de Montesquieu. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a obra de Rousseau frente ao legado de Montesquieu, para substanciar a tese de que é inadequado interpretá-la nos termos restritos de uma oposição ao tipo de abordagem praticado pelo autor d'O Espírito das Leis. Trata-se, portanto, de compreender como o sistema de causalidade atribuído pelo filósofo francês à história foi incorporado de algum modo por Rousseau em suas próprias reflexões, investigando-se nelas a existência dos princípios de um modelo interpretativo e discursivo a partir do qual se deveriam constituir representações de eventos interconectados de maneira coerente. Igualmente, busca-se visualizar como a teoria das formas de governo presente na obra rousseauniana, sua concepção acerca das instituições promotoras da liberdade civil, bem como sua visão sobre as razões que levam à corrupção moral e política ao longo da história dos Estados, devem algo à leitura dos textos do barão de La Brède. O que se pretende, enfim, é mostrar que há muito mais pontos comuns entre as idéias de Montesquieu e Rousseau do que se reconhece usualmente
Abstract: When Montesquieu and Rousseau are laid side by side as political thinkers, it is usual to oppose them as if the first had just studied laws as they existed in order to explain them according to the real situations in which they were generated, and the second had only looked for what laws should be in order to fulfill human needs. One would have, therefore, on the one side, a Montesquieu too concerned with the historicity of human institutions to be able to elaborate a true theory on the foundations of political right, and, on the other, a Rousseau hostile to history and dedicated to ideal formulations about politics. There are, however, good reasons to question that opposition, which can be done by applying a comparative methodology to Montesquieu's and Rousseau's reflections on history and politics, paying attention to the sometimes open, but often implicit, dialogue undertook by the Geneva's philosopher with the current of political thought whose central problems and propositions are laid out in the work of Montesquieu. Thus, the aim of this research is to analyze Rousseau's work in the wake of Montesquieu's legacy, in order to show that it is wrong to interpret it narrowly in terms of a mere opposition to the kind of approach characteristic of the author of The Spirit of Laws. More specifically, what is sought here is to understand how the system of causality ascribed by the French philosopher to history was somehow incorporated by Rousseau into his own reflections, which are here investigated in order to show that they make use of a interpretative and discursive model that allows to build representations of interconnected events in a coherent way. Moreover, it will be shown how the theory of the forms of government presented in Rousseau's work, his conception of the institutions that promote civil freedom, as well as his understanding of the reasons that lead to moral and political corruption throughout the history of States, owe something to the reading of baron of La Brède's texts. The objective, in short, is to show that there are much more points in common between the ideas of Montesquieu and Rousseau than it is usually recognized
Doutorado
Doutor em Filosofia

El derecho al trabajo, que forma parte de la teoría socialista de Charles Fourier, adquiere en 1848 un nuevo sentido. Louis Blanc, el principal representante del socialismo jacobino del XIX francés, hace entonces una interpretación de ese derecho que conecta con el programa de economía política popular teorizado por Robespierre durante la Revolución Francesa. En ambos casos, la limitación de las grandes concentraciones de propiedad se considera una condición indispensable para avanzar hacia una sociedad en la que todos puedan trabajar en libertad y vivir con dignidad.
The right to work, which is part of Charles Fourier's socialist theory, acquires a new meaning in 1848. Louis Blanc, the main figure of French Jacobin socialism in the 19th century, makes then an interpretation of this right that recalls the popular political economy programme theorized by Robespierre during the French Revolution. In both cases, the limitation of large concentrations of property is an indispensable condition for moving towards a society in which everyone is able to work in freedom and to live with dignity.

De nombreuses études ont tenté de définir les formes d’écritures relatives à l’expérience du soi face aux atrocités de la guerre. En revanche, la recherche testimoniale et littéraire ignore l’idée inverse : comment témoigner d’une guerre que l’on n’a pas vécue ? Cette question non investie jusqu’à présent soulève aujourd’hui des enjeux éthiques et politiques importants. L’occultation de la guerre menée par le monde occidental est essentielle pour la compréhension de la situation politique dont témoignent de nombreux auteurs contemporains. Au cœur de leurs récits de guerre, des écrivains contemporains tels que Jean Rouaud, Jean-Yves Jouannais, Laurent Mauvignier et François Bon livrent des témoignages sur des guerres auxquelles ils n’ont pas pris part. Ils le font à la première personne et au présent, tout en entrant dans les moindres détails des faits racontés. Ces écrivains attestent d’événements relatifs aux guerres passées comme aux conflits actuels. Ces témoignages ne s’appuient exclusivement ni sur la littérature scientifique ou professionnelle ni sur les récits partagés par des témoins directs de la guerre. Ainsi, le fait que ces auteurs n’aient pas assisté à la guerre leur permet de livrer des témoignages pionniers sur les situations actuelles de conflit comme sur les guerres historiques. Pour répondre à cette question de recherche, cette thèse analyse le statut du témoignage dans l’œuvre de Jean Rouaud, écrivain pionnier de cette tendance littéraire, et en retrace l’évolution
The present thesis defines a new model of testimony written by contemporary authorswho were not physically present in the conflicts their writings describe in first-person narrative and the present tense. This literary corpus constitutes a watershed in the history of modern testimonial literature, which ascribes absolute authority as war witnesses to ‘the men who were there’ in the conflict zone during the war. Using first-person narratives, intimate language, and detailed writing, contemporary writers such as Jean Rouaud, Pierre Bergounioux, François Bon, Jean-Yves Jouannais, Pierre Michon, and Annie Ernaux witness events from the two world wars and from current conflict zones. They do not provide testimonies from a perspective external to war; they do not base their writings on scientific or professional literature nor rely on survivors’ ‘first-hand testimonies’. Further, in their writings, traveling to distant conflict zones is not a prerequisite to become an eyewitness to the injustices that occur there. Instead, for these writers, the intergenerational consequences of theworld wars and the involvement of France in conflicts around the world make them witnesses of those conflicts. The fact that these authors never participated directly in a war constitutes a new approach to the ‘eyewitness’ that is valuable for understanding contemporary reality. In an attempt to trace the nature of this tendency in its literary, ethical, and political aspects, the present study is devoted to a lateral reading of the corpus of Jean Rouaud, the pioneering and leading writer of this tendency

Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como principal objetivo o estudo sistemático do Fresco, denominado o “Bom e Mau Juiz de Monsaraz”. Pretende-se estabelecer a sua datação, conhecer a sua autoria ou oficina, quem o encomendou e com que objetivos; explicar a razão de se localizar naquele edifício e de se integrar naquele espaço arquitetónico; estudar o fresco do ponto de vista temático e narrativo, com uma identificação pormenorizada dos elementos iconográficos; entender a obra à luz do seu contexto social, político e artístico. Partindo do modelo de Quentin Skinner, para o estudo da obra de Lorenzetti o Bom e o Mau Governo, pretendem-se identificar na pintura de Monsaraz, os fundamentos éticos e morais para o Bom Governo pelo Rei, patentes na obra de Diogo Lopes Rebelo, tratadista político que escreveu para D. Manuel I o De Republica Gubernanda Per Regem; ABSTRACT:The main purpose of this dissertation is the systematic study of the Monsaraz’ mural painting, commonly known as “The Good and the Bad Judge” which is found in the Old Town Hall Court. The scope of this dissertation is to establish the date and authorship of the mural, determine who commissioned it and the reasons behind that commission; explain the choice of its location and its integration in that architectural space; conduct a thematic and narrative analysis with a comprehensive identification of iconographic elements; analyze composition structures; study the painting within its political, social and artistic context. Based on the model of Quentin Skinner’s study of Lorenzetti’s wall painting The Good and Bad Government, this study seeks to ascertain the underlying ethic and moral values in Diogo Lopes Rebelo’s political treatise – De Republica Gubernanda Per Regem written for King Manuel I.

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A partir de um caso ocorrido no ano de 2006, em um estabelecimento comercial denominado Bar Tuim, no centro da cidade de Porto Alegre, Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, em que frequentadores entraram em disputa física com agentes da Prefeitura Municipal em torno da interpretação do alcance de uma lei de polícia administrativa, esta dissertação apresenta critérios para definição de limites do poder de polícia frente ao direito à liberdade individual inscrito na Constituição Federal. O caso concreto conduz a uma hipótese de fato, qual seja, a de que há um novo paradigma existencial na sociedade contemporânea, que se denominou paradigma existencial dos hábitos saudáveis, caracterizado como uma supervalorização dos cuidados com a saúde como modo de vida. O pressuposto deste trabalho é justamente o de que esse novo paradigma existencial vem pondo em marcha sucessivas e crescentes proibições no terreno atinente aos hábitos individuais, tendentes a limitar a liberdade individual das pessoas. O novo paradigma existencial é examinado à luz de várias teorias que procuram explicar a realidade contemporânea. Para definir critérios aptos a delinear limites ao instituto do poder de polícia, recorre-se à disciplina da filosofia política para, a partir de conceitos próprios desta, aportar elementos de conteúdo para construir critérios para a definição de limites. Esses elementos de conteúdo são elencados a partir da escola do liberalismo político europeu do século XIX, do liberalismo político contemporâneo e da filosofia política norte-americana. Partindo dessa hipótese de fato, procuraremos estabelecer critérios para a definição de limites à ação do Estado no que se refere a proibições relativas aos hábitos individuais. A presente dissertação é também uma contribuição à crítica a determinados aspectos do modo de vida contemporâneo, no que se refere à supervalorização dos hábitos saudáveis.
After an event held in the year of 2006, at Bar Tuim, a business premise, located at downtown of Porto Alegre, Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, in which customers disagreed with Porto Alegre Council employees about the interpretation of an administrative police law scope, this paper presents some criterion for the definition of the police power boundaries in what refers to the right of personal freedom in Brazil Federal constitution. The present case leds us to the hypothesis that there is a new existential paradigm in the contemporary society which refers to healthy habits and is characterized as an overvaluation of heath care as a way of life. This work assumption is exactly that this new existential paradigm is raising sucessive and growing prohibitions in the field of individual habits, which might limitate our individual freedom. We analyzed this new existential paradigm using many theories which intend to explain the contemporary reality. In order to define some criteria useful for drawing the boundaries of the police power institute, we have appealed to the discipline of political philophy so that we can through its concepts access some elements important to develop criteria for defining these boundaries. These content elements can be seen in the political liberalism from the European school of the nineteenth century, in the contemporary political liberalism, and in the North American political philosophy. Through this hypothesis we intend to establish some criteria in the definition of boundaries to the States actions in what refers to prohibitions related to individual habits. This paper also intends to be a contribution to the critic raised to several aspects in our contemporary way of live, as the overvaluation of healthy habits.

This thesis and its corresponding art installation, Lessons from Ziggy, attempts to deconstruct the variables prevalent within several complex systems, analyze their transformations, and propose a methodology for reasserting the soap box within the display pedestal. In this text, there are several key and specific examples of the transformation of various signifiers (i.e. media-bred fear’s transformation into a political tactic of surveillance, contemporary freneticism’s transformation into complacency, and community’s transformation into nationalism as a state weapon). In this essay, all of these concepts are contextualized within the exponential growth of new technologies. That is to say, all of these semiotic developments must be framed within the post-Internet sphere.

Cette étude a pour objectif de démontrer le changement paradigmatique qui s’est opéré dans l’approche du phénomène tragique et du genre de la tragédie à l’époque contemporaine. La tragédie, telle qu’elle est pratiquée par les Grecs durant le Ve siècle avant J.-C., se construit autour du concept de dikè, c’est-à-dire de justice. Toutefois, au XXe siècle, la pensée tragique se porte sur la question de la liberté humaine. Cette transformation quant à l’appréhension philosophique et dramatique du phéno-mène résulte des événements socio-politiques qui secouent le monde occidental, et plus particulière-ment européen, durant cette période. Notre étude repose ainsi sur la comparaison de plusieurs tragédie grecques — Les Perses, L’Orestie, et Prométhée enchaîné d’Eschyle ; Antigone et Philoctète de So-phocle ; Médée et Les Troyennes d’Euripide — avec des transpositions contemporaines, qui ont été créées en France et en Irlande en réponse à des événements socio-politiques menaçant la liberté des individus, ou du moins d’une partie d’entre eux. De ce fait, notre corpus se compose de trois pièces mises en scène durant ou après l’Occupation : Les Mouches de Sartre (1943), Antigone d’Anouilh (1944), et Caligula (1945) de Camus ; d’une pièce écrite lors de la période de la décolonisation dans les années 1960 : Les Troyennes de Sartre (1965) ; de trois pièces créées pendant la période des Troubles (1968-1998) : The Riot Act (1984) et Seize the Fire (1989) de Paulin, et The Cure at Troy de Heaney (1990) ; et de trois pièces composées durant le débat portant sur les droits des femmes dans les années 1980 en République d’Irlande : Antigone (1986), Medea (1989), et The Trojan Women (1993) de Kennelly
This research intends to underline the paradigmatic change that has occurred reguarding the approach to the tragic phenomenon and the genre of tragedy in the contemporary period. Tragedy, such as dramatized by the Greeks in the 5th century B.-C., was built on the concept of dikè, meaning justice. However, in the twentieth century, the idea of tragic is apprehended through the perspective of human freedom. This transformation of the philosophical and dramatic approaches to the tragic phenomemon arises from the social and political events occuring in the Western world, and more specifically in Eu-rope, during that period. Thus, our research relies on the comparison of several Greek tragedies — Aeschylus’s The Persians, The Oresteia, and Prometheus Bound; Sophocles’s Antigone and Philocte-tes; Euripides’s Medea and The Trojan Women — with some contemporary transpositions that have been produced in France and in Ireland to adress events threatening individual freedom of, at least, a part of the population living in France or in Ireland. Therefore, our research considers three plays creat-ed during or shortly after the Nazi Occupation of France: Sartre’s The Flies (1943), Anouilh’s Antigone (1944), Camus’s Caligula (1945); one play performed during the decolonial period of 1960: Sartre’s The Trojan Women (1965); three plays produced during the period of the Troubles (1968-1998): Paulin’s The Riot Act (1984) and Seize the Fire (1989), and Heaney’s The Cure at Troy (1990) ; and three plays performed to deal with the issue of women’s rights in the Republic of Ireland: Kennelly’s Antigone (1986), Medea (1989), and The Trojan Women (1993)

This work presents an analysis of the philosophical and the political thought of Pierre Paul Royer-Collard (1763-1845), a politician and intellectual who lived during the French Restoration and the July’s Monarchy. I have traced an intellectual biography of the author, to show the influence of his different experiences as a public man (deputy, professor, State counsellor) on the construction and the development of his thought. His philosophical and political ideas have been considered from the intellectual context of their creation, and analysed in all their parts and purposes. His theory of perception has been accurately traced, as well as his idea of common sense, his critiques to the philosophy of the idéologues and the place of his thought in the French spiritualism. All the elements of his political thought have been analysed: his idea of the institutions (King, government, Chambers), the electoral system, the intermediate powers, the Church, the education system, his idea of representative government, of democracy, of legitimacy, and of the relationship between politic and society. The legacy of the French Revolution and the political thought of Royer-Collard has also been considered. A comparative analysis, with the thought of Guizot and the French Doctrinaires to find the proper place of his political ideas in the context of the French Liberalism of the Doctrinaires, has also been done. The moral inspiration of his conceptual system, which is bound between his philosophy and his political ideas, has been accurately analysed.

A tese se dedica ao estudo das relações entre o poético e o político na escritura de Paul Valéry entre 1940 e 1945, anos arrasados pela segunda guerra e também os últimos da vida do escritor. O período estudado começa, assim, no verão de 1940, quando a França perde a batalha contra os alemães, Paris é ocupada pelos nazistas e Valéry, abrigado no norte do país, põe-se a escrever o terceiro Fausto que ele há tempos desejava compor. A pesquisa se estende até maio de 1945, pleno apogeu da Libération Française, quando o escritor publica em jornal gaulista (aquelas que [não] deveriam ser) as Ultima Verba do vencedor do conflito, e termina o poema em prosa LAnge depois de duas décadas de trabalho sobre esse texto. Seguindo a escritura diária dos cahiers de Valéry e as notas do curso de poïética ministrado pelo poeta no Collége de France naqueles anos, a tese busca apreender como as estratégias poéticas das obras analisadas Ultima Verba, LAnge e Mon Faust são concebidas para enfrentar os acontecimentos esmagadores daquele período. Com efeito, elas modulam recursos sensíveis, significativos e formais do ato poético, pondo em contradicção as forças heterogêneas do discurso e sua dicção, da voz e do pensamento (lógos e foné), ser e convenção, estabelecendo uma implicação recíproca do poético e do político: o poeta como político profundo, entre as majorités do som e do sentido. Essa implicação põe em jogo a autonomia e a soberania da linguagem poética, os modos de circulação do discurso numa sociedade democrática e o gesto do poeta frente às aporias do processo de escrita. Desse modo, procura-se menos revelar a política de suas escolhas (as vias que o escritor abre ou fecha; ainda que isso seja parte do problema, não é o principal) do que pensar na política de sua poética, perceptível na modulação das diferentes maneiras de ver que compõem o poema, uma modulação que cala ou interrompe, escuta ou prolonga suas hesitações. Assim, veremos que os dilemas da fiducia política e da ciência moderna elaborados nos brouillons do ciclo fáustico e nas notas do curso de poïética reencontram a hesitação prolongada, o inacabamento e infinitização contínua do ato poético, sempre em curso de driblar injunções fiduciárias e técnicas, num momento em que a Europa moderna tinha mais do que nunca carência de repensar os pactos, moedas, projetos e o próprio para, [vencedor, nesse] momento em curso na literatura e na comunidade.
The thesis aims to study the relations between the poetic and the political in the writings of Paul Valéry from 1940 to 1945, a time crushed by the war and the last years of the poets life. This study covers a period that goes from the summer of 1940 during the last weeks of the Battle of France, when Paris was occupied by the germans and the poet, sheltered in the countrys north, starts to write the third Faust that for a long time he wished to write up to may 1945, in the pinnacle of the Libération Française, when the writer publishes in a gaullist journal (those that should [not] be) the ultima verba of the wars winner, and completes, after two decades of writing labour, the prose poem LAnge. By following the the cahiers daily writings and the Collège de Frances course in poetics lesson notes of those years, we seek to understand the strategies conceived to confront the periods crushing events, specially in the analysed texts Ultima Verba, LAnge and Mon Faust. In fact, they modulate the aesthetic infinitys sensible, significant and formal resources in the contradiction of the heterogeneous forces of the discourse and its diction (its elocution), voice and thought (logos and phone), being and convention, thus establishing a reciprocal implication of the poetic and the political: the poet as a profound politician who works between the majorities of sound and sense. This implication reflects upon the poetic languages autonomy and sovereignty, the discourse circulation modes in a democratic society and the poets act in relation to the writing process issues. Thus, this gesture would be put in place less for revealing the politics in Valérys choices (the paths he opens or closes; this is also part of the problem, but it is not the main question) than for thinking about his poetics own politics, one deployed in the modulation of the different manners of seeing implicated in the poem, a modulation that silents or stops, listens or prolongs their hesitations. Then, we shall see that the fiducias politics and modern science dilemmas elaborated by the faustic cycle drafts and by the course in poetics lesson notes find theirselves in the company of the verse as prolonged hesitation, of the poetics act incompleteness and infinitization, always in the process of dribbling the fiduciary and technical injunctions, in a time when modern Europe had more than ever to rethink the pacts, currencies, projects and even the stop, [winner, in this] moment that had currency in literature and community.

L’objectif principal de ce travail est d’analyser les variations du sens du sublime chez Vico et de déterminer comment le sublime comme moment déclencheur de l’andar raccogliendo, l’aller en rassemblant, participe à la fondation de la communauté politique. C’est à partir de l’expérience de la foudre, moment sublime par excellence que commence le long processus de développement de l’esprit des « bestioni » qui erraient dans les grandes forêts postdiluviennes. Par une imagination vigoureuse, ces derniers créent les « universaux fantastiques » ou « caractères poétiques », qui seront leur premier mode d’appréhension du monde. Ainsi, quittent-ils leur état de brute pour atteindre progressivement l’humanité. C’est sur ce concept d'« universaux fantastiques » que Vico fonde sa nouvelle science. De cette façon, il réhabilite l’imagination, la fantasia, et lui confère un rôle important dans la recherche de la vérité, proposant ainsi une réflexion qui tient compte de toutes les propriétés de l’esprit humain. En fervent défenseur de cette discipline placée en dehors du champ de la connaissance par certains philosophes dont Descartes notamment, Vico étudie les transformations de l'esprit humain à travers différents moments de son évolution. Aussi, invente-t-il une esthétique entièrement fondée sur le sublime. Sa démarche rappelle celle de Kant, qui, dans sa première Critique, définit les règles de base de la connaissance en partant du sensible. Par conséquent, pour comprendre la méthode utilisée par le philosophe napolitain sur l’évolution de l’esprit, il nous a semblé nécessaire de partir de l’esthétique kantienne. Toutefois, la possibilité de réfléchir sur le sublime chez le philosophe napolitain n’étant pas limitée au sensible, il convient d’en déterminer le sens lors du passage de l’âge poétique à l’âge de la « raison entièrement développée ». Considéré comme moment où tous les repères symboliques sont suspendus, le sublime a la particularité de modifier l’ordre des choses en vue de faire émerger de nouvelles institutions symboliques. C’est ce que nous observons dans la Science nouvelle au moment du soulèvement de la plèbe contre le patriarcat. C’est ce moment sublime qui favorisera l’émergence de la démocratie dans les cités, que Marc Richir appelle « sublime en politique ». Il existe donc un lien entre ce dernier et Giambattista Vico quant à la manière dont ils ont tous les deux réfléchi sur la problématique de la fondation sociopolitique
The main objective of this work is to analyze the variations of the meaning of the sublime by Vico and determine how the sublime, as the trigger moment of « andar raccogliendo », participates in the foundation of political community. It’s from the lightning-experience, of the sublime moment that begins the long process of development of the « bestioni » mind who wandered in the great post diluvian forests. By a vigorous imagination, they created the « universals fantastics » or « poetic characters, » which will be their first mode of apprehension of the world. So they are ready to leave their raw state to gradually reach humanity? Thus, at this the concept of «fantastics universals » that Vico founded his new science. In this way, he rehabilitates the imagination, fantasia, and gives it an important role of searching the truth, by proposing a reflection that takes into account all the properties of the human mindset. As a fervent defender of this discipline placed outside the field of knowledge by certain philosophers including Descartes, Vico studied the transformation of the human spirit through different moments of its evolution. So he invented entirely based on « aesthetic sublime ». His approach reminds us Kant, who, in his first criticism, defines basic rules of knowledge starting from the sensitive. The possibility of thinking on sublime as the Neapolitan philosopher not being limited to the poetic age, it should be determined during the passage from the poetic age to the age of « fully developed reason ». Considered as the moment where all symbolic references are suspended, the sublime has the particularity of modifying the order of things to bring out new symbolics institutions. This is what we observe in the new science, during the raising of the plebians against the patriarchy. It is this sublime moment that will favor the emergence of democracy in the cities, which Marc Richir called « sublime in politic». There is a connection between them, as they both reflected the problem of the socio-political foundation

Cette thèse de doctorat est consacrée aux processus de subjectivation, collectif et individuel, des Français.es n/Noir.es dans la région de Paris. Il s’agit de cartographier une géographie politique et esthétique diasporique, dans laquelle ils/elles se meuvent pour produire des modes de subjectivités et, de décrire les multiples ressources sur lesquelles ils/elles s’appuient pour se constituer en tant que simples Français.es et/ou acteur.es politiques. Parce que les subjectivités se produisent à partir de rencontres et résistances diverses qui sont constamment sujettes aux mouvements, l’étude décrit la vie quotidienne de Français.es n/Noir.es selon une interprétation rhizomatique du territoire. C’est-à-dire, en (re) constituant – un territoire cosmopolitique parisien qui se compose, sur un même plan, de plusieurs lieux physiques (France, Europe, États-Unis) pour prendre la forme d’une scène sociale et historique, académique et médiatique, mais également sociale et fictive. Le renouveau de la problématique nous mène à explorer une scène tentaculaire, où s’invite la tentative d’institutionnalisation d’un corps collectif à travers le monde associatif pour se déplacer vers la vie quotidienne des participant.es à la recherche. Avec la dissémination du terme « Noir » dans l’espace public, la convention républicaine de neutralité entre citoyen.nes est mise à l’épreuve ; les discours qui portent sur les différences phénotypiques concourent à nourrir, autant, des processus de subjectivation que d’autres désirs de représentation qui s’imbriquent dans le local et l’international (associations/organisations nationales et internationales, politiques publiques, circulation de théories scientifiques). Tandis que l’enquête met en évidence les transformations sociétales et historiques qui participent à l’émergence d’un sujet Français.e n/Noir.e et les tensions afférentes qu’elles produisent (juridique, politique, académique, civique) depuis les deux dernières décennies ; elle permet aussi de montrer les effets de redondances qui caractérisent la singularité française noire. Ce sont les effets et les affects qui, dans la tension et la répétition, se (re) négocient individuellement et collectivement – au sein du vaste « champ-ressource » hétérogène qu’est la diaspora, pour tenter de (re) créer/représenter, à la fois, des différences et des similitudes qui s’agencent bon gré mal gré à d’autres différences : genre, histoire locale, juridique et nationale, voire internationale avec l’Europe et les États-Unis. Enfin, il s’agit de souligner que les processus de subjectivation des Français.es n/Noir.es relèvent d’abord du possible, c’est-à-dire que seul prime l’insaisissable et la créativité dans la capacité à devenir-n/Noir.e par opposition à une identité fixe
This doctoral thesis is devoted to the collective and individual processes of subjectification of the French b/Black people in the Paris region. It is about mapping a diasporic political and aesthetic geography, in which they move to produce modes of subjectivities and, to describe the multiple resources on which they rely to constitute themselves as French citizens and/or political actors. Because subjectivities arise from various encounters and resistances that are constantly subject to movement, the study describes the daily life of French b/Black people according to a rhizomatic interpretation of the territory. That is to say, by (re) constituting - a Parisian cosmopolitan territory which is made up, on the same level, of several physical places (France, Europe, United States) to take the form of a social and historical scene, academic and media scene, but also social and fictional scene. The renewal of the issue leads us to explore a sprawling scene, where the attempt to institutionalize a collective body through the associative world is invited to move towards the daily life of the research participants. With the dissemination of the term "Black" in public space, the Republican convention of citizen neutrality is put to the test; the discourses that focus on phenotypic differences contribute to nourishing both subjectification processes and other desires of representation that overlap locally and internationally (national and international associations/organizations, public policies, circulation of scientific theories). While the study highlights the societal and historical transformations that participate in the emergence of a French b/Black subject since the two last decades and the related tensions that they produce (legal, political, academic, civic); it also makes it possible to show the effects of redundancies which characterize the French black singularity. It is the effects and affects which, in tension and repetition, are (re) negotiated individually and collectively –, within the vast and heterogeneous “resource-field” that is the diaspora, in an attempt to (re) create / represent, at the same time some differences and similarities that come together willy-nilly with other differences: gender, local, legal and national history, even international with Europe and the United States. Finally, it is about underlining that fact that the processes of subjectification of the French b/Black people have first to do with the possible. That is to say, that only the elusive and the creativity in the capacity of becoming-b/Black as opposed to a fixed identity

La pensée politique moderne a admis la dichotomie entre réforme et révolution. Le réformisme en a fait un principe qui domine actuellement les esprits. Mais la politique n’est-elle pas irrémédiablement partagée entre révolution et réforme ? La politique de Kant constitue un paradigme idéal pour poser le problème du rapport entre réforme et révolution. A l’initiative de Burke, l’opposition moderne entre réforme et révolution se forme à cette époque en réaction aux révolutions en Europe. Kant accepte bien l’opposition entre la réforme entreprise par le souverain et la révolution accomplie par le peuple. Mais sa sympathie bien connue pour la Révolution française l’amène à élaborer une politique pragmatique qui prend en compte les conditions historico-politiques de l’application des principes républicains défendus par la Révolution. Animé par un esprit révolutionnaire, le réformisme kantien entend réussir le processus politique de la républicanisation par le moyen de la réforme, tout en rendant justice à la nécessité du processus naturel de la révolution qui réagit à l’oppression de la liberté. Selon le philosophe de la Révolution, la réforme (révolutionnaire) accomplit la révolution. Pour le montrer, il faut réinscrire la politique de Kant dans son temps. La partie I en précise le contexte historique et sémantique : la réfutation kantienne du droit de rébellion est dirigée contre les monarchomaques ; l’articulation kantienne de la réforme à la révolution s’inscrit dans la lignée du consensus entre réforme et révolution mise en place par les Lumières. La partie II retrace la mise en place de la dichotomie « réformiste » entre réforme et révolution par les burkiens allemands : ils opposent à la violence destructrice de la Révolution l’option d’une réforme conservatrice qui se contente d’améliorer ponctuellement les institutions monarchiques. Kant, en revanche, se révèle être le théoricien secret d’une réforme révolutionnaire qui bouleverse le système monarchique de fond en comble : pour le montrer, la partie III décrypte l’esprit révolutionnaire de sa politique
Modern political thought has admitted the dichotomy between reform and revolution. Reformism has turned it into a principle that currently dominates our minds. But isn't politics irremediably torn between reform and revolution?Kant's politics is an ideal paradigm to pose the problem of the relation between reform and revolution. At Burke's initiative, the modern opposition between reform and revolution is formed at that time as a reaction to the revolutions in Europe. Kant accepts the opposition between reforms adopted by the sovereign and the revolution done by the people. But his well-known sympathy for the French Revolution leads him to elaborate a pragmatic political philosophy that takes into account the historico-political conditions of the implementation of the republican principles defended by the Revolution. Stimulated by a revolutionary spirit, Kantian reformism means to successfully establish the political process of republicanisation thanks to reform, while doing justice to the necessity of the natural process of the revolution which reacts to the oppression of liberty. According to the philosopher of the Revolution, (revolutionary) reform accomplishes the revolution.So as to show it, one must place Kant's politics in his time. Part I makes clear its historical and semantic context: the Kantian refutation of the right to rebel is directed against the Monarchomachists; the Kantian way of articulating reform to revolution is inscribed in the tradition of a consensus between reform and revolution implemented by the Enlightenment. Part II charts the creation of the 'reformist' dichotomy between reform and revolution by German Burkians: rather than the destructive violence of the Revolution, they opted for a conservative reform that managed only to bring about ad hoc improvements to the monarchic institutions. Kant, on the contrary, turns out to be the secret theoretician of a revolutionary reform which totally upsets the monarchic system: to show this, part III deciphers the revolutionary spirit of his political thought