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1
Joseph, John E. "Language Pedagogy and Political-Cognitive Autonomy in Mid-19th Century Geneva." Historiographia Linguistica 39, no. 2-3 (November 23, 2012): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.39.2-3.04jos.
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Summary Charles-Louis Longchamp (1802–1874) was the dominant figure in Latin studies in Geneva in the 1850s and 1860s and had a formative influence on the Latin teachers of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913). Longchamp’s work was in the grammaire générale tradition, which, on account of historical anomalies falling out from the Genevese Revolution of 1846 to 1848, was still being taught in Geneva up to the mid-1870s, despite having been put aside in France in the 1830s and 1840s. Longchamp succeeded briefly in getting his Latin grammars onto the school curriculum, replacing those imported from France, which Longchamp argued were making the Genevese mentally indistinguishable from the French, weakening their power to think for themselves and putting their political independence at risk. His own grammars offered “a sort of bulwark against invasion by the foreign mind, a guarantee against annexation”. Longchamp’s pedagogical approach had echoes in Saussure’s teaching of Germanic languages in Paris in the 1880s, and in the ‘stylistics’ of Saussure’s successor Charles Bally (1865–1947).
2
Bowman, Joye L. "‘Legitimate Commerce’ and Peanut Production in Portuguese Guinea, 1840s–1880s." Journal of African History 28, no. 1 (March 1987): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029431.
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This article examines the transition from the slave trade to ‘legitimate commerce’ in Portuguese Guinea between 1840 and 1880. Peanuts became the principal export crop. They were cultivated on plantation-like establishments called feitorias located primarily along the banks of the Rio Grande and on Bolama Island. From the 1840s through the 1870s, Luso-African, other Euro-African and European traders built these feitorias. These traders depended upon both slave and contract labour to cultivate their export crop.Although Portugal claimed Portuguese Guinea, French trading houses dominated ‘legitimate commerce’ in this West African enclave. The demand for increased peanut production came from the burgeoning French oil mills rather than from Portuguese industries. French merchants supplied the ships needed to transport the crop as well as many of the imported goods sold locally. By the 1870s the Portuguese realized they needed to break this French monopoly. By that time Europe was suffering from an economic recession, peanut prices were falling and cheaper oilseeds from India and America were entering the market. Portugal's attempts to establish commercial dominance met with little success.The economic crisis of the 1870s not only created difficulties for feitoria owners and their workers, but also for Fulbe groups in the process of expansion. These Fulbe wanted to establish political control in order to reap the economic benefits the peanut trade offered — especially access to firearms and in turn, slaves. As peanut production fell from 1879 onward, Fulbe groups began fighting amongst themselves for control of shrinking resources. By 1887, the feitoria system and this phase of peanut production had ended. The Portuguese, like the Fulbe, had to look for new ways to survive economically.
3
Hanson, John H. "Islam, Migration and the Political Economy of Meaning: Fergo Nioro from the Senegal River Valley, 1862–1890." Journal of African History 35, no. 1 (March 1994): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025950.
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The Muslim social movement known as the fergo Nioro provides a case of popular elaboration of the message of a leader of jihad. Umar Tal's call to holy war led to the conquest of Karta in the mid-1850s, and his call to hijra resulted in the migration of perhaps 20,000 Senegal-valley Fulbe to form a Muslim settler community. In the years after Umar's departure from Karta in 1859, military leaders and others in the Fulbe settler community sent envoys to recruit additional settlers from the Senegal valley. At least 16,000 and perhaps as many as 30,000 Fulbe responded to this recruitment effort and left Bundu, Futa Toro and the lower Senegal valley between 1862 and 1890. Two periods of more massive migration coincided with the residence at Nioro of Amadu Sheku, Umar's son and designated successor. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, a cholera epidemic swept up the Senegal valley, claimed thousands of victims, and encouraged Fulbe to leave the region for Karta. During the mid-1880s, French policies in the Senegal valley, notably the emancipation of slaves and moves to halt Fulbe raids in the lower Senegal valley, influenced the social movement.In both periods of large-scale migration and at other times, the Umarian envoys constructed an appeal which elaborated and even transformed Umar's call to hijra. Umar's insistence on holy war was a dominant theme in all periods, and resonated with the young men who left the valley in hopes of accumulating wealth through warfare. His condemnation of French influence in the Senegal valley was also expressed in the Arabic letters delivered by envoys. Umar's emphasis on the cutting of social bonds was not emphasized, as Fulbe settlers sought to attract relatives and neighbors to the new Fulbe communities in Karta.
4
Ortiz-Serrano, Miguel Ángel. "Political connections and stock returns: evidence from the Boulangist campaign, 1888–1889." Financial History Review 25, no. 3 (December 2018): 323–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565018000148.
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The decade of the 1880s was a turbulent period for the French Third Republic. Corruption scandals that discredited republican parties and a lacklustre economic performance after the Paris Bourse crash of 1882 gave rise to widespread public disenchantment with the republican political elites. The rise of the Boulangist movement was the most representative example of this disillusionment. In 1887, Georges Boulanger, an army general and former minister of war, began orchestrating a populist mass campaign against the ruling republicans and the parliamentary regime. His political agitation, supported by a heterogeneous coalition of socialists, radicals and royalists, reached a climax in January 1889, when, after winning a Paris by-election, he had an opportunity to stage acoup d’état, which did not materialise. To understand whether French investors perceived the Boulangist campaign as a real threat to their interests, I use an original dataset of daily stock prices to analyse the effect of the January 1889 by-election on the value of politically connected firms listed on the Paris Bourse. The results show that firms with links to the republican parties experienced positive cumulative abnormal returns after Boulanger's refusal to stage the coup, while there was no effect on firms connected to the royalist parties or with no political ties. These findings suggest that French investors reacted positively to the prospective subsiding of the Boulangist movement.
5
Carroll, Christina. "Republican Imperialisms." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 118–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360308.
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In the 1880s and 1890s, a wave of histories of colonial empire appeared in France. But even though they were produced by members of similar republican colonial advocacy groups, these accounts narrated the history of empire in contradictory ways. Some positioned “colonial empire” as an enterprise with ancient roots, while others treated modern colonization as distinct. Some argued that French colonial empire was a unique enterprise in line with republican ideals, but others insisted that it was a European-wide project that transcended domestic political questions. By tracing the differences between these accounts, this article highlights the flexibility that characterized late nineteenth-century republican understandings of empire. It also points to the ways republican advocates for colonial expansion during this period looked both historically and comparatively to legitimize their visions for empire’s future in France.
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Schreier, Joshua. "FROM MEDITERRANEAN MERCHANT TO FRENCH CIVILIZER: JACOB LASRY AND THE ECONOMY OF CONQUEST IN EARLY COLONIAL ALGERIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 631–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000797.
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AbstractThe story of the Oran-based Jewish merchant Jacob Lasry (1793–1869) illustrates how preexisting North African business practices survived and adapted to the radical dislocations of the French conquest of Algeria. In the 1830s, French political turmoil and indecision helped foster a chaotic situation where French generals with nebulous goals “outsourced” financing and even military campaigns to local experts in Algeria. Lasry's business success in the economy of the early conquest invested him with a degree of power vis-à-vis the French administration, whose other proxies sometimes ended up in severe debt to him. With the rise of a “civilizing mission” discourse in the 1840s and 1850s, aspects of this mission, too, were outsourced to local experts. Despite his Moroccan birth, Gibraltarian family, and British subjecthood, Lasry used his stature to secure the official position of president of the province'sconsistoire israélite, charged with advancing French civilization among Oran's indigenous Jews.
7
Daughton, James P. "Kings of the Mountains: Mayréna, Missionaries, and French Colonial Divisions in 1880s Indochina." Itinerario 25, no. 3-4 (November 2001): 185–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015047.
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In the late nineteenth century, the distance from Qui Nhon to Kontum – a trip of about two hundred kilometers – was nearly insurmountable. The route most travellers took led from the port town in southern Annam out across a narrow coastal plain of cultivated fields before crossing rivers and gorges, and ascending rocky mountains. Then the path leveled out on a high plateau of extreme weather and dense forests where fever, tigers, and unwelcoming local communities intimidated even the hardiest of travellers. Though well within the borders of French-controlled Annam, there was little Vietnamese – and even less French – about these highlands. The region was inhabited almost exclusively by a variety of indigenous groups like the Sedang, the Bahnar, and thejarai, who were both ethnically distinct from the majority Vietnamese population of Annam, and politically independent from the emperor in Hué as well as the French colonial administration. The region was so isolated from the rest of the colony that Frenchmen invoked the Vietnamese name for the area, calling it the Pays Moï– ‘savages' country’ – and even the missionaries, the only Europeans to live in the region until the early 1900s, referred to their headquarters in Kontum as the ‘Mission des Sauvages’. It was an unlikely focal point for one of the most divisive controversies in the French empire.
8
Ramsay, Jacob. "Extortion and Exploitation in the Nguyên Campaign against Catholicism in 1830s–1840s Vietnam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000165.
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Preoccupied with French mission agitation in the late 1850s and during the Franco-Spanish invasion of southern Vietnam, scholarship has long neglected the dramatic change taking place in preceding decades at the local level between Catholics and mainstream society. Exploring negotiation between Catholic communities and authorities, as well as organisational shifts in mission activity, this article brings into sharper focus the turmoil of the late 1830s and 1840s Nguyên repression of Catholicism.
9
Walton, Whitney. "Frondeuses and Feminists in the Work of Arvède Barine (1840–1908)." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380105.
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This article examines Arvède Barine’s extensive and popular published output from the 1880s to 1908, along with an extraordinary cache of letters addressed to Barine and held in the Manuscript Department of the National Library of France. It asserts that in the process of criticizing contemporary feminist activists and celebrating the achievements of women, especially French women, in history, she constructed the historical and cultural distinctiveness of French women as an ideal blend of femininity, accomplishment, and independence. This notion of the French singularity, indeed the superiority of French women, resolved the contradiction between her condemnation of feminism as a transformation of gender relations and her support for causes and reforms that enabled women to lead intellectually and emotionally fulfilling lives. Barine’s work offers another example of the varied ways that women in Third Republic France engaged with public debates about women and gender.
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Murphy, Marjorie. "And They Sang the “Marseillaise”: A Look at the Left French Press as It Responded to the Haymarket." International Labor and Working-Class History 29 (1986): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000521.
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This is a tale of two cities: Chicago and Paris. They were different worlds, one the gem of western Europe, the other the gem of the prairies, yet both had a working-class movement in the 1870s and 1880s that produced a unique set of historical events which have served a symbolic function of communicating between one side of the globe and another. To illustrate these events as they appeared to one continent from the other I will begin with Chicago and demonstrate how the Paris Commune served as a symbolic event which gave meaning to local political struggles in the Windy City. Then, as the Haymarket Affair of 1886 unfolds, I will shift to Paris and the left-wing press as it tried to translate Chicago events into something meaningful for French workers. If these were the best of times and worst of times for workers in the late nineteenth century, then it is worth exploring the uses of these events in the creation of a working-class language of internationalism.
11
Guilloux, Ronald. "L’acupuncture et le magnétisme animal face à l’orthodoxie médicale française (1780–1830)." Gesnerus 70, no. 2 (November 11, 2013): 211–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-07002002.
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This article analyses why the French phenomenon of acupuncture was confined to the 1810s–1820s. It argues that the French medical orthodoxy played a decisive role. First, we recount the history of the French reception of Japanese acupuncture from the late 17th century to the 1820s. Second, we go back to the animal magnetism trial to find some explanatory tools for the decline of French acupuncture. Third, we show that the oppositions to both therapies were not mere juxtapositions, but due to the growing strength of medical orthodoxy. Finally, we suggest a model of analysis of the French medical orthodoxy of the early 19th century through a set of multidimensional oppositions: anthropological (imagination/reason), epistemological (to heal/to explain), therapeutic (drug/fluid), nosological (organic disease/functional disease), and lastly, economic, moral and political oppositions (doctor/charlatan).
12
Tran Van, Kien, and Phuong Vu Thi Ha. "Publishing and storage activities and document value of Le Courrier d’Haiphong newspaper." Journal of Science Social Science 65, no. 8 (August 2020): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2020-0058.
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The French - local daily newspaper in Indochina appeared with the development of commerce and the presence of colonial capitalists (industrialists, miners, intellectuals, civil servants and traders) in the mid-1880s. French daily newspapers not only reflected the change of localities, but also played a role in promoting development through a focus on defending political views, providing economic information. Le Courrier d'Haiphong is a case of a local daily newspaper that balances factors such as operational objectives, publishing conditions, and is a “witness” of Hai Phong's urbanization process and plays a role as “participant factor” accelerating the modernization of one of the trade-industrial centers in the North of Vietnam during the colonial period. Out of the local sphere, Le Courrier d'Haiphong existed as a forum of French capitalists in Tonkin. As one of the very few newspapers that had not been suspended during its lifetime, Le Courrier d'Haiphong newspaper provided a way to publish newspapers in the early stages of journalism in Vietnam. At the same time, it is also a valuable resource for research on economic history, urban history, or cultural exchange and acculturation activities in the late nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century.
13
Brailey, Nigel. "Protection or Partition: Ernest Satow and the 1880s Crisis in Britain's Siam Policy." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1998): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400021482.
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This article elucidates features of the unusual career of Ernest Satow, and calls into question the traditional emphasis on the French threat to nineteenth-century Siamese independence, as opposed to the Singapore-derived plan to annex southern Siam in the context of a partition of the country.
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Headrick, Daniel R., and Pascal Griset. "Submarine Telegraph Cables: Business and Politics, 1838–1939." Business History Review 75, no. 3 (2001): 543–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116386.
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International telecommunication is not only a business but also a political enterprise, the subject of great-power rivalries. In the late nineteenth century, British firms held a near monopoly, because Britain had more advanced industry, a wealthier capital market, and a merchant marine and colonial empire that provided customers for the new service. After the 1880s, they encountered increasing competition on the North Atlantic from American, German, and French firms. Elsewhere, the British conglomerate Eastern and Associated retained its hegemony until the 1920s. Following World War I, radiotelegraphy threatened the dominance of cables. In the 1930s, cable companies were almost bankrupted by the Depression and by competition from shortwave radio.
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JONES, HILARY. "RETHINKING POLITICS IN THE COLONY: THEMÉTISOF SENEGAL AND URBAN POLITICS IN THE LATE NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY." Journal of African History 53, no. 3 (November 2012): 325–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000473.
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ABSTRACTSenegal was unique in French West Africa for the nature and extent of electoral institutions that operated in its colonial towns. In the 1870s, Third Republic France elaborated on earlier short-lived policies by re-establishing local assemblies and a legislative seat for Senegal in Paris. Although histories of modern politics focus on Blaise Diagne's 1914 election to the French National Assembly, a local assembly called the General Council held greater power over economic and political matters affecting the colony between 1870 and 1920. This article reconsiders the history of urban politics in colonial Senegal by examining the ways that themétis(mixed race population) used the General Council as their field of engagement with French officials, sometimes facilitating the consolidation of French rule but at other times contesting colonial practice.
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Savaton, Pierre. "The First Detailed Geological Maps of France: Contributions of Local Scientists and Mining Engineers." Earth Sciences History 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.26.1.028355877th55714.
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Modern geological cartography in France began in the nineteenth century and was marked by the creation of detailed geological maps based on the partitioning of the country's territory into administrative regions or Départements. Published between 1828 and the 1880s, these maps were primarily the work of local naturalists and, subsequently, mining engineers. Local initiatives generated by political, economical and scientific contexts were superseded within twenty years by a centralized and long-standing surveying programme, utilizing the resources of local administrations for the completion and publication of a geological map of France. Local initiatives declined as the administration took control of the scientific and technical coordination of local surveys. These early maps show only the very beginning of the process of constructing a geological map of France. Their lack of unity led, from 1868, to their replacement by a coordinated and codified covering of French territory.
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Gall, Michel Le. "The Ottoman Government and the Sanusiyya: A Reappraisal." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (February 1989): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032128.
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The historiography of the Sanusiyya, if one can apply such a term to the literary crop of roughly a century dealing with this North Africantarīqa(pl.turuq, Sufi brotherhood), falls into three distinct categories. The earliest writings appeared in the 1880s, thirty years after the tariqa had taken root in Cyrenaica (then the Ottoman province of Benghazi). The works of French authors such as Charmes, Rinn, Duveyrier, Le Chatelier, and co-authors Depont and Coppolani were all marked by the concerns of the French colonial and protectorate authorities in Algeria and Tunisia. According to Duveyrier, a Saharan explorer of repute and the crudest exponent of this group's views, not only were the Sanusis a band of fanatics given to murdering innocent missionaries and explorers, but they were also in the vanguard of the turuq inspired by the Pan-Islamic rhetoric of the Ottoman sultan and aligned against French colonialism in Muslim North Africa. Only this combination of factors could account for the pervasive and determined resistance to French policies in the region. Along with the Sanusiyya, Duveyrier singled out for attack a North African sheikh and confidant of the Ottoman sultan, Muhammad Zafir al-Madani. Charmes, Rinn, Le Chatelier, and Depont and Coppolani, while less vitriolic in their tone, certainly had the same general approach. The analysis of this “Algerian school” was dismissed at the turn of the century by two eminent Orientalists, Christiaan Snouck Hugronje and Carl Heinrich Becker.3A generation later, European fears of the turuq diminished in the wake of World War I, as new ideologies and forces came to dominate a transformed Pan-Islamism. This notwithstanding, some of the suppositions of the early French authors were adopted by later scholars and have since been quoted and requoted.
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Bonin, Hugo. "From antagonist to protagonist: ‘Democracy’ and ‘people’ in British parliamentary debates, 1775–1885." Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 35, no. 4 (November 18, 2019): 759–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/llc/fqz082.
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Abstract ‘Democracy’ is a central word of our current political lexicon, often defined as ‘the power of the people’. However, in 19th century Britain, ‘democracy’ was not characterized by the rule of the ‘people’ but by the power of lower classes, of the ‘populace’ and the ‘mob’. In political discourse, and especially in parliamentary debates, the ‘people’ were an antagonist of ‘democracy’, not its protagonist. To support these statements, this article analyses British parliamentary debates between 1775 and 1885, through both a ‘distant reading’ with the help of corpus linguistics tools and a closer examination of certain key debates and actors. After a brief overview of the methodology, three crucial periods of British political history are analysed. (1) The end of the 18th century, where the impact of the French Revolution on democratic vocabulary is measured. (2) The debates surrounding the 1832 Reform Act, in which the explicit differentiation between the constitutional ‘people’ and the democratic ‘mob’ is drawn out by Whigs and Tories alike. (3) The Second Reform Act (1867), also presented as a ‘popular’ measure, and not a step towards ‘democracy’. In conclusion, the adoption of the democratic vocabulary by British Members of Parliament is traced to the 1880s, notably with the emergence of the idea of ‘Tory democracy’.
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Lenhard, Philipp. "Zwischen Berlin und Paris." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 73, no. 1 (January 24, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-07301003.
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For Hegel’s German-Jewish disciples, the French Revolution marked the starting point of a history of freedom, which was to include legal and political emancipation. In many cases, however, the experiences of German-Jewish migrants in Paris were disappointing. The philosophical idea of “France” was not to be confused with its political reality. Nevertheless, the image of France served as a critical antithesis to the political situation in Germany throughout the 1820 and 1830s. The article discusses the impact of France on the political concepts of Jewish Hegelians with a focus on the jurist and political philosopher Eduard Gans.
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Taylor, Raymond M. "Warriors, Tributaries, Blood Money and Political Transformation in Nineteenth-Century Mauritania." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (November 1995): 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034484.
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The middle of the nineteenth century witnessed the demise of a System of political power that had existed in the southern Mauritanian region of Brakna since the eighteenth century. Until the 1840s, tolls levied on the Senegal River gum trade had sustained the hegemony in southern Brakna of the Awlad al-Siyyid, an Arabic-speaking warrior group. Unlike more mobile warriors of the Saharan interior who depended for their livelihood on tribute extracted from nomadic pastoralists, the Awlad al-Siyyid had specialized in the control over a small area near the Senegal River, and over seasonal trading posts, known as escales, through which gum arabic was exported to the Atlantic economy. However, their increasing dependence on this trade allowed French administrators to manipulate relations among Awlad al-Siyyid chiefs by recognizing the taxing privileges of some while withholding recognition from others in a way that led, from the early 1840s on, to a bitter factional struggle within the group. The resulting conflict weakened the control of warriors over tributaries, harratin (freed slaves) and others, and caused a crisis within the political and social hierarchy of Brakna. An increasingly desperate struggle developed among Brakna warriors over a diminishing number of tributaries. This paper examines that struggle through the lens of an affair of diyya, or blood money, that emerged during the late 1840s and came to preoccupy all of the warrior groups and factions in the Brakna conflict. By competing for portions of the diyya owed to a small pastoral group as compensation for homicides, Brakna warriors, chiefs from neighboring regions and powerful tributaries in the process of repudiating their tributary status engaged in a symbolic duel that revolved around the increasingly unstable role of the warrior as a consumer of tribute and dispenser of ‘protection’.
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CONLIN, JONATHAN. "GLADSTONE AND CHRISTIAN ART, 1832–1854." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 341–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03002978.
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Although his activity as a private collector has been documented, the extent to which William Ewart Gladstone's interest in art was implicated in his thought on church and state has been overlooked. Previously unnoticed memoranda and correspondence of the 1830s and 1840s with the French art historian and Roman Catholic thinker, François Rio, demonstrate a fascination with religious painting of early Renaissance Italy, of the sort which only came to be appreciated in Britain many years later. For Rio, however, introducing Gladstone to ‘Christian art’ was as much about encouraging Gladstone in his hopes of reuniting the Protestant and Catholic churches as it was about reforming his taste. The manuscripts considered here show Gladstone to have viewed art history in terms of a struggle between sanctity and sensuality, visualized in terms both of the individual as well as of nationalities. In so far as the young Conservative politician formulated this history in tandem with his theory of the religious personality of the state, a study of his model of Christian art's development affords a new path into an old debate: did Gladstone betray the principles of his first book, The state in its relations with the church (1838) in his subsequent political evolution into Liberal statesman?
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Ribeiro da Silva, Filipa. "Political Changes and Shifts in Labour Relations in Mozambique, 1820s–1920s." International Review of Social History 61, S24 (December 2016): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000468.
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AbstractThis article examines the main changes in the policies of the Portuguese state in relation to Mozambique and its labour force during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, stemming from political changes within the Portuguese Empire (i.e. the independence of Brazil in 1821), the European political scene (i.e. the Berlin Conference, 1884–1885), and the Southern African context (i.e. the growing British, French, and German presence). By becoming a principle mobilizer and employer of labour power in the territory, an allocator of labour to neighbouring colonial states, and by granting private companies authority to play identical roles, the Portuguese state brought about important shifts in labour relations in Mozambique. Slave and tributary labour were replaced by new forms of indentured labour (initially termed serviçais and latter contratados) and forced labour (compelidos). The period also saw an increase in commodified labour in the form of wage labour (voluntários), self-employment among peasant and settler farmers, and migrant labour to neighbouring colonies.
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TIPEI, ALEX R. "HOW TO MAKE FRIENDS AND INFLUENCE PEOPLE: ELEMENTARY EDUCATION, FRENCH “INFLUENCE,” AND THE BALKANS, 1815–1830S." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 3 (June 13, 2017): 621–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431700018x.
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This article challenges the notion of French “influence.” It traces a network of like-minded reformers in France and the Balkans that came together in the early nineteenth century to further popular education. Examining interactions between actors in a cultural, scientific, and political center (France) and their allies on the periphery (in present-day Greece and Romania), the article reassesses these relationships, revealing the extent to which French individuals and organizations depended on such partnerships. Conceiving of joint Franco-Balkan reform agendas as programs of development, it offers a model and a vocabulary for the study of French soft power in post-Napoleonic Europe.
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BROWN, HOWARD G. "DOMESTIC STATE VIOLENCE: REPRESSION FROM THE CROQUANTS TO THE COMMUNE." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 597–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008596.
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Putting down a revolt always risks seeing the legitimate use of force degenerate into an excessive and discredited repression, here called domestic state violence. Sergio Cotta's analytical model of the difference between force and violence helps to reveal the significance of various cycles of revolt and repression over three centuries of French history. Oscillations between measured coercive force and domestic state violence divide these three centuries into six stages: early absolutist (1594–1639), Louisquatorzian (1640–75), themistocratic (1675–1789), revolutionary (1792–5), late republican (1797–1802), and liberal authoritarian (1802–71). Continuities existed across all of these stages, such as the recourse to regular troops and summary justice; however, periods of rapid socio-political realignment caused the use of force to become domestic state violence. In order to overcome the alienation this produced, the state created new means of restricting its use of force while still protecting the new social order. The years 1797–1802 constituted the pivotal phase of this process because this was when so many methods of repression developed during the era between early absolutism and the Terror were revived, only now wrapped in the restraints of legal-rational authority. The resulting ‘liberal authoritarianism’ persisted until the 1880s without substantial changes other than growth in the sheer magnitude of repression.
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Estreicher, Stefan K. "A Brief History of Wine in South Africa." European Review 22, no. 3 (June 30, 2014): 504–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000301.
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Vitis vinifera was first planted in South Africa by the Dutchman Jan van Riebeeck in 1655. The first wine farms, in which the French Huguenots participated – were land grants given by another Dutchman, Simon Van der Stel. He also established (for himself) the Constantia estate. The Constantia wine later became one of the most celebrated wines in the world. The decline of the South African wine industry in the late 1800s was caused by the combination of natural disasters (mildew, phylloxera) and the consequences of wars and political events in Europe. Despite the reorganization imposed by the KWV cooperative, recovery was slow because of the embargo against the Apartheid regime. Since the 1990s, a large number of new wineries – often small family operations – have been created. South African wines are now available in many markets. Some of these wines can compete with the best in the world.
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Cheta, Omar Youssef. "A PREHISTORY OF THE MODERN LEGAL PROFESSION IN EGYPT, 1840S–1870S." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 4 (November 2018): 649–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000855.
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AbstractThis article examines the emergence of a new corps of legal practitioners in Egypt during the 1860s and early 1870s. The proceedings of hundreds of merchant court cases in mid-19th-century Cairo are replete with references to deputies and agents (wukalā; sing.wakīl) who represented merchant-litigants in a wide range of commercial disputes. Examining how these historical actors understood Egyptian, Ottoman, and French laws, and how they strategically deployed their knowledge in the merchant courts, this article revises the commonly accepted historical account of the founding of the legal profession in Egypt. Specifically, it argues that norms of legal practice hitherto linked to the establishment of the Mixed Courts in 1876 were already being formed and refined within the realm of commercial law as part of a more comprehensive program of legal reforms underway during the middle decades of the 19th century. In uncovering this genealogy of practice, the article reevaluates the extent to which the khedival state shared a legal culture with the Ottoman center, and, simultaneously, created the space for a new form of legal representation that became ubiquitous under British, and, subsequently, postcolonial rule.
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Thomas, Marion. "Biological and Social New Orders." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 47, no. 5 (November 1, 2017): 653–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2017.47.5.653.
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In this paper, I examine the intertwined science, politics, and religion of a major figure of nineteenth-century French biology, the Parisian professor of histology Charles Robin (1821–1885). Historiography generally associates his name with France’s rejection of the cell theory formulated by Schwann and then Virchow in the 1830s–1850s. One of the main factors put forward is the influence of Comtean positivism. Here, I propose to go beyond this historiography and discuss not only convergences but also divergences between Robin’s and Comte’s visions of the organism and society. Moreover, I analyze Robin’s research agenda in light of the political ideas he defended as a republican in the context of the emergence of the Third Republic. At first sight, Robin’s political activity (marked by his late tenure as senator) may initially appear disconnected from his scientific agenda. However, I argue that Robin’s approaches to different areas of knowledge (biology, sociology, politics, and metaphysics) were mutually supportive and lent one another authority, especially through the parallel structure and shared vocabulary of their discourses. Ultimately, I demonstrate that Robin’s biological materialism, combined with his outspoken anticlericalism, constitutes a political stance, and show how the concept of “solidarity” helped him to cast a new light on the relations between the parts and the whole, both in biology and social policy. This essay is part of a special issue entitled REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND BIOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE AND GERMANY edited by Lynn K. Nyhart and Florence Vienne.
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SASGES, GERARD. "Scaling the Commanding Heights: The colonial conglomerates and the changing political economy of French Indochina." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 5 (April 21, 2015): 1485–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000389.
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AbstractBy the late 1800s the colonial state's increasing capacity to regulate, finance, and tax had begun to open up new opportunities for locally based French enterprises in Indochina. Chinese syndicates that had previously dominated the economy found themselves deprived of existing revenue streams and denied access to new ones. The result was an ‘Indochinese moment’ when a handful of colonial conglomerates used profits from state contracts, monopolies, and subsidies as a base for growth and diversification after 1900. Yet scaling the commanding heights of the economy was not easy, and was only achieved thanks to sustained and powerful state intervention. Moreover, one of the effects of the economic crisis after 1928 was the end of this Indochinese moment and a shift in initiative to a new partnership that linked an increasingly technocratic state with the financiers and experts of the Bank of Indochina. This article investigates this complex interaction of state power, technology, and capital flows with local Chinese, French, and indigenous Indochinese actors, using one particular conglomerate, the Fontaine group, as a case study to shed light on the mechanisms that linked an interventionist state to capitalist enterprise and ultimately to the remaking of the Indochinese economy.
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Barclay, Katie. "The Sound of Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century Ireland." Journal of British Studies 60, no. 2 (April 2021): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.248.
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AbstractIn the early 1800s, Jonah Barrington, an Irish judge, bemoaned that the air chosen as the march for the Irish Volunteer Movement had “no merit whatever, being neither grand, nor martial, nor animating,” contrasting it with the zeal of French revolutionary music. The emotional impact of music might be a matter of taste, but such a statement is suggestive of an aesthetics, where political music, or music used for political purposes, should have specific qualities that could be identified and judged by listeners. This article explores how people in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Ireland identified music as political, using theories of the effects and affects of sound during the period and a corpus of Irish political music as an access point into historical experiences of musical enjoyment. While the impacts of music on the body are challenging for historians to retrieve, scholarship from the history of emotions highlights the important role of normative frameworks of emotion in accessing embodied experience. Working from this perspective, this article argues that we can begin to access the sound of politics for audiences of this period, contributing to our understanding of the role of music in political life.
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ANDREWS, NAOMI J. "THE ROMANTIC SOCIALIST ORIGINS OF HUMANITARIANISM." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (January 17, 2019): 737–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000550.
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“Humanitarian” (humanitaire) came into use in French contemporaneously with the emergence of romantic socialism, and in the context of the rebuilding of post-revolutionary French society and its overseas empire beginning in the 1830s. This article excavates this early idea of humanitarianism, documenting an alternative genealogy for the term and its significance that has been overlooked by scholars of both socialism and humanitarianism. This humanitarianism identified a collective humanity as the source of its own salvation, rather than an external, well-meaning benefactor. Unlike liberal models of advocacy, which invoked individualized actors and recipients of their care, socialists privileged solidarity within their community and rejected the foundational logic of liberal individualism. In tracing this history, this article considers its importance for contemporary debates about humanitarianism’s imperial power dynamics.
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KALE, STEVEN. "GOBINEAU, RACISM, AND LEGITIMISM: A ROYALIST HERETIC IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309990266.
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The work of Arthur de Gobineau has presented scholars with a number of interpretive problems concerning his status as a race theorist, his place in the history of racial thought, and the influence of his work on subsequent thinkers. This essay addresses the particularly vexing issue of the origins of Gobineau's racism from the perspective of his affiliation with French royalists in the 1840s and challenges the existing scholarship on the derivation ofL'Essai sur l'inégalité des races humainesby placing theEssaiin the context of his international experience as a member of the French diplomatic corps. Although disillusioned with legitimist politics during the July Monarchy, Gobineau never abandoned his youthful ideological priorities. From the perspective of his royalist past, theEssaiappears as part of an extended rumination on the decadence of the French aristocracy and its failure to stem the tide of revolution and bureaucratic centralization. As such, Gobineau's racism can best be understood as a royalist heresy rather than a continuation of his aristocratic elitism or a clean break with his earlier preoccupations.
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VINCENT, K. STEVEN. "FORUM: ELIE HALEVY, FRENCH LIBERALISM, AND THE POLITICS OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC INTRODUCTION." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (September 25, 2014): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000390.
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The history of French liberalism is undergoing a renaissance. For much of the twentieth century, it was viewed with disdain, as insufficiently “engaged,” as too tentative in its demands for social reform, as overly optimistic concerning the progress of reason and science. Scholarship during the past three decades has challenged these views, though it is notable that there is still, to my knowledge, no general history of French liberalism that goes past the consolidation of the Third Republic in the late 1870s. Part of the ongoing reassessment has been the consequence of the decline of revolutionary illusions and of marxisant frameworks of analysis following 1968, reinforced by the more general decline of the left following the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Another element contributing to this reassessment has been the emergence of more nuanced definitions of “liberalism,” ones that are not limited to legal (civil liberties), political (constitutionalism), and/or economic (free trade) dimensions. Equally important, scholars are insisting, are conceptions of science, of religion, of the role of the state, of solidarity, of sociability, of moeurs, of identity, of gender, of the self.
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Todd, David. "Beneath Sovereignty: Extraterritoriality and Imperial Internationalism in Nineteenth-Century Egypt." Law and History Review 36, no. 1 (February 2018): 105–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000530.
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The rise of extraterritoriality in the nineteenth-century has been described as a transitional phase that laid the ground for the construction of territorial sovereignty. Yet in Egypt, where a particularly extensive extraterritorial regime emerged in the mid-century, the expansion of European jurisdiction underneath national sovereignty became entrenched with the creation of international mixed courts in the 1870s. This outcome, the article argues, was the product of a complex compromise between European empires, which upheld different conceptions of extraterritoriality, and the government of Egypt. While Britain refashioned its own extraterritorial judicial system as a means of promoting legal reforms in the Ottoman world, France aggressively pursued the expansion of extraterritorial rights as an instrument of informal domination and economic exploitation. The creation of an international type of jurisdiction, less susceptible to French political pressures but applying a French system of law, proved acceptable to all parties, although it severely constrained Egyptian sovereignty from within, even after Britain took over the reins of government in 1882. Extraterritoriality was not merely a transition, but an original feature of the global legal order, arising out of modern imperialism and imperial rivalry and yet conducive to the forging of new instruments of international law and governance.
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Rivera-Pitt, Dinna. "Behind the Legend of Miguel Leonis." California History 93, no. 4 (2016): 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2016.93.4.4.
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Californios, the Spanish-speaking natives and landed gentry of early California, perceived themselves as victims of Anglo-American repression after California's annexation in 1848. In Los Angeles, particularly between 1865 and 1890, the deterioration of the Californio families and their ultimate loss of land and status form a poignant narrative in the social history of the state. The three recognized racial designations that dominated the period were Mexican, Anglo, and Native Indian, but more recent studies reveal that the construction of Los Angeles' cultural and political identity during the 1800s also included other ethnic groups. However, the contributions and impact of prominent French Basques on the growth of Los Angeles are often excluded from the historiography. Remarkably, in the San Fernando Valley, wealthy French Basque rancheros lived as Californios and altered the established Californio profile. Unique among them was Miguel Leonis, a wealthy rancho owner who successfully existed as both a landed Californio and an Anglo encroacher.
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Brennan, Brian. "Piety and Politics in Nineteenth Century Poitiers: The Cult of St Radegund." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 1 (January 1996): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900018649.
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St Radegund, a sixth-century royal ascetic who relinquished her position as the wife of a Frankish king and established a convent in Poitiers, is today a rather obscure French local saint. Yet in the nineteenth century, as a result of the tireless promotion of her cult by Édouard Pie, bishop of Poitiers from 1849 to 1880, St Radegund was widely invoked in France as ‘la sainte reine de la France’ and ‘la mère de la patrie’. Her wonder-working tomb, a popular devotional site in the Middle Ages, offered cures and Pie saw to it that the pilgrim trains to Lourdes made an obligatory prayer-stop at Poitiers. This article analyses devotion to St Radegund during the Second Empire and the Third Republic and explores some of the religious and political connotations of the cult of this royal saint. The development of the cult is particularly significant for it allows us to see, reflected on the local level, something of the larger struggle for national self-definition that was taking place in nineteenth-century French society as royalists contended with Bonapartists and republicans, clericals waged war against secularists and the ultramontanes sought to rouse their fellow countrymen in support of Pius IX.
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Mannucci, Erica Joy. "The Democratization of Anti-Religious Thought in Revolutionary Times: a Transnational Perspective." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2018): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0290.
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This article focuses on an important cultural aspect of secularization in the French revolutionary period: the circulation of sceptical free-thinking outside the circles of the cultivated few; that is, the democratization of critical knowledge through translations and migrations of texts toward historically new audiences. Examples are given to show what an important political stake this was, even after Bonaparte's Concordat, for many French revolutionary intellectuals, including women writers like Marie-Armande Gacon-Dufour. The article's perspective is transnational: I argue that cultural tradition had always been typically cosmopolitan. And, though the most visible political outcomes of the Revolution were nationalisms, what is more interesting to us today is its cosmopolitan legacy, in its broadest, inter-cultural sense: the way revolutionary culture and authors crossed not only national boundaries, but social and gender barriers as well. The main example here is a case study on the multiple versions of a radical text which appeared in English, French and Italian over at least three generations, from the 1740s to the 1820s. In Italy, a local anti-religious, materialist current emerged publicly for the first time at the end of the eighteenth century, thanks to the partial freedom of expression of the Cisalpine Republic, which gave rise to a series of publishing projects, including both original works and translations. Tracing the story of the translations of Peter Annet's History and Character of Saint Paul Examined, before and after the 1790s, allows us to contextualize the Italian version, based on d'Holbach's French adaptation of the text. The annotated work of a translator calling himself ‘citizen of the world’, it was published in 1798 in Milan, the capital of the Cisalpine Republic, with the eloquent heading ‘Democracy or Death’.
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Tarling, Nicholas. "The British and the First Japanese Move into Indo-China." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1990): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001958.
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The French move into what they came to call Indo-China began, as the Hong Kong Register was to put it, with motives hostile to British power. Pre-revolutionary France had indeed seen such a move as a means of contesting Britain's supremacy in Asia: placing themselves between the growing empire in India and the growing trade with China, the French could embarrass their European rivals. But establishing themselves in Vietnam was easier said than done. The limited help they were able to afford Gia-long reaped them no great reward, and his successor, Minh-mang, even turned against the Catholic missionaries whom he saw as sources of subversion of his Confucian-style reunification. Continued anti-Catholic activity on the part of his successor was to give Napoleon III an excuse to intervene in the 1850s. But by then, as the Register noted, the old rivalry with the British had died out. The British had sought to open up trade with Vietnam, but, both before and after their victory over neighbouring China, the Vietnamese had refused to accept a commercial treaty. The British thus did not oppose the more forceful attempt the French made to open up Vietnam. Their only concern was lest the French should trench upon the territory of Laos and Cambodia, and thus undermine the independence of Siam, which the British saw as an outwork of their empire in Burma and Malaya. There was indeed a crisis over Laos, and thus over Siam, in 1893, but the French and the British came to terms in 1896. Their agreement in Southeast Asia was consolidated by their agreement in Europe, which the apprehension of Germany promoted.
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Laven, David. "AUSTRIA'S ITALIAN POLICY RECONSIDERED: REVOLUTION AND REFORM IN RESTORATION ITALY." Modern Italy 2 (August 1997): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949708454776.
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This article examines Austrian policy towards the Italian states from the Congress of Vienna to the revolutions of 1848. It argues that the paramount concern of Habsburg policy was not revolution, but rather the maintenance of a hegemonic position in the peninsula against threats from the Habsburgs’ traditional enemy - the French. Revolution caused significant concern only because it might provide the French with a pretext for intervention in the peninsula. Consequently a number of strategies were adopted both to forestall insurrection (vigorous policing, encouraging moderate reform programmes, armed intervention), and to retain influence over the peninsula's rulers (diplomatic pressure, dynastic and military alliances, promises of assistance against unrest). However, by the 1830s the Austrians were faced by increasing challenges to their position of dominance. This was in part because of the personal ambitions of individual Italian rulers, but it also reflected the changing situation in Paris after the July Revolution, and in Vienna after the death of Francis I.
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Fischer, Pascal. "A cognitive approach to early conservatism." Cognitive Perspectives on Political Discourse 13, no. 2 (August 20, 2014): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.2.03fis.
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Conservatism is notoriously difficult to define. In the present study, conceptual metaphor theory is used to elucidate the nature of this ideology in its early phase when it emerged in England as a force struggling with the ideas of the French Revolution. It can be shown that conservative authors frequently do not conform to the pattern of orientational metaphors described by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (1980), according to which “up” is usually regarded as positive and “down” as negative. Conservatives often associate their own ideas with depth or a downward movement, whereas the loathed ideas of the political opponents are related to height or an upward movement. This dichotomy is closely connected to the polarity between solidity, stability and weight on the one hand and gaseity, volatility and lightness on the other. The study bases its analysis on numerous political tracts, pamphlets, and novels from the 1790s and early 1800s.
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Duong, Kevin. "No Social Revolution Without Sexual Revolution." Political Theory 47, no. 6 (February 15, 2019): 809–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719829061.
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Recent studies have revealed how workers’ movements adapted republicanism into a language of anticapitalism in the nineteenth century. Much less attention has been paid, however, to the role feminists played in this process. This essay addresses this oversight by introducing the voices of the utopian socialists under July Monarchy France. These socialists insisted that there could be no social revolution without sexual revolution. Although they are often positioned outside of the republican tradition, this essay argues that the utopian socialists are better understood as rendering the legacy of classical and French republicanism compatible with nascent workers’ movements in the 1830s. By foregrounding the feminist Flora Tristan, this essay shows how utopian socialists weaponized republican tropes to address the social question, thereby expanding what a republican critique of capitalism could look like.
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Cove, Patricia. "“THE BLOOD OF OUR POOR PEOPLE”: 1848, INCIPIENT NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN ANTHONY TROLLOPE'SLA VENDÉE." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 1 (January 28, 2016): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031500042x.
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In the late 1840s, as revolutionswept across Europe, Anthony Trollope wrote a novel portraying the Vendean War, a French civil war fought during the revolutionary decade.La Vendée: An Historical Romance(1850) depicts the conflict between centralised, revolutionary France led by the National Convention in Paris and the insurgent, royalist population of western France from the perspective of the royalist rebels.La Vendéeis one of Trollope's least read novels; yet Trollope's turn to the history of the 1790s in the context of renewed revolutionary movements in the 1840s demonstrates that the political and cultural stakes of the revolutionary period remained present in the minds of Victorians who confronted the possibility of European revolution for the first time in their own lives. Trollope draws on the interrelated democratic and nationalist movements that produced the 1848 revolutions in order to represent the royalist Vendeans as a victimised incipient nation, akin to other minor European nations struggling for sovereignty against their more powerful neighbours. Significantly, throughout the 1840s Trollope lived in Ireland, one such minor nation, and witnessed the Famine years and the consequences of Ireland's governance from London throughout that crisis first-hand. Using the conventions of the generically related national tale – a typically Irish genre – and the historical novel, Trollope works to establish sympathy for a marginalised Vendean community while containing revolution in the past by casting the royalist Vendeans as the true patriots and insurrectionists. However, although Trollope attempted to contain revolution by re-aligning it with the conservative, Vendean position,La Vendéeis fragmented by anxieties about the possibility of revolution in the late 1840s that disrupt his efforts to establish an authoritative, distanced historical perspective.
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Israeli, Raphael. "Consul de France in Mid-Nineteenth-Century China." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1989): 671–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010167.
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What was it like to be a French Consul in newly opened up China of the 1850s? What sort of people served in that risky yet challenging job in an exotic, yet remote and isolated place like mid-nineteenth-century China? How did they discharge their duties both vis-à-vis the puzzled Chinese who did not quite know how to handle the ‘Western Devils’ who thrust themselves into the Middle Kingdom, and their Western colleagues who, like them, were scrambling for Chinese concessions and for commercial and diplomatic rights for their countries, in pursuance of ever-elusive gains in prestige and diplomacy? What kind of matters did they deal with, what were they concerned with, and how well did they perform their consular duties? Under what bureaucratic and hierarchical constraints, both French and Chinese, did they operate? What was their personal contribution to advancing the cause they were delegated to promote?
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Bowman, Joye L. "Abdul Njai: Ally and Enemy of the Portuguese in Guinea-Bissau, 1895–1919." Journal of African History 27, no. 3 (November 1986): 463–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700023276.
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The protracted subjugation by the Portuguese of Guinea-Bissau was made possible by Abdul Njai and his army of auxiliary troops. Njai became an ally of the Portuguese in the mid-1890s and continued his support for the Portuguese conquest until about 1915. He provided logistical support, and served both as a commander in the Portuguese army and as a recruiter of African troops. Oral as well as written sources indicate that Njai was directly responsible for the successful campaigns fought against the strongholds of resistance to Portuguese authority. As a reward for his services, the Portuguese granted Njai political authority over Oio province. Thus Njai became a kind of ‘warrant chief’ in an area where his only legitimacy was based on force rather than traditional affiliation. Portuguese control remained limited even after 1915 and Njai governed his region as he pleased. African communities in Oio and elsewhere in Guinea-Bissau feared and respected this warlord more than the Portuguese. He thus became a threat to Portuguese colonial officials in Guinea-Bissau as well as their French counterparts in neighbouring Senegal. The Portuguese therefore turned on their erstwhile ally and, after unsuccessful attempts to bring him to heel through negotiation, mounted an expedition which resulted in his capture and deportation in 1919.
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Fruci, Gian Luca. "The two faces of Daniele Manin. French republican celebrity and Italian monarchic icon (1848–1880)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 18, no. 2 (March 2013): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2012.753012.
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Herzstein, Rafael. "Saint-Joseph University of Beirut: An Enclave of the French-Speaking Communities in the Levant, 1875–1914." Itinerario 32, no. 2 (July 2008): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001996.
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The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.
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ROMANI, ROBERTO. "RELUCTANT REVOLUTIONARIES: MODERATE LIBERALISM IN THE KINGDOM OF SARDINIA, 1849–1859." Historical Journal 55, no. 1 (February 10, 2012): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000525.
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ABSTRACTIn the 1850s, the Piedmontese ‘moderate’ liberals created a peculiar political culture, suited to the twofold task of strengthening representative institutions at home and justifying Piedmont's Italian mission. Inspired by both the whig tradition and the French Doctrinaires, the moderates elaborated arguments advocating elite government and countering democracy. Gioberti, Balbo, Carutti, Mamiani, and Boncompagni shared five theses: (1) natural (and/or divine) laws are both the ultimate source of right and wrong in politics and the guarantee of gradual progress; (2) only the citizens who understand the natural order should rule; (3) ‘democracy’, that is popular sovereignty and universal suffrage, is inherently wrong; (4) granted that citizens' attitudes play an important role in politics, certain virtues are required by representative government; and (5) moderatism was imbued with Burkeanism, meaning that it endorsed a realistic, prudent approach to politics, that much was made of Italian and especially Piedmontese history and traditions, and that mere constitutional machinery was to be disdained. This political culture led the moderates to portray everybody who was either on the right or the left of their camp, both in Piedmont and Italy, as a ‘sectarian’ and hence a dangerous revolutionary.
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Mahiet, Damien. "The First Nutcracker, the Enchantment of International Relations, and the Franco-Russian Alliance." Dance Research 34, no. 2 (November 2016): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2016.0156.
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Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.
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Cano, Gaël Sánchez, and Miquel de la Rosa Lorente. "Immaterial Empires: France and Spain in the Americas, 1860s and 1920s." European History Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2020): 393–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420933491.
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Imperial expansion in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been largely studied as a military and economic phenomenon. According to the widely accepted narrative, European empires expanded their power across the world following different ‘formal’ (direct) and ‘informal’ (indirect) strategies. This article argues that, beyond material forms of conquest and effective domination, empires also implemented their rule through the use of immateriality. We explore this phenomenon through a transnational and diachronic comparison of the cases of France in the 1860s and Spain in the 1920s. Both examples suggest that such notions as ‘civilization’, ‘race’, ‘spirit’, and ‘greatness’ not only underpinned the imaginary and the conceptualization of empire, but also actively produced powerful ‘immaterial’ means of domination, expansion, and influence. This work’s methodological approach relies on the conviction that concepts and significations are an integral part of politics. France and Spain did not have empires in Latin America in the periods under study, but they were imagined as being imperial powers in the Americas. This crafted an imperial mind-set that complemented the formal and informal imperial practices that France in the 1860s and Spain in the 1920s were undertaking in other parts of the world. We focus on intellectual and political projects and on practices of cultural diplomacy as two manifestations of these immaterial empires. By virtue of these projects and policies, French and Spanish leaders managed to create an image of France and Spain as deserving their ‘natural’ important place in the global scene. Immateriality served as an instrument to counterbalance the growth of competing powers, namely the United States, which, in the 1860s as well as the 1920s, was seen as a dangerous competitor in the so-called Western hemisphere. In this way, notions of Latinity and Hispanity competed with each other and, at the same time, targeted the ‘Anglo-Saxon’, ‘racial’, and ‘spiritual’ competitor.
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Klein, Martin A., and David Robinson. "Paths of Accommodation: Muslim Societies and French Colonial Authorities in Senegal and Mauritania, 1880-1920." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 36, no. 2 (2002): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107230.
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Cox Jensen, Oskar. "Music to Some Consequence: Reaction, Reform, Race." Journal of British Studies 60, no. 2 (April 2021): 375–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.246.
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AbstractA naval chaplain in the 1790s, a radical arrested after Peterloo, and a smash hit of blackface minstrelsy: these three disparate historical actors all provide exemplary cases of music in action, playing upon the political passions of the British people. Thinking across the three examples, this article reflects upon the aims of the forum Music and Politics in Britain, c.1780–1850, as well as advancing its own autonomous argument. Alexander Duncan was drummed out of the navy for publishing a pamphlet advocating the use of martial music in action; inspired by the French, Duncan was effectively arguing for a democratization of Britain's servicemen by playing upon their passions. The potential for subversion inherent in this approach was borne out by the career of Samuel Bamford, a Lancashire weaver; music was central to Bamford's activism, and I chart the functional ends to which he deployed music around 1819. In a third instance, with the 1840s hit “Buffalo Gals,” music led to public disorder. The song, due in large part to its musical qualities, enabled forms of licentious behavior among white males that mobilized latent forms of gendered as well as racial prejudice, so that its performance came to excuse forms of sexual harassment.