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Jones, H. S. "Public service and private interests : The intellectual debate on the problem of syndicats de fonctionnaires in France, 1884-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384705.
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Beard, Morgan. "La Satire Politique et la Liberte de la Presse au 19e Siecle (Political Satire and Freedom of the Press in 19th Century France)." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556290778710013.
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Shambrook, Peter Andre Anthony. "Maintaining the mandate : French political strategy in Syria, 1927-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273025.
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Smith, Paul E. A. "Women's political and civil rights in the French Third Republic, 1918-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317758.
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Richardson, Glenn John. "Anglo-French political and cultural relations during the reign of Henry VIII." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309232.
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Varkey, Joy. "Local political initiatives in French imperialism: The case of Louisbourg, 1713-1758." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9543.
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This dissertation illustrates the role of Louisbourg in the enunciation and implementation of French imperial policies in the colonies of Isle Royale (Cape Breton), Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island) and the British colony of Nova Scotia between 1713 and 1758. It explains imperialism in the framework of the relations between the colonising nation and the colony and from the perspective of colonial or local initiatives. Based on an examination of the functioning of the government of Louisbourg under the control of the governor and commissaire ordonnateur and the pattern of the evolution of policies and decisions with regard to colonial administration this study demonstrates that French imperialism in the North Atlantic littoral was more a product of local political initiatives than that of metropolitan policies and programmes. The management of the fishery, commerce, and military affairs, as well as French relationships with the Mi'kmaq, the Maliseet and the Abenakis, the influence of the missionaries and Catholicism in Amerindian societies, the Native peoples' part in resisting Anglo-American colonial expansion, the distinct political and cultural position of the Acadians of Nova Scotia in favour of French imperial interests, and the nature of Anglo-French contest for empire substantiate this thesis. In brief, French imperialism in the context of Louisbourg and its seaboard empire was characterised by four principal aspects: first, the absence of large-scale successful combined land and naval operations designed to "conquer" the Amerindians and expel the British from Nova Scotia; second, the absence of the imposition of a centralised metropolitan policy of imperialism; third, the formation of an imperial power structure in the colony based on a linkage of colonial forces and facilities, and fourth, the formulation and implementation of imperial policy with, or without, the collaboration of the mother country. In general policies, strategies, tactics, and military operations of France's imperial system in Isle Royale and the "informal empire" (a zone of political influence without a recognised territorial base) in Nova Scotia were directed from within the colony. This process of empire building is defined as "imperialism from below" in this study.
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Airlie, Stuart R. "The political behaviour of the secular magnates in Francia, 829-879." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290901.
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Chrysafidou, Io. "Richelieu and the 'Grands' : the duc d'Epernon." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251036.
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Clure, Graham Thomas. "European Illusions: Political Economy and War From Rousseau to the French Revolution." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845495.
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This dissertation is about the impact on Enlightenment political thought of the elimination of Poland from the map of Europe. It is about how the partitions of Poland (1772-95) affected the thinking of every major European political theorist, from Rousseau to Kant and beyond, because Poland's destruction raised questions about how states could achieve the prosperity necessary to retain their independence while also respecting the independence of others.
The dissertation surveys the different theoretical approaches that were brought to bear on debates about how to implement reform in Poland and Russia. These ideas shaped subsequent discourses about the problems of international economic competition and constitutional government during the American and French Revolutions and into the nineteenth century. Rousseau's Considerations on the Government of Poland in particular had an important impact on later thinkers. The book represented a scaling-up of the Social Contract for a large state along lines that Rousseau planned to develop in his unfinished treatise, the Political Institutions.Government
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Ringler, Emily C. "The Infected Republic: Damaged Masculinity in French Political Journalism, 1934-1938." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1274975863.
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Olsen, Mark V. "Enlightenment and the French Revolution : the membership and political language of the Société de 1789." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7828.
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The Societe de 1789 is used in this dissertation as a case study of the relationship of the Late Enlightenment to liberal monarchists of the early Revolutionary period. The club, founded in January of 1790, was composed of leading intellectuals, financiers, ancien regime bureaucrats and many liberal members of the National Assembly who sought to consolidate the gains of the Revolution in a new constitution which would reflect "political truths" as deduced by Enlightened philosophy. The High Enlightenment did not leave a particular political program or philosophy to be "implemented" by later reformers or revolutionaries. Rather the Enlightenment provided a context in which to debate political issues. The style and language used for the discussion of contemporary politics tells us more about the impact of the Enlightenment than would an attempt to trace ideas back to a "source." Thus, the analysis of the political language of the Societe de 1789 is an important element in determining the degree to which the Enlightenment influenced the club. A considerable portion of this work is devoted to the elaboration of computer-based linguistic methods applied to intellectual and cultural history. The theoretical and methodological issues raised by systematic analysis of textual data are considered in the context of analyzing the impact of Enlightenment and American Revolutionary discourses on the language of 1789. Although these methods may still be considered provisional, preliminary results presented here suggest that further development is warranted. The well-known failure of the Societe de 1789 as a political club to attract support and its failure to consolidate the gains of 1789 and stop the Revolution is also indicative of the relationship of the Late Enlightenment and Revolution. The contradictions of the Enlightenment's failure to develop a systematic political ideology is central to this failure. The Societe de 1789 never lost the Enlightenment fear of the people. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Benton, Mark G. Jr. "To Embrace the King| The Formation of a Political Community in the French County of Anjou, 1151---1247." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10262537.
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Historians of the Middle Ages have long reflected on the chronicles and archival sources of Western Europe, seeking to find the birth of the modern state. This thesis represents one such contribution to this historical problem, exploring the question of political centralization in the kingdom of France during the reigns of Capetian kings between 1151 and 1247. Focusing on the county of Anjou, this thesis contends that local aristocrats not only constructed their own political community but also used local customs to shape the contours of centralization in Anjou. Angevin sources suggest that state-building in France emerged less from conquest and occupation than as the result of cooperation between the political center and peripheral communities. The kings of France benefited from the loyalty of the Angevin political community, while local elites used royal concessions to define and defend their political and legal rights as Angevins.
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Price, Munro. "The Court Nobility and the Origins of the French Revolution." Cambridge University Press, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2884.
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NoThis original volume seeks to get behind the surface of political events and to identify the forces which shaped politics and culture from 1680 to 1840 in Germany, France and Great Britain. The contributors, all leading specialists in the field, explore critically how 'culture', defined in the widest sense, was exploited during the 'long eighteenth century' to buttress authority in all its forms and how politics infused culture. Individual essays explore topics ranging from the military culture of Central Europe through the political culture of Germany, France and Great Britain, music, court intrigue and diplomatic practice, religious conflict and political ideas, the role of the Enlightenment, to the very new dispensations which prevailed during and after the French Revolution and the Napoleonic watershed. The book will be essential reading for all scholars of eighteenth-century European history.
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Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
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Engren, Jimmy. "Railroading and Labor Migration : Class and Ethnicity in Expanding Capitalism in Northern Minnesote, the 1880s to the mid 1920s." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1636.
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In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.
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Wheelock, Jacqueline. ""The Irish Servants of Barbados 1657-1661: Illuminations on Subjecthood, Religion, Nationality, and Labor"/ "Moral Dynamite: Support and Opposition for Nationalist Political Violence and Nationalist Activity among Irish-Americans in the 1880s"." W&M ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1516639678.
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The first paper, "The Irish Servants of Barbados, 1657-1661: Illuminations on Subjecthood, Religion, Nationality, and Labor" explores the Irish as subjects within the English Empire and their access to the immunities, rights, and tolerance of other subjects of non-Irish nationality. This paper attempts to demonstrate not only the various ways in which the Irish were conceived as subjects in the early modern English Atlantic but also the ways in which this subjecthood was articulated and deployed in often fluid and haphazard ways. This paper uses colonial Barbados in the late 1650s and early 1660s as a case-study and relies on laws that were passed during this time that relate to labor and to the Irish as well as colonial correspondence between the colony of Barbados and the metropole to illuminate the ways in which ideas and definitions about subjecthood differed and how attitudes in one arena informed attitudes in the other. The second paper, "Moral Dynamite: Support and Opposition for Nationalist Political Violence and Nationalist Activity among Irish-Americans in the 1880s" uses the activities of the Fenian dynamiters as a focus for an exploration of the attitudes regarding nationalist political activity and nationalist violence in the wider Irish-American community in the 1880s. This paper relies on newspaper coverage from a wide variety of secular, religious, middle- and working-class sections of Irish-America to uncover the ways in which the dynamiters were discussed and the ways in which nationalist activity and violence was discussed.
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Guo, Jianhong. "Contesting “Self-Support” in Kit-Yang, 1880s-1960s: American Baptist Missionaries and The Ironic Origins of China's “Three-Self” Church." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1586797053484993.
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Dengate, Jacob. "Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
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From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
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Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
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Long, Bronson Wilder. "The Saar dispute in Franco-German relations and European integration French diplomacy, cultural policies and the construction of European identity in the Saar, 1944-1957 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3290754.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4830. Adviser: Carl Ipsen. Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 22, 2008).
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Claussen, Emma. "A study of the term 'politique' and its uses during the French Wars of Religion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efdd2a5-5003-45a4-bc36-baef2a6796f6.
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This study of the term politique during the French Wars of Religion (c. 1562-98) argues that it is a keyword in the sense that it is is active and actively used in French explorations of the political, in the forming and undermining of collective identities in a period of civil crisis, and in the self-fashioning gestures of a shifting political class. I sample and analyse a range of texts - from treatises that form part of the canon of early modern French political writing (such as Bodin's Six livres de la Republique [1576] and the Satyre ménippée [c. 1593]) to anonymous polemical pamphlets - all of which feature prominent uses of the term politique. Certain of these sources gave rise to a longstanding historiographical impression that politique referred, in the period, to a coherent third party in the religious wars as well as to a related kind of expertise and its practitioner. This thesis builds on and extends recent work showing that there was no such party and no one in the period who directly identified as politique. Rather than seeking to identify the 'real' politiques or to establish a corrected definition of the term as used in sixteenth-century French, I argue that the term is strikingly and increasingly mobile across the period, coming at times to refer to mobility itself in conceptions of politics and political action. Dialogue emerges in the thesis as a key conceptual arena and discursive mode for writers attempting to work out what they and others mean by the term politique. I use philological and word-historical methods to examine writers of the period who seek to determine what makes a good or bad politique, to present themselves as politique, or to condemn politiques as morally bankrupt, and - in some cases - to do all of the above in the same text. Almost every text I analyse in the thesis offers its own definition of politique, and attempts to be definitive, but I show that all these attempts to make the reader recognise the 'true' meaning of politique are extending the drama rather than concluding it.
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Dirnfeld, Rebecca B. "Controlling the "Chinese" of the eastern states? Maine's constitutional amendment of 1893, electoral reform, and anti-French-Canadian bias." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28124.
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This thesis examines a constitutional amendment adopted by the State of Maine in 1893 as part of an electoral reform package. It stated that any man who could not read the State Constitution in English or write his name on or after January 3, 1893 was not qualified to vote. Although some of the amendment's supporters claimed the measure would raise the quality of the state electorate, most supported it because it targeted immigrants, more particularly, French Canadian immigrants. Anglo-Republicans who supported the amendment discriminated against French-Canadians, who were Catholic, spoke French, and chose acculturation rather than assimilation. The amendment was meant to disenfranchise a large proportion of these voters, as many of them were illiterate, French speaking migrants. However, the impact of the amendment proved to be limited. It did not affect Franco-American allegiances to politicians or political parties they thought best supported their wants and needs. This may be why the amendment was quickly forgotten and is not mentioned in any published history of Maine. Statistics collected from the 1910 census, English and French language newspapers of Lewiston, and an out of state newspaper provide much of the primary sources for this work.
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Kilroy, Kevin. "Trading Spaces: An Analysis of Gendered Spaces Before, During, and After the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1405.
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This thesis investigates the affects of the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 on gender roles in their respective societies. Women that contributed to political discourse challenged separations of public and private spheres, which dictated order in the late and postrevolutionary periods of France and Mexico. Given the deliberate acts by both postrevolutionary governments to send women to the periphery of their respective societies, it is vital to revisit the examples of female influence that shaped the early French and Mexican Revolutions. The understanding that comes from a detailed analysis of the parameters of gendered spaces before, during, and after revolution sheds light on the relationships between order and gender that determined the future of women in their respective postrevolutionary worlds.
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Larsson, Emma. "Den revolutionära historieläraren : En kvalitativ studie om gymnasielärarens undervisning av den amerikanska, franska och ryska revolutionen." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-147889.
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The aim for this study is to discern what Swedish history teachers and a few select text books view on history is and how they work around the planning and teaching surrounding political revolutions. The revolutions that have been studied for this thesis is the American, French and Russian revolutions, which have been picked for their magnitude and significance for Europe and the outside world in their respective time frame. The method chosen for the thesis is a qualitative content analysis, which has been applied onto both interviews that were held with four teachers of history, as well as onto an analysis of three different Swedish school books. The chosen theoretical framework was incorporated into the content analysis and is focused on views of history dependent on different historical perspectives on what has driven history forward. These views consist of: ideological/operator-driven, historical materialism, gender-based, ‘from-below’, ‘from-above’ and structural perspectives. The interviewed teachers claimed to operate after many different historical perspectives, and that their educational methods were mainly concerned with teaching the students to consider what their own perspectives were. The text books showed that they, at most times, operated after an ideological/operator-driven perspective with elements of historical materialism and structural perspectives. Both the teachers and text books spent the most time on the French revolution and the least amount of time on the Russian revolution.
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Barker, S. K. "Developing French Protestant identity : the political and religious writings of Antoine de Chandieu (1534-1591)." Thesis, St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/236.
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Salmi, Katya. "Exploring the mechanisms for challenging racial discrimination in relation to French political culture : a race critical approach." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38593/.
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This thesis questions the effectiveness of anti-racial discrimination mechanisms in France, particularly in relation to the national political culture. Considering the overall import of republican ideology in France, which emphasizes values of universalism, colour-blindness, and laïcité, there are significant implications for how institutional, legal and civil society actors have traditionally approached issues of racism in France. From primary data, gathered through fieldwork in France (consisting of a series of semi-structured interviews with key antiracist and anti-racial discrimination actors), this thesis highlights the ways in which the political culture impacts the anti-racial discrimination agenda. By taking into account the various levels of antiracism in France, this thesis constitutes a unique, holistic and race critical analysis whereby legal, civil society, institutional and non-conventional mechanisms are considered in conjunction with each other, instead of separately. Using “race” as an analytical tool for understanding the French context, this thesis offers a critical re-reading of French history, linking an ethnicized and racialized formation of national identity throughout key historical moments to contemporary forms of racism. This research thus argues that certain antiracist approaches based on republican ideology result in a limited understanding of racialized processes, which appears to constrain actors from producing effective mechanisms for challenging racism and racial discrimination.
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Hughes, Hannah Cole. "Contemporary Perspectives on the French Communist Party: A Dying Ideology?" Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1368205610.
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Holloway, Joshua T. "Help, Hinder, or Hesitate: American Nuclear Policy Toward the French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons Programs, 1961-1976." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555692933625691.
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Sommer, Heather J. "Of Crimes and Calamities: Marie Antoinette in American Political Discourse." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1532967916465092.
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Faulkner, Jacqueline Suzanne Marie Jeanne. "The role of national defence in British political debate, 1794-1812." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271636.
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This thesis examines the role of national defence in British parliamentary politics between 1794 and 1812. It suggests that previous analyses of the late eighteenth-century political milieu insufficiently explore the impact of war on the structure of the state. Work by J.E. Cookson, Linda Colley, J.C.D. Clark, and Paul Langford depicts a decentralised state that had little direct involvement in developing a popular “British” patriotism. Here I argue that the threat of a potential French invasion during the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France provoked a drive for centralisation. Nearly all the defence measures enacted during the period gave the government a much greater degree of control over British manpower and resources. The readiness of successive governments to involve large sections of the nation in the war effort through military service, financial contributions, and appeals to the British “spirit”, resulted in a much more inclusive sense of citizenship in which questions of national participation and political franchise were unlinked. National identity was also affected, and the focus on military defence of the British Isles influenced political attitudes towards the regular army. By 1810, however, the nation was disillusioned by the lengthy struggle with France. The result of lingering political weakness was that attention shifted from national defence onto domestic corruption and venality. The aftermath of the Irish Act of Union, too, demonstrated the limits of attempts to centralise the policy of the whole United Kingdom. Significantly, however, the debates over the relationship between the centre and the localities in the 1830s and 1840s, and the response to a new French invasion threat in the 1850s and 1860s, revived themes addressed during the 1790s and 1800s. The political reaction to the invasion threats between 1794 and 1812 ultimately had more in common with a Victorian state bureaucracy than an eighteenth-century ancien régime.
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Artino, Serene. "To Further the Cause of Empire: Professional Women and the Negotiation of Gender Roles in French Third Republic Colonial Algeria, 1870-1900." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1342622253.
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Pagnon, Clemence. "La circonscription législative de Vire sous la Vème République : d'un bastion de la droite à une terre d'alternances. 1958-2012." Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMC037/document.
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La circonscription législative de Vire est une circonscription complexe de par la diversité des territoires qui la compose et donc par la diversité de son électorat. C’est une circonscription historiquement de droite, pourtant, entre 1958 et 2012, elle choisit par deux fois un député de gauche. Cette recherche vise donc à cerner et comprendre le comportement électoral des électeurs de la circonscription de Vire, ainsi que les facteurs qui déterminent leur choix une fois dans l’isoloir. Ces derniers sont multiples et ne pèsent pas tous de la même façon dans le choix du vote. Le contexte politique national, le contexte économique, l’électeur lui-même ou encore le candidat, tous ces facteurs y participent.Cette recherche se base avant tout sur des données quantitatives : résultats électoraux lors des élections législatives depuis 1958, mais aussi résultats électoraux lors des élections présidentielles. Il faut aussi étudier l’électorat par le biais des listes électorales, et des données publiées par l’INSEE. La composition de l’électorat de chaque commune, ainsi que les résultats électoraux associés sont donc répertoriés afin de permettre des comparaisons dans le temps, et entre communes. Ces relevés précis permettent également d’établir des cartes et de rendre l’évolution politique et sociologique de la circonscription plus lisible. Une fois mises en parallèle, ces données dressent le portrait de la circonscription de Vire à chaque scrutin législatif. Il convient également d’y ajouter ce que nous appelons la réalité du territoire. Nous nous reposons alors sur la mémoire vive ainsi que sur la presse locale pour rendre compte du contexte et des campagnes électorales.L’ensemble de ces facteurs : CSP, contextes etc., jouent sur le choix des électeurs de la circonscription étudiée. Il est pourtant un facteur qui caractérise la circonscription : la personnalité du candidat lui-même joue un un rôle dans le choix de l’électeur. Il aime connaître le candidat pour lequel il vote. La longévité d’Olivier Stirn en est une preuve, tout comme celle des députés suivants. C’est ainsi que la circonscription de Vire choisit par deux fois Alain Tourret, son seul député de gauche entre 1958 et 2012The french legislative division of Vire, in Normandy, is a complex division. It’s composed of different territories with specific electors. Historically, it’s a conservative division. However, the division chose a « left » (labour) deputy, twice, between 1958 and 1952.The goal of our research is to identify and explain the political behaviour of its electors, and reasons why they choose a candidate and not another. All reasons have a different importance between two electors. For example, the national political context, the economic context, or the elector and candidate personalities have different importance if the elector is a minor or a farmer.Quantitative datas are our first source. We use legislative elections results in the division since 1958, and presidential elections results too. We also study electors themselves by means of electoral lists and INSEE sources. Electors identities, and results of each common, written in tables and maps allow us to compare them. Thanks to this, we can draw a political and sociological portrait, during the 5th Republic, of the Vire division, and look at its evolutions. Our second source is less quantitative. We use local press et tracts to study legislative campaign. We use memories too. It shows how electors live in this territory.All these factors have a different importance, however, there is one which seems to be characteristic of Vire division. It appears that the elector likes to know the candidate he has chosen. Its personality is one of the most important factor. It explains Olivier Stirn’s carrier, and other deputies after him. We think it’s one of the reason why the Vire division elected Alain Tourret, twice, its only left (socialist) deputy
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Thériault, Mark J. "Art as propaganda in Vichy France, 1940-1944." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112592.
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The French government under Philippe Petain, based at Vichy, simultaneously collaborated with the Germans and promoted French patriotism. French artists and designers produced an abundance of posters, paintings, sculptures and other objets d'art, examples of which are included here, to promote the values of the "new order." Although Christian symbols were common, fascist symbols among the mass-produced images support the idea that the Vichy regime was not merely authoritarian, but parafascist.The fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.
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Kay, Simon Michael Gorniak. "Literary, political and historical approaches to Virgil's Aeneid in early modern France." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13837.
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This thesis examines the increasing sophistication of sixteenth-century French literary engagement with Virgil's Aeneid. It argues that successive forms of engagement with the Aeneid should be viewed as a single process that gradually adopts increasingly complex literary strategies. It does this through a series of four different forms of literary engagement with the Aeneid: translation, continuation, rejection and reconciliation. The increasing sophistication of these forms reflects the writers' desire to interact with the original Aeneid as political epic and Roman foundation narrative, and with the political, religious and literary contexts of early modern France. The first chapter compares the methods of and motivations behind all of the sixteenth-century translations of the Aeneid into French; it thus demonstrates shifts in successive translators' interpretations of Virgil's work, and of its application to sixteenth-century France. The next three chapters each analyse adaptation of Virgil's poem in a major French literary work. Firstly, Ronsard's Franciade is analysed as an example of French foundation epic that simultaneously draws upon and rejects Virgil's narrative. Ronsard's poem is read in the light of Mapheo Vegio's “Thirteenth Book” of the Aeneid, or Supplementum, which continues Virgil's narrative and carries it over into a Christian context. Next, Agrippa d'Aubigné's response to Virgilian epic in Les Tragiques is shown to have been mediated by Lucan's Pharsalia and its anti- epic and anti-imperialist interpretation of the Aeneid. D'Aubigné's inversion of Virgil is highlighted through comparison of attitudes to death and resurrection in Les Tragiques, the Aeneid and Vegio's Antoniad. Finally, Guillaume de Salluste du Bartas' combination, in La Sepmaine and La Seconde Sepmaine of the hexameral structure of Genesis with Virgil's narrative of reconciliation after civil war is shown to represent the most sophisticated understanding of and most complex interaction with the Aeneid in sixteenth-century France.
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Jones, Ashleigh. "Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose: France’s Front National from 1984 to 2017." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1165.
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This paper analyzes the evolution of the Front national (FN), a French political party on the far right, from its initial breakthrough victory in 1984 all the way through to its unprecedented showing in France’s 2017 presidential election. The most obvious change it explores is that of leadership, seeking to determine in what ways the ‘original’ FN controlled by its founder Jean-Marie Le Pen (1972-2011) differs from the party’s ‘new’ incarnation under his daughter Marine Le Pen (2011-present). It begins by examining the makeup and motivations of the party’s electorate in the 1984 elections to the European Parliament, and by identifying the FN’s ideological predecessors more broadly. With a focus on the turning-point presidential elections of 2002, 2007, and 2012, the paper then follows the development of the party’s rhetoric, strategy, and supporters since the 1980s, as well as how it is perceived by the wider public. Throughout, attention is paid to unique factors that have impacted the FN’s trajectory, such as the gender difference between Jean-Marie and Marine, former President Nicolas Sarkozy’s courting of right-wing voters, and the influence of terrorism. It concludes by noting the hidden ‘victories’ that the FN has achieved, and with a warning never to underestimate the party, even when it seems to have suffered a loss.
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Noteboom, Emilie Jeannette. "Critical analysis of Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer's Christian-historical principle, with a comparative critical analysis of his argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke's as used in their critique of the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6233d0bf-9fd2-4c4a-ad1c-9becb5cd514c.
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This thesis provides an analytical interpretation of the critique Dutch nineteenth-century statesman-cum-historian Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801-1876) articulated of French revolutionary ideology. It achieves an original reading of Groen's thought as Protestant right-order theory. This reading achieves a clarification of the functions that Scripture, 'nature', and 'history' have in his thought, and connects his thinking to that of a small group of contemporary British-based political theologians, notably Oliver and Joan Lockwood O'Donovan, and their minority view on the ontological grounding of justice. Our comparison of Groen's argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke achieves original critical leverage on their concepts of 'history', and draws out that Burke's critique of the Revolution purposes to re-affirm English common law, while Groen's is an apologia for Christianity.
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Reed, Jordan Lewis. "American Jacobins revolutionary radicalism in the Civil War era /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/23/.
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El, Couri Mostapha. "Histoire externe de la langue française au Maroc de 1912 jusqu'à nos jours." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211738.
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Wagner, Madison. "La modernité tunisienne dévoilée : une étude autour de la femme célibataire." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1368.
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This thesis explains recent accounts of discrimination and cutbacks in reproductive health spaces in Tunisia. Complicating dominant analyses, which attribute these events to the post-revolution political atmosphere which has allowed the proliferation of islamic extremism, I interpret these instances as a manifestation of a deeply rooted stigma against sexually active single women. I trace this stigma’s inception to the contradictory way that Habib Bourguiba conceptualized modernity after independence, and the responsibility he assigned to Tunisian women to embody that modernity. This responsibility remains salient today, and is putting Tunisian women in an increasingly untenable and vulnerable position.
After independence, Bourguiba instated a series of policies and programs aimed at demonstrating the modernity of Tunisia. The success of Tunisia’s modernization was determined, and continues to be determined by the woman’s social transformation and embodiment of modernist values. Bourguiba’s modernist platform was constituted not only by typically ‘Western’ values, such as economic prosperity, family planning, education, and gender equality, but was also deeply informed by the islamic and cultural values that hold the woman’s primordial role to be mother and wife, and expect her to abstain from sex until marriage. The modern Tunisia woman thus became expected to both obtain higher levels of education and actively participate in the public sphere, and also uphold virtues around premarital virginity, marriage, and motherhood. Her fulfillment of these tasks marked the independent nation’s progress and modernity.
Today, as more and more Tunisian women are increasingly empowered to fulfill one facet of their obligation and attend university, participate in the labor market, and make use of the growing contraceptive technologies available to them, they become more likely to postpone marriage and engage in premarital sexual relations. These latter behaviors transgress the second facet of the woman’s obligation, and threaten the very integrity of the modern nation. Women are thus becoming more and more subjected to societal punishment — stigma — which manifests in many forms, including discrimination in reproductive health care spaces.
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Gregory, Charles T. "The end of Richelieu : noble conspiracy and Spanish treason in Louis XIII's France, 1636-1642." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e730d78f-e11c-4f8d-b14f-f073924f3780.
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Cardinal Richelieu is traditionally accredited with defeating the power of the grands, the upper echelon of the French nobility, as part of his supposedly successful project for monarchical absolutism. Modern historians have recast Richelieu as a nobleman of his time, who advanced himself within the social and political hierarchies through marriage alliances and patronage. He therefore worked hard to forge alliances with the grands rather than trying to destroy them. Yet his ministry was riven by persistent noble conspiracies and rebellions, which have gone largely without systematic investigation. This study examines the nature and causes of that unrest during Richelieu’s final six years, offering a radical re-assessment of the opposition and the politics of the period. Noble conspiracy was not just a by-product of government by a first minister, but reflected the factional nature of Richelieu’s approach. Factional rivalry was exacerbated by the emergence, after 1638, of a struggle for the anticipated regency. After this, Richelieu took a more hostile approach to his adversaries, forcing them to adopt strong countermeasures in order to preserve their positions. Richelieu’s opponents were surprisingly successful in asserting their independence. As well as enjoying widespread domestic support, they allied with the Habsburg powers to engineer military rebellion, posing a major threat to the Cardinal and undermining the war effort against Spain. The Spanish set their stall out for a long-term war, expecting that Richelieu’s opponents would eventually gain power and negotiate peace on more flexible terms. The ability of the grands to re-assert themselves was still a dominant characteristic of French politics. Richelieu’s legacy, on his death in 1642, was a highly volatile political situation in which success was still a long way off for France. These findings suggest the catalytic impact of Habsburg power on France’s internal divisions, which should consequently be seen as integral to the forging of the ancien régime.
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Urban, Michael Crawford. "Imagined security : collective identification, trust, and the liberal peace." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:92c67271-8953-46a8-b155-058fb5733881.
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While not uncontested, the finding that liberal democracies rarely, if ever, fight wars against each other represents one of the seminal discoveries of international relations (IR) scholarship. Nevertheless, 'democratic peace theory' (DPT) – the body of scholarship that seeks to explain the democratic peace finding – still lacks a satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. In this thesis, I argue that a primary source of this failure has been DPT's failure to recognize the importance of collective identification and trust for the eventuation of the 'liberal peace'. Building on existing DPT scholarship, most of it Realist or Rationalist in its inspiration, but also employing insights from Constructivist and Cognitivist scholarship, I develop a new model of how specific forms of collective identification can produce specific forms of trust. On this basis, I elaborate a new explanation of the liberal peace which sees it as arising out of a network of trusting liberal security communities. I then elaborate a new research design that enables a more rigorous and replicable empirical investigation of these ideas through the analysis of three historical cases studies, namely the Canada-USA, India-Pakistan, and France-Germany relationships. The results of this analysis support the plausibility of my theoretical framework, and also illuminate four additional findings. Specifically, I find that (1) IR scholarship needs a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between agents and structures; (2) 'institutionalized collaboration' is especially important for promoting collective identification; (3) DPT scholarship needs to focus more attention on the content of the narratives around which collective identification takes place; and (4) dramatic events play an important role in collective identification by triggering what I term catharses and epiphanies. I close the thesis by reviewing the implications of my findings for IR and for policymakers and by suggesting some areas worthy of additional research.
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Mallet, Damien. ""Ce pays de Cocagne où les choses changent si souvent". Le regard de Pierre des Noyers, secrétaire de la reine Louise-Marie, sur la Pologne de son temps (1645-1693)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30062.
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Ce travail est une étude systématique de la correspondance de Pierre des Noyers, décortiquée et recontextualisée pour mieux comprendre à la fois le regard posé par le secrétaire sur la Pologne de son temps mais surtout son évolution au cours de plusieurs décennies. Il permet notamment de déceler de nombreuses références aux auteurs polonais dans les réflexions du secrétaire et de la qualité de ses connaissances sur son pays d’adoption. Loin d’être simplement secrétaire de la reine Louise-Marie, il devient au fil des années un véritable agent au service de la souveraine et de la France et relie les deux cours par une intense activité épistolaire, tout en s’imprégnant complètement de la mentalité nobiliaire du pays, notamment son désir de liberté. La première partie est une étude sur la Pologne telle que la découvre Pierre des Noyers en 1645, à savoir sa géographie, ses institutions et l’idéologie qui anime la noblesse du pays. Elle résume à la fois les contraintes que rencontre Louise-Marie dans son action politique ainsi que l’univers mental dans lequel Pierre des Noyers se fond peu à peu. La deuxième partie est une étude de l’entourage de la reine de Pologne, particulièrement entre 1660 et 1667, tel qu’il apparaît dans la correspondance de son secrétaire. Cette représentation est capitale, car c’est l’image du parti de la reine tel qu’il est vu en France et elle influence grandement les instructions envoyées par la France à ses ambassadeurs. La troisième partie se concentre sur Pierre des Noyers lui-même, notamment ses centres d’intérêts et son rôle après la mort de sa protectrice. Grâce la confiance qu’il a acquise au sein des Polonais partisans de la reine de Pologne et de ses projets politiques, Pierre des Noyers devient l’un de leurs canaux d’expression auprès de la FranceThis work is a systematic study of Pierre des Noyers’ correspondence, analysed and contextualized with the aim to understand at the same time the secretary’s considerations about Poland but mostly their evolution decade after decade. Such study allows us to find numerous references to Polish thinkers of the time and assess the general quality of his knowledge about his new motherland. Far from being just a secretary for Louise-Marie, Pierre des Noyers becomes year after year a true agent at the service of the queen as well as France, who links both courts thanks to an intense epistolary activity, all while being strongly influenced by the Polish nobility’s mentality, especially their desire for liberty. The first part is a study on Poland in 1645, at the time when Pierre des Noyers settles in Warsaw : its geography, institutions and the nobility’s ideology. Here are summarized constraints encountered by the queen Louise-Marie while pursuing her political ageda as well as the mental universe in which Pierre des Noyers slowly blends in. The second part deals with the queen’s entourage, especially between 1660 and 1667, according to her secretary’s correspondence. This representation is of crucial importance because this is the picture that France gets about the queen’s political party, which in turn greatly influences France’s actions and instructions sent to their ambassadors. The last part is about Pierre des Noyers himself; especially his various interests and his role after Louise-Marie’s death. Thanks to the general confidence he inspires among the queen’s partisans, Pierre des Noyers becomes one of their main channel of expression and influence in France
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DeBrosse, Jim. ""Lost in the Master's Mansion": How the Mainstream Media Have Marginalized Alternative Theories of the JFK Assassination." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1406818924.
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Mary, Sylvain. "Les Antilles, de la colonie au département. Enjeux, stratégies et échelles de l’action de l’État (1944-début des années 1980)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL158.
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À travers le cas des Antilles françaises, cette thèse examine les transformations de l’État liées au passage de la colonie au département. Dans le cadre d’une histoire du politique, elle entend se centrer sur l’étude du fonctionnement de l’État dans une optique large et transversale, en interaction avec les acteurs locaux, et à l’intersection d’autres champs historiographiques comme ceux du fait colonial ou de la Guerre froide. Son originalité tient à l’inscription de cette problématique de départementalisation dans diverses échelles d’analyse, permettant de confronter les contextes locaux, nationaux et mondiaux sur une période de quatre décennies, entre la réorganisation des structures impériales au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la mise en œuvre de la décentralisation en France au début des années 1980. L’objectif de la thèse est à la fois d’appréhender l’ensemble des facteurs internes et externes à l’appareil d’État qui rythment la chronologie du processus de départementalisation et de caractériser la gestion des départements d’Outre-mer par l’ÉtatThis PHD analyzes the consequences of the transformation of the French West Indies colonies into “departements”. It is focused on political history and centered on the functioning of the State Administration from a wide and cross-cultural point of view, taking into account the interactions between the State Administration and local players. This PHD is at the crossroads of many historiographic fields such as Colonial History or Cold War History. The originality of this PHD lies in the various scales that it encompasses, making it possible to compare local, regional and world issues over forty years, between the end of War World II and the beginning of the decentralization process in France. The purpose of this PHD is to assess the set of internal and external factors inside the State Administration which have an influence on the chronology of the “departementalization” process. It is also to typify the management of overseas French West Indies initiated by the French state
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Blake, Greyory. "Good Game." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5377.
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This thesis and its corresponding art installation, Lessons from Ziggy, attempts to deconstruct the variables prevalent within several complex systems, analyze their transformations, and propose a methodology for reasserting the soap box within the display pedestal. In this text, there are several key and specific examples of the transformation of various signifiers (i.e. media-bred fear’s transformation into a political tactic of surveillance, contemporary freneticism’s transformation into complacency, and community’s transformation into nationalism as a state weapon). In this essay, all of these concepts are contextualized within the exponential growth of new technologies. That is to say, all of these semiotic developments must be framed within the post-Internet sphere.
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Brookes, Kevin. "« Ce n’est pas arrivé ici » : sociologie politique de la réception du néo-libéralisme dans le système politique français depuis les années 1970." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018GREAH034.
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Cette recherche rend compte des difficultés de la diffusion des idées néo-libérales dans la vie politique française de 1974 jusqu’à 2012. Son premier apport consiste à démontrer – à travers un large panel de données sur les politiques publiques, l’opinion publique et les programmes des partis – qu’en France le succès des idées néo-libérales a été moindre par rapport aux autres pays européens. Son deuxième apport consiste à expliquer cette anomalie française, en contribuant plus généralement à la question de la diffusion des idéologies dans un système politique. La réponse se base sur une double étude : une analyse micro-historique centrée sur les acteurs (à partir d’entretiens et d’un travail sur les archives des organisations internationales de promotion du néo-libéralisme), couplée à une analyse macro-sociologique centrée sur les caractéristiques du contexte national. Il est montré que si la diffusion du néo-libéralisme a été moins importante en France par rapport à d’autres pays voisins, c’est en raison de la forte résistance de l’opinion publique à son égard. Celle-ci a restreint la fenêtre d’opportunité de ses partisans de manière directe en incitant les hommes politiques à ne pas mettre en œuvre des politiques publiques trop congruentes avec cette idéologie, et de manière indirecte, en exerçant une influence sur le discours économique et social des principaux partis politiques pouvant légitimer la mise en œuvre de mesures libéralisant les politiques publiques. De plus, la structure des institutions françaises a renforcé l’effet de « dépendance au sentier » dans la fabrique des politiques publiques en valorisant l’expertise d’État contre celle d’acteurs susceptibles de remettre en cause le consensus existant comme les universitaires et les think tanks. Enfin, à partir de la réalisation d’une socio-histoire inédite du mouvement néo-libéral depuis les années 1970, d’autres facteurs plus contingents sont identifiés. La fragmentation et la radicalité des partisans du néo-libéralisme, ainsi que la quasi absence d’entrepreneur politique susceptible d’incarner ces idées, ont contribué à la marginalité de ces idées dans le débat publicThis thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate
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Demeure, Brigitte. "Les allégories et métaphores maternelles dans les discours publics en France (1789-1914)." Thesis, Avignon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AVIG1176/document.
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C.G. Jung et ses proches collaborateurs ont souligné l’importance de l’imago maternelle aussi bien pour les individus que pour les groupes et les sociétés. Si cette thématique n’a guère été développée dans l’œuvre de Freud, cela n’est pas la cas pour les psychanalystes freudiens des générations suivantes, citons à cet égard Mélanie Klein ou D.W. Winnicott par exemple. Il revient tout particulièrement aux travaux des psychanalystes français Didier Anzieu et René Kaës d’avoir tenté d’articuler l’individuel et le collectif dans leurs travaux sur les groupes, et d’avoir confirmé l’équivalence du groupe et du complexe ou de l’imago maternels.1 Dans cette thèse j’ai souhaité examiner et évaluer l’importance de cette représentation maternelle dans la vie politique française tout au long de ce qui constitue une période fondatrice pour la vie politique française contemporaine, de la Révolution à la Première guerre mondiale. J’ai choisi de procéder à cette étude à partir des métaphores et allégories maternelles que l’on trouve dans les discours publics, ceux-ci incluant aussi bien les discours politiques proprement dits que les discours prononcés lors de distribution de prix à l’école, par exemple. Je ne procède pas, ou très peu, à des interprétations psychanalytiques, sauf lorsque cela me semble évident. Le cadre de référence actualisé de ma thèse est constitué par la recherche historique, mais la psychanalyse en représente « le cadre fantôme ou complémentaire», pour reprendre l’heureuse expression de René Kaës. A la suite de cette recherche, force est de constater l’emploi généralisé des métaphores et allégories maternelles dans la plupart des discours publics de cette période, sous des formes multiples : citons par exemple la Nature pendant la Révolution, la Jérusalem céleste puis la Vierge Marie dans le camp conservateur et d’autres représentations créés par les premiers socialistes, dont la Communauté (Etienne Cabet), ou bien encore la France maternelle et messianique de Michelet, la patrie des Républicains, la religion de l’Humanité du positivisme,celle de la Terre et des Morts de Barrès, etc.. La métaphore et l’allégorie maternelle constituent alors la promesse d’un idéal et/ou la demande de soumission. Ces figures maternelles ont des enfants, et dans les discours publics principalement des fils. Cette thèse constate l’importance de la relation privilégiée entre la mère et ses fils au niveau politique. Le « premier » de ces fils se pose le plus souvent en tant que porte-parole ou interprète de la métaphore à laquelle il se réfère : Robespierre, Napoléon Ier et Gambetta en sont quelques exemples. Dans le contexte imaginaire et idéologique induit par ces métaphores et allégories maternelles, l’individu et la femme en tant que tels, n’existent guère, la relation entre la Mère et son Fils constitue le principal modèle d’identification proposéC.G. Jung and his followers have emphazised the importance of the maternal imago forindivuals, groups and societies. This topic was barely developped by Freud, which is not thecase for Freudian analysts of the following generations ; one might cite for example MelanieKlein or D.W. Winnicott. Didier Anzieu and René Kaës, both French psychoanalysts, havemade an attempt to articulate the individual and the collective in their studies about groups andhave confirmed the equivalence of the group and the maternal imago. In this doctoral thesis, Ihave attempted to examine and assess the importance of this maternal representation in Frenchpolitical life during this formative period for French politics which lasts from the Revolution toWWI. I have chosen to study this issue through maternal metaphors and allegories in publicdiscourses, which include political speeches and other discourses, like award speeches at school,for example. I do not give psychoanalytical interpretation, unless it seems obvious. Thereference framework of this thesis is historical research, but psychoanalysis is itscomplementary or shadow framework. The results of the research show that maternalmetaphors and allegories were widely used in most public speeches of that time, in manydifferent forms. Nature (during the Revolution), heavenly Jerusalem or Virgin Mary in theconservative camp, and other maternal representations which were created by the early socialists– among which the “Community” (Etienne Cabet) – as well as Michelet’s maternal andmessianic France. The Republicans’ father - or rather motherland, the religion of Humanity asseen by Auguste Comte and the positivists, the religion of the Earth and the Dead (MauriceBarrès) are some examples... Maternal metaphors and allegories constitute a promise ofhappiness, an ideal and/or a submission request. These mother figures have children, mainlysons. This doctoral thesis confirms the importance of the privileged relationship between motherand son on the political level. Very often the “first” of these sons establishes himself as thespokesman or the interpreter of this metaphor or allegory. Robespierre, Napoléon, the first emperor of France, or Gambetta are some examples. In the ideological or fictional contextwhich these metaphors and allegories induce, there is hardly any room for the individual or forthe woman as such, the relationship between Mother and Son is the main identification modelwhich is proposed
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Pasquiet-Briand, Tanguy. "La réception de la Constitution anglaise en France au XIXème siècle. Une étude du droit politique français." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020028.
Full textAbstract:
Le modèle réformiste de la Constitution de l’Angleterre a intellectuellement dominé la France du XIXe siècle. Synthèse des aspirations françaises visant la stabilité politique, cette représentation mêle un historicisme de l’accomplissement libéral du gouvernement représentatif et une adhésion à la légitimation coutumière de l’innovation. Elle procède d’un jeu de projections contradictoires sur la Constitution anglaise. D’une part, les libéraux romantiques identifient dans ses institutions, les conditions propres à préserver l’individu des abus du pouvoir et à permettre le développement de la démocratie. D’autre part, les traditionalistes perçoivent dans la continuité historique de l’Angleterre, les bienfaits structurants de la hiérarchie sociale et de la liberté aristocratique. Plus particulièrement, les Doctrinaires décèlent, dans la morphologie civilisationnelle de l’Angleterre, une société déployant la liberté dans l’ordre. C’est dans le parlementarisme, produit historique de l’évolution institutionnelle anglaise, que la doctrine politique finit par identifier le régime politique susceptible de clore les tensions révolutionnaires françaises. Pensé comme une matrice libératrice des énergies individuelles et conservatrice de l’ordre politique et social, il dépossède le chef de l’Etat de son pouvoir personnel, dans la mesure où il le rend irresponsable. En outre, il consacre le règne de l’opinion publique par la prédominance de la chambre élective et par la reconnaissance de la responsabilité politique des ministres. Enfin, il encadre l’action politique par les usages historiques hérités de la monarchie représentative. Fondé sur un projet politique, le parlementarisme français donne corps à une philosophie prudentielle du droit constitutionnel. Celle-ci conçoit la constitution comme un cadre institutionnel au sein duquel l’agir politique doit pouvoir adapter la société à son stade de développement historique. Le laconisme des Lois constitutionnelles de la Troisième République témoigne de l’enracinement de ce réformisme constitutionnel. Plus qu’un compromis politique de circonstances, il cristallise en effet une politique constitutionnelle libérale et conservatrice. Ce travail entend montrer qu’elle résulte de la modélisation française de la Constitution anglaise au XIXe siècleThe reformist model of the English Constitution was intellectually predominant in nineteenth century France. As a synthesis of French yearnings for political stability, this representation historicises the liberal achievement of representative government and endorses the legitimacy of innovation through custom. It results from contradictory visualisations of the English Constitution. On the one hand, romantic liberals identify in its institutions the necessary elements to protect individuals from abuses of power and to allow the development of democracy. On the other hand, traditionalists perceive in England’s historical continuity the structuring benefits of social hierarchy and aristocratic freedom. More particularly, French Doctrinaires see through the morphology of the English civilization a society that secures freedom within order. French thinkers recognise in parliamentarism, as a product of England’s institutional evolution, the political regime capable of putting an end to French revolutionary tensions. As a mould that both liberates the energies of individuals and protects the political and social order, it renders the Head of State irresponsible and thus strips him of personal powers. Furthermore, it establishes the reign of public opinion through the superiority of the elected chamber and the recognition of government responsibility. Finally, it disciplines political action through the historical practices inherited from representative monarchy. Based on a political project, parliamentary government in France gives substance to a prudential philosophy of constitutional law. This philosophy views the constitution as an institutional framework within which political action must be able to adapt society to its historical phase of development. The laconism of the constitutional laws of the Third Republic reflects this constitutional reformism. Rather than a circumstantial political compromise, it crystallizes a liberal and conservative constitutional policy. The present study aims to show that it is the result of how the English Constitution has been modeled in France during the nineteenth century
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Pouffary, Marion. "Robespierre, le poids des mots, le choc de l’échafaud. L’image de Robespierre dans le discours politique de la Restauration à la fin du XIXe siècle." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL138.
Full textAbstract:
L’étude de l’image de Robespierre dans le discours politique de la Restauration à la fin du XIXe siècle met en lumière le processus de construction de la légende dorée de Robespierre, légende qui n’a jamais été étudiée de manière précise, bien qu’elle ait influencé fortement l’historiographie. Forgée à partir de 1830 par des militants appartenant à la composante radicale du parti républicain, elle présente Robespierre comme le défenseur de l’égalité politique et sociale, le théoricien du droit à l’insurrection et l’apôtre d’une religion fraternelle qui doit servir de base à un nouveau contrat social. Cette étude montre aussi que la légende noire de Robespierre est traversée par des fractures idéologiques mal discernées jusqu’ici. La légende noire conservatrice/contre-révolutionnaire née sous la Révolution fait de Robespierre à la fois un tyran et un anarchiste niveleur et impie. La légende noire libérale qui se développe sous la Restauration en fait seulement un tyran clérical. Les légendes noires communiste et anarchiste, apparues respectivement au tournant de 1840 et sous la Deuxième République, dénoncent non seulement le cléricalisme de Robespierre mais aussi son manque d’ambition sociale. A la différence de la légende noire communiste, la légende noire anarchiste reprend l’image du tyran et critique le rôle de Robespierre dans la Terreur. Enfin, la légende noire libérale-républicaine apparue à partir du milieu du XIXe siècle s’inscrit dans le prolongement de la légende noire libérale tout en étant influencée par les légendes noires communiste et anarchiste et fait de Robespierre un tyran politique et clérical dont elle souligne le peu d’intérêt pour les questions économiquesStudying the image of Robespierre in the political discourse from the Restauration to the end of the 19th century highlights the construction process of the golden legend of Robespierre, which has never been precisely analysed, although it influenced profoundly historiography. Built from 1830 onwards by militants belonging to the radical fringe of the republican movement, it presents Robespierre as the defender of political and social equality, the theoretician of the right to insurrection and the apostle of a brotherly religion, basis of a new social contract. This study also shows that Robespierre’s dark legend is split by ideological divides which remained until now unclear. A dark legend which can be called “conservative/counter-revolutionary” appeared during the Revolution. It describes Robespierre at the same time as a tyrant and as a godless leveller anarchist. The liberal dark legend appeared under the Restoration presents Robespierre only as a clerical tyrant. The communist and anarchist dark legends, which emerged respectively at the beginning of the 1840’s and under the Second Republic, point out not only Robespierre’s clericalism but also his lack of social concerns. Unlike the communist dark legend, the anarchist dark legend reuses the image of the tyrant and denounces Robespierre’s implication in the Terror. Finally, a republican-liberal dark legend emerges in the middle of the 19th century. It is a continuation of the liberal dark legend which is also influenced by the communist and anarchist dark legends. It presents Robespierre as a political and clerical tyrant and stresses on his lack of interest in economic issues