Academic literature on the topic 'French political history 1880s'

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Journal articles on the topic "French political history 1880s"

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Joseph, John E. "Language Pedagogy and Political-Cognitive Autonomy in Mid-19th Century Geneva." Historiographia Linguistica 39, no. 2-3 (November 23, 2012): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.39.2-3.04jos.

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Summary Charles-Louis Longchamp (1802–1874) was the dominant figure in Latin studies in Geneva in the 1850s and 1860s and had a formative influence on the Latin teachers of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913). Longchamp’s work was in the grammaire générale tradition, which, on account of historical anomalies falling out from the Genevese Revolution of 1846 to 1848, was still being taught in Geneva up to the mid-1870s, despite having been put aside in France in the 1830s and 1840s. Longchamp succeeded briefly in getting his Latin grammars onto the school curriculum, replacing those imported from France, which Longchamp argued were making the Genevese mentally indistinguishable from the French, weakening their power to think for themselves and putting their political independence at risk. His own grammars offered “a sort of bulwark against invasion by the foreign mind, a guarantee against annexation”. Longchamp’s pedagogical approach had echoes in Saussure’s teaching of Germanic languages in Paris in the 1880s, and in the ‘stylistics’ of Saussure’s successor Charles Bally (1865–1947).
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Bowman, Joye L. "‘Legitimate Commerce’ and Peanut Production in Portuguese Guinea, 1840s–1880s." Journal of African History 28, no. 1 (March 1987): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029431.

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This article examines the transition from the slave trade to ‘legitimate commerce’ in Portuguese Guinea between 1840 and 1880. Peanuts became the principal export crop. They were cultivated on plantation-like establishments called feitorias located primarily along the banks of the Rio Grande and on Bolama Island. From the 1840s through the 1870s, Luso-African, other Euro-African and European traders built these feitorias. These traders depended upon both slave and contract labour to cultivate their export crop.Although Portugal claimed Portuguese Guinea, French trading houses dominated ‘legitimate commerce’ in this West African enclave. The demand for increased peanut production came from the burgeoning French oil mills rather than from Portuguese industries. French merchants supplied the ships needed to transport the crop as well as many of the imported goods sold locally. By the 1870s the Portuguese realized they needed to break this French monopoly. By that time Europe was suffering from an economic recession, peanut prices were falling and cheaper oilseeds from India and America were entering the market. Portugal's attempts to establish commercial dominance met with little success.The economic crisis of the 1870s not only created difficulties for feitoria owners and their workers, but also for Fulbe groups in the process of expansion. These Fulbe wanted to establish political control in order to reap the economic benefits the peanut trade offered — especially access to firearms and in turn, slaves. As peanut production fell from 1879 onward, Fulbe groups began fighting amongst themselves for control of shrinking resources. By 1887, the feitoria system and this phase of peanut production had ended. The Portuguese, like the Fulbe, had to look for new ways to survive economically.
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Hanson, John H. "Islam, Migration and the Political Economy of Meaning: Fergo Nioro from the Senegal River Valley, 1862–1890." Journal of African History 35, no. 1 (March 1994): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025950.

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The Muslim social movement known as the fergo Nioro provides a case of popular elaboration of the message of a leader of jihad. Umar Tal's call to holy war led to the conquest of Karta in the mid-1850s, and his call to hijra resulted in the migration of perhaps 20,000 Senegal-valley Fulbe to form a Muslim settler community. In the years after Umar's departure from Karta in 1859, military leaders and others in the Fulbe settler community sent envoys to recruit additional settlers from the Senegal valley. At least 16,000 and perhaps as many as 30,000 Fulbe responded to this recruitment effort and left Bundu, Futa Toro and the lower Senegal valley between 1862 and 1890. Two periods of more massive migration coincided with the residence at Nioro of Amadu Sheku, Umar's son and designated successor. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, a cholera epidemic swept up the Senegal valley, claimed thousands of victims, and encouraged Fulbe to leave the region for Karta. During the mid-1880s, French policies in the Senegal valley, notably the emancipation of slaves and moves to halt Fulbe raids in the lower Senegal valley, influenced the social movement.In both periods of large-scale migration and at other times, the Umarian envoys constructed an appeal which elaborated and even transformed Umar's call to hijra. Umar's insistence on holy war was a dominant theme in all periods, and resonated with the young men who left the valley in hopes of accumulating wealth through warfare. His condemnation of French influence in the Senegal valley was also expressed in the Arabic letters delivered by envoys. Umar's emphasis on the cutting of social bonds was not emphasized, as Fulbe settlers sought to attract relatives and neighbors to the new Fulbe communities in Karta.
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Ortiz-Serrano, Miguel Ángel. "Political connections and stock returns: evidence from the Boulangist campaign, 1888–1889." Financial History Review 25, no. 3 (December 2018): 323–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565018000148.

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The decade of the 1880s was a turbulent period for the French Third Republic. Corruption scandals that discredited republican parties and a lacklustre economic performance after the Paris Bourse crash of 1882 gave rise to widespread public disenchantment with the republican political elites. The rise of the Boulangist movement was the most representative example of this disillusionment. In 1887, Georges Boulanger, an army general and former minister of war, began orchestrating a populist mass campaign against the ruling republicans and the parliamentary regime. His political agitation, supported by a heterogeneous coalition of socialists, radicals and royalists, reached a climax in January 1889, when, after winning a Paris by-election, he had an opportunity to stage acoup d’état, which did not materialise. To understand whether French investors perceived the Boulangist campaign as a real threat to their interests, I use an original dataset of daily stock prices to analyse the effect of the January 1889 by-election on the value of politically connected firms listed on the Paris Bourse. The results show that firms with links to the republican parties experienced positive cumulative abnormal returns after Boulanger's refusal to stage the coup, while there was no effect on firms connected to the royalist parties or with no political ties. These findings suggest that French investors reacted positively to the prospective subsiding of the Boulangist movement.
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Carroll, Christina. "Republican Imperialisms." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 118–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360308.

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In the 1880s and 1890s, a wave of histories of colonial empire appeared in France. But even though they were produced by members of similar republican colonial advocacy groups, these accounts narrated the history of empire in contradictory ways. Some positioned “colonial empire” as an enterprise with ancient roots, while others treated modern colonization as distinct. Some argued that French colonial empire was a unique enterprise in line with republican ideals, but others insisted that it was a European-wide project that transcended domestic political questions. By tracing the differences between these accounts, this article highlights the flexibility that characterized late nineteenth-century republican understandings of empire. It also points to the ways republican advocates for colonial expansion during this period looked both historically and comparatively to legitimize their visions for empire’s future in France.
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Schreier, Joshua. "FROM MEDITERRANEAN MERCHANT TO FRENCH CIVILIZER: JACOB LASRY AND THE ECONOMY OF CONQUEST IN EARLY COLONIAL ALGERIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 631–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000797.

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AbstractThe story of the Oran-based Jewish merchant Jacob Lasry (1793–1869) illustrates how preexisting North African business practices survived and adapted to the radical dislocations of the French conquest of Algeria. In the 1830s, French political turmoil and indecision helped foster a chaotic situation where French generals with nebulous goals “outsourced” financing and even military campaigns to local experts in Algeria. Lasry's business success in the economy of the early conquest invested him with a degree of power vis-à-vis the French administration, whose other proxies sometimes ended up in severe debt to him. With the rise of a “civilizing mission” discourse in the 1840s and 1850s, aspects of this mission, too, were outsourced to local experts. Despite his Moroccan birth, Gibraltarian family, and British subjecthood, Lasry used his stature to secure the official position of president of the province'sconsistoire israélite, charged with advancing French civilization among Oran's indigenous Jews.
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Daughton, James P. "Kings of the Mountains: Mayréna, Missionaries, and French Colonial Divisions in 1880s Indochina." Itinerario 25, no. 3-4 (November 2001): 185–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015047.

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In the late nineteenth century, the distance from Qui Nhon to Kontum – a trip of about two hundred kilometers – was nearly insurmountable. The route most travellers took led from the port town in southern Annam out across a narrow coastal plain of cultivated fields before crossing rivers and gorges, and ascending rocky mountains. Then the path leveled out on a high plateau of extreme weather and dense forests where fever, tigers, and unwelcoming local communities intimidated even the hardiest of travellers. Though well within the borders of French-controlled Annam, there was little Vietnamese – and even less French – about these highlands. The region was inhabited almost exclusively by a variety of indigenous groups like the Sedang, the Bahnar, and thejarai, who were both ethnically distinct from the majority Vietnamese population of Annam, and politically independent from the emperor in Hué as well as the French colonial administration. The region was so isolated from the rest of the colony that Frenchmen invoked the Vietnamese name for the area, calling it the Pays Moï– ‘savages' country’ – and even the missionaries, the only Europeans to live in the region until the early 1900s, referred to their headquarters in Kontum as the ‘Mission des Sauvages’. It was an unlikely focal point for one of the most divisive controversies in the French empire.
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Ramsay, Jacob. "Extortion and Exploitation in the Nguyên Campaign against Catholicism in 1830s–1840s Vietnam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000165.

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Preoccupied with French mission agitation in the late 1850s and during the Franco-Spanish invasion of southern Vietnam, scholarship has long neglected the dramatic change taking place in preceding decades at the local level between Catholics and mainstream society. Exploring negotiation between Catholic communities and authorities, as well as organisational shifts in mission activity, this article brings into sharper focus the turmoil of the late 1830s and 1840s Nguyên repression of Catholicism.
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Walton, Whitney. "Frondeuses and Feminists in the Work of Arvède Barine (1840–1908)." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380105.

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This article examines Arvède Barine’s extensive and popular published output from the 1880s to 1908, along with an extraordinary cache of letters addressed to Barine and held in the Manuscript Department of the National Library of France. It asserts that in the process of criticizing contemporary feminist activists and celebrating the achievements of women, especially French women, in history, she constructed the historical and cultural distinctiveness of French women as an ideal blend of femininity, accomplishment, and independence. This notion of the French singularity, indeed the superiority of French women, resolved the contradiction between her condemnation of feminism as a transformation of gender relations and her support for causes and reforms that enabled women to lead intellectually and emotionally fulfilling lives. Barine’s work offers another example of the varied ways that women in Third Republic France engaged with public debates about women and gender.
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Murphy, Marjorie. "And They Sang the “Marseillaise”: A Look at the Left French Press as It Responded to the Haymarket." International Labor and Working-Class History 29 (1986): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000521.

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This is a tale of two cities: Chicago and Paris. They were different worlds, one the gem of western Europe, the other the gem of the prairies, yet both had a working-class movement in the 1870s and 1880s that produced a unique set of historical events which have served a symbolic function of communicating between one side of the globe and another. To illustrate these events as they appeared to one continent from the other I will begin with Chicago and demonstrate how the Paris Commune served as a symbolic event which gave meaning to local political struggles in the Windy City. Then, as the Haymarket Affair of 1886 unfolds, I will shift to Paris and the left-wing press as it tried to translate Chicago events into something meaningful for French workers. If these were the best of times and worst of times for workers in the late nineteenth century, then it is worth exploring the uses of these events in the creation of a working-class language of internationalism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "French political history 1880s"

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Jones, H. S. "Public service and private interests : The intellectual debate on the problem of syndicats de fonctionnaires in France, 1884-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384705.

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Beard, Morgan. "La Satire Politique et la Liberte de la Presse au 19e Siecle (Political Satire and Freedom of the Press in 19th Century France)." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556290778710013.

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Shambrook, Peter Andre Anthony. "Maintaining the mandate : French political strategy in Syria, 1927-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273025.

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Smith, Paul E. A. "Women's political and civil rights in the French Third Republic, 1918-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317758.

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Richardson, Glenn John. "Anglo-French political and cultural relations during the reign of Henry VIII." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309232.

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Varkey, Joy. "Local political initiatives in French imperialism: The case of Louisbourg, 1713-1758." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9543.

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This dissertation illustrates the role of Louisbourg in the enunciation and implementation of French imperial policies in the colonies of Isle Royale (Cape Breton), Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island) and the British colony of Nova Scotia between 1713 and 1758. It explains imperialism in the framework of the relations between the colonising nation and the colony and from the perspective of colonial or local initiatives. Based on an examination of the functioning of the government of Louisbourg under the control of the governor and commissaire ordonnateur and the pattern of the evolution of policies and decisions with regard to colonial administration this study demonstrates that French imperialism in the North Atlantic littoral was more a product of local political initiatives than that of metropolitan policies and programmes. The management of the fishery, commerce, and military affairs, as well as French relationships with the Mi'kmaq, the Maliseet and the Abenakis, the influence of the missionaries and Catholicism in Amerindian societies, the Native peoples' part in resisting Anglo-American colonial expansion, the distinct political and cultural position of the Acadians of Nova Scotia in favour of French imperial interests, and the nature of Anglo-French contest for empire substantiate this thesis. In brief, French imperialism in the context of Louisbourg and its seaboard empire was characterised by four principal aspects: first, the absence of large-scale successful combined land and naval operations designed to "conquer" the Amerindians and expel the British from Nova Scotia; second, the absence of the imposition of a centralised metropolitan policy of imperialism; third, the formation of an imperial power structure in the colony based on a linkage of colonial forces and facilities, and fourth, the formulation and implementation of imperial policy with, or without, the collaboration of the mother country. In general policies, strategies, tactics, and military operations of France's imperial system in Isle Royale and the "informal empire" (a zone of political influence without a recognised territorial base) in Nova Scotia were directed from within the colony. This process of empire building is defined as "imperialism from below" in this study.
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Airlie, Stuart R. "The political behaviour of the secular magnates in Francia, 829-879." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290901.

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Chrysafidou, Io. "Richelieu and the 'Grands' : the duc d'Epernon." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251036.

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Clure, Graham Thomas. "European Illusions: Political Economy and War From Rousseau to the French Revolution." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845495.

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This dissertation is about the impact on Enlightenment political thought of the elimination of Poland from the map of Europe. It is about how the partitions of Poland (1772-95) affected the thinking of every major European political theorist, from Rousseau to Kant and beyond, because Poland's destruction raised questions about how states could achieve the prosperity necessary to retain their independence while also respecting the independence of others. The dissertation surveys the different theoretical approaches that were brought to bear on debates about how to implement reform in Poland and Russia. These ideas shaped subsequent discourses about the problems of international economic competition and constitutional government during the American and French Revolutions and into the nineteenth century. Rousseau's Considerations on the Government of Poland in particular had an important impact on later thinkers. The book represented a scaling-up of the Social Contract for a large state along lines that Rousseau planned to develop in his unfinished treatise, the Political Institutions.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.

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Books on the topic "French political history 1880s"

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Feeley, Francis McCollum. Rebels with causes: A study of revolutionary syndicalist culture among the French primary school teachers between 1880 and 1919. New York: Lang, 1989.

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French banks and the Greek "niche market": Mid-1880s-1950s. Genève: Librairie Droz S.A., 2013.

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Les écrivains belges et le socialisme, 1880-1913: L'expérience de l'art social, d'Edmond Picard à Emile Verhaeren. Bruxelles: Editions Labor, 1985.

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Staging politics and gender: French women's drama, 1880-1923. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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To build a new Jerusalem: The British labour movement from the 1880s to the 1990s. London: M. Joseph, 1992.

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Faccarello, Gilbert, ed. STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF FRENCH POLITICAL ECONOMY. Abingdon, UK: Taylor & Francis, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203301920.

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Royalist political thought during the French Revolution. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1995.

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Citizenship and order: Studies in French political thought. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986.

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Andress, David. The terror: Civil war in the French Revolution. London: Little, Brown, 2005.

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Simon, Yves René Marie. The Ethiopian campaign and French political thought. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "French political history 1880s"

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Shovlin, John. "Commerce, not Conquest: Political Economic Thought in the French Indies Company, 1719–1769." In New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy, 171–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58247-4_6.

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Orain, Arnaud. "The Economics of the Antipodes: French Naval Exploration, Trade, and Empire in the Eighteenth Century." In New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy, 203–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58247-4_7.

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Johnson, Dorothy. "Food for Thought: Consuming and Digesting as Political Metaphor in French Satirical Prints." In Gut Feeling and Digestive Health in Nineteenth-Century Literature, History and Culture, 85–108. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01857-3_5.

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Yuva, Ayşe. "Materialism, Politics, and the History of Philosophy." In Materialism and Politics, 293–312. Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-20_16.

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The aim of this chapter is to analyse the political uses of the categorization of eighteenth-century French materialism as mechanistic and reductionist. Regardless of the current or outdated character of these materialisms, their rejection and the narratives that endorsed such judgments appear as partly ideological. Using several examples, this chapter will examine how this reductionist image of eighteenth-century French materialism was formed in the nineteenth century. It aims to show that the quarrels about materialism focused at that time on the question of a society’s dominant beliefs.
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Endelman, Todd M. "The Legitimization of the Diaspora Experience." In Broadening Jewish History, 49–64. Liverpool University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113010.003.0003.

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This chapter details promotion of Jewish integration into the mainstream of social, political, and cultural life as the major item on the agenda of Western Jewish leaders from the French Revolution to the Second World War. It discusses the communal energies of Jews that were devoted to removing legal obstacles to full equality, combating the bureaucratic discrimination that persisted after emancipation, countering defamation in media, and gaining entry to elite social circles and institutions. It also looks at the communal tensions between traditionalists and reformers over the modernization of Jewish worship. The chapter considers the enhancement of the image of Judaism in order to improve the legal and social status of Jews as one of the chief motives of the reformers in Germany. It discusses the western Jewish concern regarding immigration from eastern Europe from the 1880s, which was derived from the fear that the newcomers would fuel antisemitism.
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Bloxham, Donald. "Nationalism, Historicism, Crisis." In Why History?, 191–245. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858720.003.0007.

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In the nineteenth century the general trend was away from grand comparative stadial theories and towards particularist accounts. The dominant historical rationale of the age was History as Identity, specifically national Identity. The first section of this chapter addresses the political context of so much historical thought across the Continent, with the French Revolution and its aftershocks prominent. The second section focuses on the main trends of the influential German historiography. At the same time, there were challenges to the prevailing German model of historiography even in its heyday: challenges in the 1860s are examined in the third section. Given the grand fluctuations in German political fortunes in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the accompanying turmoil in historical philosophy, Germany also features quite heavily in most of the remaining sections of the chapter. Here we examine how the particularizing, relativizing, tendency of a brand of historical thought turned in upon itself from around 1870, as some of the certainties of the nation-through-history were undermined by the effects of modernization and world conflict, and the social function of the historian became the subject of renewed debate. One upshot was a series of manifestos for scholarly neutrality, and a proceduralist emphasis on History as Methodology alone. As the German model of national History was weakened in the first half of the twentieth century, more space was created for competing methodologies within Germany too. The final section of this chapter considers some of those new alternatives.
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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Informal Imperialism beyond Europe: The Archaeology of the Great Civilizations in Latin America, China, and Japan." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0014.

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This chapter examines two very different examples of informal imperialism. The first takes place in Latin America, an area colonized by the Europeans for three centuries and politically independent from the 1810s and 1820s (see map 1). There the ancient Great Civilizations were mainly concentrated in Mexico and Peru, extending to a limited extent to other countries such as Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, and Ecuador. These countries provide the focus for the following pages, whereas a description of developments in the others is reserved for the discussion of internal colonialism in Chapter 10. As mentioned in Chapter 4, after an initial use of monumental archaeology at the time of the Latin-American independence, the emergence of racism led to a process of disengagement: elites only extended their interest in the origins of the nation back to the period of the arrival of the Europeans in the area. The local scholarly pride for the pre-Hispanic past re-emerged, mainly from the 1870s, timidly at first but soon gained sufficient strength to allow indigenous elites a novel rapprochement with their native monuments. Only when this happened would the tension between the national past and the discourse of inferiority advocated by the informal colonial powers be felt. The latter had been formed by explorers, collectors and scholars from the Western world. These were, to start with, mainly French and British, and later also scholars from the US and Germany. A few of them would diverge from the line taken by the majority, and Mexico City was chosen, in the early twentieth century, to undertake a unique experiment: the creation of an international school to overcome the effects of imperialism. The political circumstances, however, unfortunately led to the failure of this trial. The other case discussed in this chapter is located in East and Central Asia, in China and Japan and, by extension, in Korea. These countries had been able to maintain their independence in the early modern era mainly through the closure of their frontiers. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, they were politically compelled to open up to the Western world.
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Bergman, Jay. "The Revolution That Stopped Too Soon." In The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture, 339–54. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0012.

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Neither Marx nor Lenin wrote much about the Revolution of 1830. This was largely because the revolution stopped too soon, thereby merely ratifying changes within the bourgeoisie instead of replacing the capitalist system (that existed to benefit the bourgeoisie) with a proletarian one. In the way the Bolsheviks explained it, the bourgeoisie split in the 1820s into more prosperous elements favouring the continuation of the Bourbon Restoration and less affluent ones that in 1830 were able to install the so-called Orléanists in power. This split, which continued, ensured the latter’s quick demise. But the proletariat was still too small and too weak and insufficiently radical politically to succeed it. However, despite its limited consequences, the Revolution of 1830 served the enormously important purpose of showing that the French Revolution, while sui generis in many ways, was also the first in a series of revolutions in the history of France that together constituted a genuine tradition of revolution.
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Strang, Cameron B. "The Significance of the Frontier in American Knowledge." In Frontiers of Science, 1–21. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640471.003.0009.

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This chapter introduces the history of knowledge in the Gulf South and why it matters to American intellectual history on the whole. It also presents the book’s main argument, which is that encounters in America’s borderlands shaped the production, circulation, and application of natural knowledge within these contested regions and, more broadly, throughout the empires and nations competing for them. The expansion of European powers and the United States were the primary motors that drove these encounters. Between the 1500s and the mid-1800s, Spanish, British, French, and U.S. imperialism brought hitherto unconnected individuals, nations, and environments into intellectually productive (though often physically destructive) contact. These expansion-instigated encounters, moreover, resulted in new material, social, and political circumstances that influenced how people created and shared natural knowledge.
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Gettell, Raymond G. "Political Theories of The American and French Revolutions." In History of Political Thought, 292–312. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429270550-18.

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Conference papers on the topic "French political history 1880s"

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Marinković, Milica. "RAZVITAK FRANCUSKE ADVOKATURE U XIX VEKU." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.1067m.

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The paper is dedicated to the development of advocacy in France throughout history, and special attention is paid to the struggle of lawyers to repair the damage caused to their position by the Bourgeois Revolution. The goals of the legal struggle were fully achieved in the period of the Third Republic, rightly called the "Republic of Lawyers", when they took over the legislative and executive power. French lawyers, especially in the 19th century, were often real political dissidents. With their work as a politival opposition, they redefined the relationship between the state and society and set a clear border of state power, all of which enabled the easier emergence of a liberal constitutional monarchy, and then a republic. Due to the constant opposition activities in the courtroom, the lawyers demonstrated in the best possible way how closely law and politics stand in each state. In the introductory chapter of the paper, the author gives an overview of the historical development of advocacy from the Frankish period to the Revolution itself. During the Old Regime, lawyers enjoyed the status of "secular clergy" and, although members of the Third Class, were an unavoidable political factor in absolutist France. The second chapter contains an analysis of the devastating impact of the Revolution on the legal profession and timid attempts to improve the position of the legal profession with the advent of the Restoration. The third chapter provides an overview of the period from 1830 to 1870, which was characterized by the increasingly serious interference of lawyers in politics in order to fight for the advancement of the profession. The chapter on the Third Republic talks about the successful outcome of the lawyer's fight for their own rights, and the final chapter talks about the tendencies in the French legal profession in the 20th century.
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Bolca, Pelin, Rosa Tamborrino, and Fulvio Rinaudo. "Henri Prost in Istanbul: Urban transformation process of Taksim-Maçka Valley (Le parc n°2)." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5670.

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With the foundation of the Republic of Turkey in October 1923, modernization studies have been started throughout the country. The Republican authorities which adopted a new form of government independent of the Ottoman Empire had expectations for the city planning of Turkey according to the modernization rules of urbanism. After the proclamation of the Republic, the capital of the country was relocated from Istanbul to Ankara and the funds of the Republic were canalized to the construction of the new capital city. Following the creation of Ankara, in 1935, French architect and urban planner Henri Prost was invited directly to conduct the planning of Istanbul. He worked between 1936 and 1951 with a conservative and modernist attitude. Prost’s plans for Istanbul was based on three principal issues: the transportation (la circulation), hygiene (l’hygiène) and aesthetics (l’aesthetics). He gave importance on urban and public spaces (espaces libres) and proposed two public parks. One of these parks was considered as an archaeological park at the hearth of the Historical Peninsula (parc n1), the other one was considered as a park with cultural, arts and sports functions into the hearth of the Pera district which was the area extending from today’s Taksim Square to Maçka Valley (parc n2) and wherein these days the modern and new city was built. Only Park No2 (parc n2) was partially constructed in the 1940s following these park plans. However, the park has been transformed by the planning decisions taken over time depending on the political, cultural and ideological changes and this transformation process has been intensively discussed by the academic and professional field on the Istanbul’s and Turkey’s urban agenda. The focus of this study is to understand and define the process of transformation, and investigate the changing of significances of the Taksim-Maçka Valley from foundation of the Republic of Turkey to the present time. Accordingly, the first part of the paper presents the formation process of the area through the 1:2000 plan of Park No2 (parc n2) and the 1:500 plan of The Republic Square and the İnönü Esplanade in Taksim (la place de la République et l'esplanade İnönü à Taksim) which were prepared by Henri Prost. In the second part, the transformation process that occurs after Prost was discharged from his position is analyzed. The paper concludes with a discussion on the pros and cons of the transformation. In the study, the “digital urban history method” (telling the history of the city in the age of the ICT revolution) was used through the power of various direct and indirect sources with ArcGIS and 3D modeling techniques.
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