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Journal articles on the topic 'French ministry of Foreign Affairs'
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1
Chernov, Oleg Alexandrovich. "N.V. Charykov’s activities on reforming the ministry of foreign affairs of Russia." Samara Journal of Science 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv20162208.
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The problem of reforming the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire in the beginning of XX century was widely highlighted in historical literature. However, the role of N.V. Charykov is covered very briefly. Since he was the chairman of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it seemed necessary to explore his ideas and role in this transformative direction. He became the head of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after he had an appointment to a deputy minister of Foreign Affairs. It happened after A.P. Izvolsky (N.V. Charykovs friend and classmate at Imperial Alexander Lyceum) had become a foreign minister. N.V. Charykov denotes that A.P. Izvolsky invited him to become the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs. All the legal affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were transferred under authority of N.V. Charykov by A.P. Izvolsky. N.V. Charykov took up his post as the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs and was the head of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, implemented thoughtful and meticulous work. He could establish coordination among the actions of all the departments from which the reform was dependent on. Furthermore, he believed in the necessity of changing the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, linking it to the need to increase funding. Besides, he stood out for maintaining diplomatic correspondence in Russian instead of French. The important point was a democratization of the diplomatic exam on the one hand and an increase of the level of educational requirements for candidates on the other.
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Kouchner, B. "Message from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs." ESHRE Monographs 2008, no. 1 (July 1, 2008): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/humrep/den138.
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Picq, Jean. "Genèse d’une réforme." Revue française d'administration publique 69, no. 1 (1994): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2769.
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The Quai d’Orsay : Genesis of a Reform. What was mainly at stake with a reform of the ministry of Foreign Affairs was the modernization of french diplomacy and remotivation of ail those who serve it. In order to cope with this, the method for reform has privileged opening on the outside world, and a pragmatic approach, more oriented on methods for working together than on structures. The reform follows four major lines : make better use of the diplomatie network, reinforce the management of people and careers, ensure the départaient’ s internai cohésion and reaffirm the central rôle of the ministry of Foreign Affairs in government.
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Heilbronn, Jean, and Christian Lequesne. "Senior Diplomats in the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs: When an Entrance Exam Still Determines the Career." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 3 (2012): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x635159.
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Summary This article highlights the specificity of the recruitment of senior diplomats (Advisers) in France since 1970. The idiosyncratic character of the French situation resides in the lack of a single examination. The diversity of ways by which a senior diplomat can enter the French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs (FMFEA) leads to the coexistence within the ministry of two main groups — the ENA diplomats (that is, from the National School of Administration, the Ecole Nationale d’Administration) and the so-called ‘Orient’ diplomats — each defending specific interests and roles within the French Quai d’Orsay. The kind of entrance exam that you take still determines careers in the French MFA. The pillarization of the career has nevertheless decreased since the 1990s, because the necessity to cope with common external challenges (such as budgetary cuts) has reinforced a shared identity among French senior diplomats.
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Baylon, Donoxti M. "The Textual Organizing of Professions Through Genres at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs." Academy of Management Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (August 2017): 11619. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2017.121.
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Keenan, Bethany S. "“The US Embassy Has Been Particularly Sensitive about This”." French Historical Studies 41, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4322942.
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Abstract This article examines changes in how the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs handled anti–Vietnam War protests in the period immediately following the May–June 1968 uprisings. Through a study of the Quai d'Orsay Asie-Océanie archives along with American Embassy and CIA documents, the article adds to research on French domestic protest activity and expands understanding of the philo-American shift in French foreign policy following May. In its emphasis on how foreign policy affected domestic experience, the article argues for the importance of situating May globally to evaluate its full impact. Cet article examine les évolutions dans la gestion des manifestations contre la guerre du Vietnam par le ministère des Affaires étrangères dans les mois suivant les événements de mai–juin 1968. Fondé sur une étude des archives Asie-Océanie du Quai d'Orsay, aussi bien que sur des documents de l'ambassade américaine et du CIA, cet article éclaircit le mouvement anti-guerre en France, tout en contribuant à la compréhension du basculement philo-américain de la politique étrangère française après Mai. Soulignant les effets de la politique étrangère sur l'expérience domestique, l'article avance l'importance de situer Mai au niveau mondial afin de mieux évaluer son impact.
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Renouard, Isabelle. "La protection consulaire." Revue française d'administration publique 69, no. 1 (1994): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2780.
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Consular Protection. One of the fundamental missions of the ministry of Foreign Affairs is to implement a global policy of protection for French citizens residing abroad. This is mainly done by the Directorate for Frenchmen abroad and foreigners in France, coordinating with the members of the Senate who represent french citizens established out of France and the members of the higher Council of Frenchmen Abroad. Consular protection covers a very broad field : administrative services such as formalities for birth, marriage etc., security of persons in cases of crises in foreign countries, enabling the exercice of civic rights, negociating international agreements, giving practical information for those who want to expatriate themselves.
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Marsac, Fabrice, and Witold Ucherek. "De perceptione : du protocole Ucherek 1982 à un grand corpus étiqueté bilingue 2022." Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 49, no. 4 (January 9, 2023): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strop.2022.494.005.
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This paper is made in continuation of the article of Fabrice Marsac, Witold Ucherek and Magdalena Dańko “De l’infinitive de perception dans la pratique traductologique” (Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 46/1, 2019); both papers fall within the framework of the bilateral Polonium program “On the translation of French perception structures into Polish” (n° PPN/BIL/2018/1/00181), implemented and financed by the Polish National Agency for Academic Exchange (NAWA), the French Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs (MEAE) and the Ministry of Higher Education, Research and Innovation (MESRI). In the present case, we intend to report on the content and progress of the part “multi-dimensional labelling” of this long-term French-Polish project. Therefore, we describe the formal encoding of structures, categories and functions of the items in the large multi-label corpus (French-Polish) we have been collecting since 2019.
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MAZOUZI, Racha. "BACKGROUND AND CAUSES OF THE 1860 INCIDENTS IN THE MOUNT-LEBANON, THROUGH THE FRENCH DOCUMENT." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 04 (July 1, 2022): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.18.8.
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This research contains the events which mount of Lebanon experienced in the nineteenth century, as Lebanon's mount witnessed a conflict between the largest religious sects, Druze and Maronite, wich led to creat many divisions, massacres, and destroyed villages in the country, The significance of this research lies in an attempt to extract the real causes of this conflict, and the role and policy of France and England in the Levant, through a French memorandum from the French diplomatic archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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Pakhorukov, Konstantin I. "France - African States: some aspects of decentralized cooperation." RUDN Journal of World History 15, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2023-15-4-463-477.
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This study examines a new phenomenon in the history of relations between France and its former colonies - the implementation in recent years of decentralized cooperation programs with African states, in particular, the interaction of French regions, as administrativeterritorial units, with African partners. The study provides a brief overview of the history of the French colonial empire, which allowed the author to distinguish several stages in its management and functioning. The research method was the study of cooperation programs in various spheres initiated by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, state agencies, regional councils, as well as international associations of territorial entities, along with specific examples of cooperation, particularly the signing of agreements directly between the French regions and the central authorities of African nations. As a result of this study, the author concludes that experience of decentralization of France’s foreign policy activities can be partially used in the Russian Federation foreign policy practice.
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Osipov, Evgeny. "Franco-Soviet SECAM: from Ambitious Plans to Reality (Based on the Materials of the French Foreign Ministry Archives)." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017637-9.
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The article, based on the materials of the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, most of which have not yet been introduced into scientific circulation, examines the Soviet-French attempt to create a single color television standard for the whole of Europe on the basis of SECAM. It was the cooperation in the field of color television, according to the plan of Moscow and Paris, that was supposed to confirm that two countries from different military-political blocs could implement an ambitious project in the field of high technologies. Materials from the archives of the French Foreign Ministry allow us to trace how this project was implemented in practice. The article focuses on the contradictory results of Soviet-French cooperation. On the one hand, SECAM, indeed, for many years became the standard of color television in the USSR, France, Eastern Europe and some other states that were in the zone of influence of Moscow or Paris. On the other hand, the political environment (not all countries were ready to join the Soviet-French project during the Cold War) and the objective limitations of the capabilities of the Soviet and French industry led to the fact that the SECAM project, instead of a single standard for the whole of Europe, became a symbol of artificial politicization ofthe essentially technical issue and showed the limits of Soviet-French cooperation.
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Pimenova, Ludmila. "The Diplomatic Service of Louis XVI: The Work of French Foreign Affairs Department in the 1780s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014872-7.
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The article aims to examine the organization of work of the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of France in the last decades before the Revolution of 1789 when the department was headed by Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes. By this time, there had developed a practice of preferentially appointing as head of the foreign affairs department people who had the first-hand experience of diplomatic service at the helm of embassies. He managed to create an efficiently working ministry apparatus. The details of its work are known thanks to the primary source for the research presented in this article, namely a note drawn up by one of Vergennes’ subordinates, the head of the “northern” directorate of the State Secretariat Pierre-Michel Hennin. During the years of Vergennes’ ministry, the staff was increased and a topographic bureau was created, which was tasked with drawing up a general map of the clarified borders of the French kingdom. The directorates of the State Secretariat were headed by professional diplomats who had received a good education and had practical experience working in embassies. Within the department, a well-thought-out system of clerical work was established. The difficulty in the work of the department, not mentioned in Hennin’s note, was the impossibility of career growth for ordinary employees. They could count on a seniority salary increase, but not a promotion. Thus, by the end of the Ancien Régime, there were two types of professional careers in the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the French king: diplomatic one for high and middle echelons and clerical for ordinary employees.
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Tomczyk, Jacek. "Preliminary report on human remains from Qasr Shemamok (Erbil, Federal region of Iraqi Kurdystan). Season 2012." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 11, no. 3 (September 30, 2013): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2013.11.3.11.
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Qasr Shemamok, a large tell situated about 30 km southwest of Erbil, close to the village of Tarjan, is a well-known site of Iraqi Kurdistan. It has been identified as the remains of the ancient city of Kakzu (or Kilizu) since the 19th century. In 2012, a French archaeological Mission, guided by O. Rouault with a European team, and funded by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, came to work in Erbil, answering an invitation from the Kurdish authorities, and from the Erbil Salaheddin University, thanks to the strong support of the local French Consulate. The text presents the first results of the anthropological work at Qasr Shemamok, conducted in the 2012 season.
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Pearson, Jessica Lynne. "The French Empire Goes to San Francisco." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380203.
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This article explores the French delegation’s approach to debates about colonial oversight and accountability that took place at the Conference on International Organization in San Francisco in 1945, where delegates from fifty nations gathered to draft the United Nations (UN) Charter. Drawing on documents from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UN, and the American press, it argues that while French officials at home and in the empire were eagerly negotiating a new French Union that would put metropolitan France and the colonies on unprecedently equal footing, French delegates to the San Francisco conference were unwilling to take a stand for these reforms-in-progress. Ultimately, French delegates to the conference lacked confidence that the incipient French Union would stand up to international scrutiny as these delegates worked to establish new international standards for what constituted “self-government.”
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Ghindă, Luciana Florentina. "Le Royaume de Dahomey, une page d’histoire du patrimoine béninois au Musée du Quai Branly." Revista CICSA online, Serie Nouă, no. 3 (2017): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/cicsa.2017.3.7.
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In 2016, the Benin government expresses the request in an official letter to the French state to return the royal objects belonging to the Kingdom of Dahomey (XVII-XIXth century), taken as "trophy of war " in 1892 following its conquest by French general Alfred Dodds. At the beginning of March 2017, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs gave an unfavorable response to the request for the return of Benin heritage, motivating the fact that France ratified the UNESCO Convention in 1970. According to the law, these are already part of the French public domain subject to the principles of inalienability. For the present study, an ax will be led to bring into discussion the conventions of the internationals organizations regarding cultural goods, and also on the analysis of press articles.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Women, Gender and the Professionalisation of French Cultural Diplomacy in Britain, 1900–1940." English Historical Review 136, no. 583 (December 1, 2021): 1513–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceac002.
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Abstract This article traces the evolution of French cultural diplomacy in Britain from the early twentieth century to the end of the inter-war period; it argues that this field of international relations could not have developed at this time without the intervention of a handful of determined women who undertook activities outside official diplomatic circles. In the first decades of the twentieth century, these women designed cultural strategies and ran institutions that aimed to promote positive images of France in Britain at a time when strong Franco-British relations formed a cornerstone of French diplomatic strategies against mounting German geopolitical ambitions. However, none of these women enjoyed diplomatic status and many were subject to gender-based criticism on the part of official male diplomats. After the First World War, processes of professionalisation made it extremely difficult for the women who had shaped cultural diplomacy in an unofficial capacity to continue acting at the fore of this field, all the more so as they were forbidden at the time to take the entrance exam of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The inter-war professionalisation of diplomacy, however, did not lead to the complete exclusion of women. This article argues that, on the one hand, professionalisation carved out official spaces for women who abided by the criteria outlined by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; on the other hand, the non-state nature of much of inter-war cultural diplomacy meant that some women could continue to pursue cultural diplomatic strategies as part of unofficial networks of diplomacy.
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Lequertier, Daniel. "L’outil diplomatique français." Revue française d'administration publique 69, no. 1 (1994): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2770.
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The French Diplomatie Tool. The Ministry of Foreign affairs organisational principles resuit from a compromise between functional specialisation and géographie specialization. Relations between the ministerial department and the embassies and consulates are based on a wide autonomy. However, since the 1993 reform, the counterpart of this autonomy is the necessity for ambassadors to propose précisé objectives for their action, the realization of which are monitored under the supervision of the General Secretary. As far as human resources are concerned, the French System is characterized by the great complexity of recruitment and the importance of internai promotion. The Ministry’s officers must adapt to an extreme diversity of tasks, in a more and more difficult context.
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Price, Munro. "The Dutch affair and the fall of theancien régime, 1784–1787." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 875–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020495.
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ABSTRACTThis article explores the domestic political aspects of the last great disaster of French foreign policy before the revolution: the unsuccessful intervention in Holland between 1784 and 1787. These have been largely ignored by historians, although much attention has been given both to the internal politics of the Dutch republic as well as to British involvement in her affairs during this period. The article argues that the increasing incoherence of French policy towards the United Provinces was caused by profound splits within the king's council. These culminated in a series of attacks on the diplomacy of the powerful foreign minister, the comte de Vergennes, by his ministerial opponents. The Dutch affair reveals the fragmentation of foreign policy during the last years of theancien régime,and also paints a wider picture of a deeply divided royal government on the eve of the revolution.
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Kolupaeva, Ekaterina Vladislavovna, and Liliya Rifhatovna Galimzyanova. "French Policy in the Sphere of Tourism." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p71.
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In this paper we present the current situation of France in the field of tourism and describe the main state organizations that carry on business in the sphere of tourism development in the French Republic. We also give examples of the main events delivered by these institutions for the sustainable development of the tourism industry in France. Today in France there are several state structural units that are full of vitality in this direction. Of these, the following departments and organizations were considered: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development; Ministry of Commerce and Finance; Interagency Committee on Tourism, Tourism Promotion Council, Atout France, etc.
Thanks to the active work carried out at the state level, France today holds one of the leading positions among the countries to be most frequently visited by tourists. Moreover, the results of this smart policy are the annual income from the development of the tourism industry in France, which, in turn, significantly affects the economic welfare of the country.
Thus, a carefully thought-out state policy in the field of tourism has a favorable effect on the socio-economic condition of the country as a whole.
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Kessler, Marie-Christine. "Les relations scientifiques extérieures de la France." Revue française d'administration publique 77, no. 1 (1996): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1996.3517.
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France’s external cultural policy substantially predates its internal cultural policy. This link with the past is at once both beneficial and constraining. While cooperation has been practised for a very long time, the french conception of the notion of cooperation is too unilateral, that is France is giving more than taking. Nowadays the steering of scientific and technical cooperation by the ministry of foreign affairs, through its policy of both close and flexible contacts with the scientific community, has begun to develop a form of cooperation which allows for a more spontaneous manifestation and pursuit of cultural activities.
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Zhai, Qiang. "Sino-French Normalization and Its Impact on the United States and Taiwan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 30, no. 3 (August 22, 2023): 235–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30030006.
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Abstract This article examines the making of Chinese-French cooperation during a critical period of the Cold War. In 1964, the People’s Republic of China and France established diplomatic relations. Escaping from the restraints of the rigid Cold War alliance structure, Mao Zedong and Charles de Gaulle took the bold and extraordinary move to forge a new relationship based on the geopolitical calculations of countering American-Soviet domination of world affairs. What motivated Mao’s policy toward France? How did he view de Gaulle? How did the changes in the international system in the early 1960s affect Mao’s perceptions and calculations? What was the connection between Sino-French normalization and the Vietnam conflict? How did Washington and Taipei respond to the Sino-French rapprochement? This article uses newly released Chinese Foreign Ministry Archive files, declassified U.S. government documents, and primary sources from Taiwan (including Chiang Kai-shek’s diaries) to answer these questions.
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Mazouni, Karim, Armin Zeitler, Jérôme Lanteri, Christian Pichot, Jean-Yves Dauvignac, Claire Migliaccio, Naruto Yonemoto, Akiko Kohmura, and Shunichi Futatsumori. "76.5 GHz millimeter-wave radar for foreign objects debris detection on airport runways." International Journal of Microwave and Wireless Technologies 4, no. 3 (May 16, 2012): 317–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1759078712000451.
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The paper is a joint work between the LEAT (France) and the ENRI (Japan) in the framework of a Sakura project supported by the JSPS and the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The purpose is the study of a FOD (Foreign Object Debris) detection system on airport runways. An FM-CW mm-wave radar working between 76.25 and 76.75 GHz is used together with a high directivity printed reflectarray. In addition, a second measurement campaign has been conducted with a 73.8–79.8 GHz (6 GHz band) radar. Measurement results show detection capabilities of a −20 dBsm cylinder up to 35 m that is 10 m less than the FAA recommendations. Antenna improvements are discussed for reaching the requirements and system performance as well as the use of calibration objects.
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Artizov, A. N., and S. V. Kudryashov. "French Documents on the Beginning of the World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(66) (July 28, 2019): 202–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-3-66-202-246.
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The Federal archival agency, the Russian Ministry of foreign affairs and the Russian Historical Society organized in 2018 a large-scale historical documentary project (an exhibition and online publication) on the background and consequences of the Munich Agreement (November 1937 – March 1938)11 This year marked by the 80th anniversary of the beginning of Second World War the project is to be continued in the form of an exhibition and an online publication of archival documents. We offer our readers some French documents. They are stored at the Russian State Military Archive in the fund «The Ministry of War of France. Military districts, fortified areas, army, corps, divisions, regiments, brigades, military educational institutions and other military organizations» (RGVA. F. 198k).) The fund contains materials on the activities of the French highest military bodies and their units, as well as documents on the headquarters and garrisons of the French military fortresses. These documents were moved from Germany to Moscow after the end of World War II and subsequently were incorporated into the foreign funds of RGVA. In 1993–1994 on the basis of bilateral intergovernmental agreement on cooperation in the field of state archives, identification and return of archival documents and on the basis of the Federal Law of April 15, 1998 No. 64-ФЗ «On Cultural Values Moved to the USSR as a Result of the Second World War and Located on the territory of the Russian Federation» the documents of the 198k fund were transferred to France. The most valuable of the them were microfilmed; their copies are kept in the RGVA on the rights of originals. The two documents being published in this issue of MGIMO Review of International Relations are part of the 198k fund (second inventory), containing documents from French military attachés in European countries, which focus on their political and economic situation, armed forces, countries occupied by Germany, foreign and domestic USSR policy, the state of the Red Army, as well as intelligence reports of the 2nd bureau of the General Staff of the French army. Both documents: Note by the French military attaché in the USSR O.-A. Palace to the Minister of National Defense and the Minister of War of France E. Daladier about the strategic situation in Eastern Europe and its influence on the position of the USSR government on the conclusion of the Anglo-Franco-Soviet agreement on mutual assistance of July 13, 1939 (RGVA. F. 198. Op. 2. D. 466. L. 43–50) and the Report of the French Military Attaché in Poland F. Musse to the Minister of National Defense and the Minister of War of France E. Daladier on the influence of Poland on the course and results of the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations of August 24, 1939 (RGVA. F. 198k. Op.2. D. 292. L. 148–166) are published in Russian translation for the first time.
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Franck, Christian. "La prise de décision belge en politique extérieure : cohésion, tensions, controle et influences." Res Publica 29, no. 1 (March 31, 1987): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i1.18960.
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Besides classical issues of parliamentary control and pressure groups' influence, coordination between ministers and administrations involved in foreign policy making and harmonization of national foreign policy with external cultural relations led by the french, flemish and german Communities are the major problems belgian foreign policy making has to cope with.Divergences on options or heterogeneity of functional missions (Finance and Third World Cooperation e.g.) require arbitration and cooperative procedures provided by foreign affairs ministerial comitee at the governmental level. Competition for leading role and confrontation of functional paradigms foster «bureaucratic politics» between services. European affairs constitues a major issue for bureaucratic coordination.Attribution to the Communities of assessment power to cultural agreements and reservation to national government of the treaty making power let arise a kind of illogism and a conflict of competences that pragmatic concertation tends to get round.As to parliamentary control, it consists in a greater influence of majority's deputies than in an effective opposition's countervailing power to amend coalition foreign policy. So play pressure groups a role in influencing bilateral much more than multilateral affairs.
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Magadeev, Iskander. "The “French factor” and the dynamics of the Chanak crisis (September–October 1922)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016116-4.
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The centenary of the Chanak crisis, which played significant role in the development of the Kemalist revolution and in the international transformations in the Asia Minor and the Near East, stimulates to analyse its underresearched aspects. The article aims to demonstrate the role of the “French factor” during the crisis. This “factor” is conceived as the actions of the French diplomacy, but also as their perception by the other international actors in September–October 1922. The author bases his conclusions on the evidence taken from the published French diplomatic documents and the archival materials of the French Ministry’s of the armed forces historical services. The documents taken from the National archives of the Great Britain were used in order to analyse the Anglo-French relations. The author concludes that the impact of the “French factor” during the crisis was ambivalent. At the one hand, R. Poincaré, French Prime Minister and Minister for foreign affairs, who aimed to exclude the growth of the Chanak crisis into the war and to make Paris the mediator between the British and the Kemalists, achieved some results and contributed to Ankara’s consent to the armistice negotiations. At the other hand, the desire of Poincaré to “sit on two chairs” and to develop the friendly relations with both Ankara and London was difficult to realise. By taking clearer though confrontational position, M. Kemal and British Secretary of State for foreign affairs G. Curzon gained more than Poincaré who hoped to effectuate more subtle diplomatic maneuvering.
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Chemakin, A. A. "P. B. Struve’s Activities as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Government of the South of Russia (1920)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 362–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-12-362-377.
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The article is devoted to the activities of P. B. Struve as head of the foreign relations department of the government of the South of Russia in the spring and autumn of 1920. It is indicated that Struve, having become one of the closest assistance of Baron P. N. Wrangel, pursued a “leftist policy with his right hands” and played an important role in the recognition of the Crimea by the French authorities. Various stages of Struve’s activity in his post, connected both with his stay in the Crimea and with trips to Western Europe, are consistently considered. Using various sources, primarily press materials and memoirs of contemporaries, the author clarifi some important aspects of Struve’s activities at the head of the Crimean Foreign Ministry, as well as his position on Polish and Ukrainian issues. Criticism of Struve’s activities by the National Bolsheviks and “defeatists” who advocated an alliance with Poland against Soviet Russia is presented. According to the author of the article, despite the fact that Struve’s views on foreign and domestic policy have undergone certain changes (especially in comparison with the statements he made at the turn of 1919-1920), the basis of his views remained unchanged.
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Rossi, Pier Luigi, and Anastasie Thiaw. "Log Analysis and Text Mining on Internet Access to Dissertations of the INSEPS (Institut National Superieur de l'Education Populaire et du Sport) Dakar, Senegal." African Research & Documentation 118 (2012): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00020586.
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The dissertation collection of INSEPS (Higher National Institute of Popular Education and Sport, Dakar, Senegal) consists of 152 documents (PDF format) related to academic work submitted between 2005 and 2008 (2005:21,2006:29, 2007: 45 and 2008: 57) as well as all references to available dissertations of INSEPS’ library (imported from a CDS/ISIS database).These have, since January 2011, been hosted on the BEEP (Electronic libraries in partnership) website which uses the Greenstone software (Rossi, 2011). Pdf files of the collection were created either by scanning paper or by converting electronic versions (Word files). The collection of electronic documents was achieved as part of the SIST (System for Scientific and Technical Information) project funded by the MAEE (French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs).
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Rossi, Pier Luigi. "Electronic libraries in partnership: BEEP for Africa." African Research & Documentation 115 (2011): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00020355.
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Between September 2008 and September 2009, IRD (Research Institute for Development) established a programme of scanning workshops within the SIST project (System for Scientific and Technical Information) of MAEE (French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs). This initiative involved documentation centers and libraries of public institutions (Universities, Research Institutes) in several French-speaking African countries (Benin, Burkina Faso, Madagascar, Niger, Senegal, Tunisia).The programme enabled the purchase of scanning equipment (fast A4 scanners, PCs, dedicated software) and training teams to digitise documents (theses, articles, books) produced by the staff (researchers, engineers, students) of participating institutions. The Greenstone software was chosen to provide access, over the Internet, to the collections of digital materials. All teams were trained in the installation, administration and use of this tool.The collections made by the project participants consist of documents in pdf format. Metadata is made available either by incorporating existing bibliographic databases (usually in the CDS/ISIS format) or by direct input into the metadata fields of digital files. In the latter case, the metadata entries include document title, authors, publication date and subject.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: A View from Paris, France." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502947.
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The Clinton administration’s foreign policy toward Africa arouses strong reactions in France, most notably within the French policymaking establishment. This sentiment is directly linked to the end of the Cold War and the redistribution of power on the African continent. French policymakers commonly believe that the United States seeks to dominate the African continent. Such a representation could be seen as laughable through its excessive character. It is nonetheless maintained by a disparate group of facts and events that, when combined, lead French policymakers to overestimate U.S. impulses. In fact, U.S. African policies are not immune to the uncertainties and contradictions that pervade overall U.S. foreign policy. As insightfully noted by French Minister of Foreign Affairs Hubert Védrine, U.S. foreign policy toward Africa conveys the aspirations of a “hyper-power” that, although lacking a worthy international opponent truly capable of challenging its power, remains incapable of implementing a viable African strategy—in essence conjuring up the much-acclaimed image in Gulliver’s Travels of the giant Gulliver finding himself hamstrung by hundreds of ropes tied by six-inch Lilliputians. An analysis of this policy also indirectly reveals the doubts inherent in France’s own African policy due to the inability of its leaders to accept the constraints of a transformed international system.
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Giovannacci, David, Jean-Didier Mertz, Blen Taye Gemeda, Antoine Garric, and Romain Mensan. "Non-Destructive Analysis to Investigate the Stone Alterations at a UNESCO World Heritage Site." Journal of Human, Earth, and Future 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.28991/hef-2022-03-02-01.
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This study concerns the eleven monolithic churches in Lalibela, in northeastern Ethiopia, a UNESCO World Heritage Site and currently the main pilgrimage site in Ethiopia. In 2019, on the initiative of Prime Minister, the French authorities proposed their support in the management on the site of the churches. To do so, the French Development Agency (AFD), in collaboration with the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs and with the support of the Ministry of Culture, granted a feasibility study to examine ways of restoring, conserving, and developing the rock-hewn churches. The objective of the feasibility study conducted was to produce the preliminary technical diagnostics required for the preparation of the comprehensive project to restore, conserve, and develop the site. In order to propose a protection and conservation solution, diagnostics and analysis of the pathology of the rocks were made during two campaigns in November 2019 and November 2020. The rock pathology teams implemented non-destructive and minimally invasive analysis. The complementary methods acquire data from the rock surface and the different forms of differential alteration of the scoriaceous basalt. The objective is to characterize, through comparative analyses, the impact of a protective shelter on the alteration kinetics of the rock. The analysis, coupled with on-site observations, suggests that deterioration linked to liquid water and the persistence of a state of high water content is more damaging than the deterioration risk linked to salt crystallization. As water is the key factor in the very harmful alteration for the conservation of scoriaceous basalt as a heritage material in humid natural environments, it seems useful to fully cover the churches. Doi: 10.28991/HEF-2022-03-02-01 Full Text: PDF
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Zinchenko, Irina. "The Problem of Implementing the Francophone Policy in the Field of Education in the Countries of Asia and Africa (1958-1969)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2020): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.2.30953.
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The article discusses the issues related to the implementation of the Francophone policy in African and Asian countries. The author examines France's methods of cooperating with its former colonies; which countries received more attention; why specifically education played an important role in the implementation of the Francophone policy, and how did the financial support for this field change during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. In the presented work, the policy of Francophonie is understood as the totality of France’s actions towards creating privileged political and economic ties with foreign states through the means of the French language and culture.In accordance with the latest methodological developments, foreign cultural policy is viewed as a group of measures developed and implemented by a state on an external level in order to promote national culture and language. The perception of the problems of foreign cultural policy was significantly influenced by the concept of "soft power" elaborated by political scientist J. Naya. This study applied several research methods: the system analysis method and the comparative analysis method. Topics related to the political implementation of Francophonie are little studied in Russian historiography. The article uses documents from the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs previously unfamiliar to the general public. The implementation of the Francophone policy in the countries of Asia and Africa in 1958-1969 resulted in the extensive cultural, economic and political cooperation between France and its former colonies. Despite the numerous successes in implementing the Francophone policy, by 1969, the government of the Fifth Republic had failed to restore the French cultural influence on the territories that had gained independence from France in a non-peaceful way.
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Nicolescu, Andrei. "Romanian-French Contacts at the Level Of Military Decision-Makers." Technium Social Sciences Journal 47 (September 9, 2023): 296–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v47i1.9429.
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In 1932 and 1933 invitations to Generals Gamelin and Petin to visit Bucharest were declined on the basis of more or less objective reasons, this was not the case from 1934 onwards, when the frequency of such French visits to Bucharest increased. There was also a clear change in the level of representation, culminating in the visits of Generals Pétin, Mittelhauser, Georges, Gamelin and Weygand. Another significant moment for the development of the French-Romanian military relations was the presence in Bucharest of General Victor Pétin. It took place in a different context from that of General Gouraud's arrival, with different dimensions and connotations.The consequences of the visits, based primarily on the growing convergence of French and Romanian interests at that time, were felt. On the 8th of June, the Europe Sub-Directorate of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs affirmed the need to accept Romanian arms requests by means of a commitment to supply on credit and with annual instalments. One of the arguments put forward was that: 'As a faithful ally, Romania, like Yugoslavia, is part of the Small Alliance and the Balkan Alliance, whose policy tends to be in line with the direction of action decidedly favourable to the preservation of the established order, cannot but receive the approval of the Government of the Republic.
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Asseraf, Arthur. "“A New Israel”." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254631.
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AbstractIn 1960–62 French officials considered partitioning Algeria between European- and Muslim-majority areas, much later and more seriously than the existing historiography shows. Even supporters of partition, however, remained ambivalent, regarding it as a “foreign” approach to decolonization opposed to French principles of territorial unity and racial equality. Thus they discussed partition by comparing Algeria to foreign models, in particular the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine that led to the creation of the state of Israel. Drawing on the private papers of Prime Minister Michel Debré, the writings of Alain Peyrefitte, and archives from the Ministries of Algerian and Foreign Affairs, this article argues that partition plans were failed attempts to deflect colonialism by looking sideways. To do so, the supporters of partition made use of comparison, a long-standing tool of the colonial administration.En 1960–62, le gouvernement français envisagea de partager l'Algérie entre zones de majorité européenne et musulmane, bien plus sérieusement et plus tard que ne le décrit l'historiographie actuelle. Mais même les partisans les plus ardents d'une partition restèrent relativement ambivalents face à ce projet, qu'ils considéraient comme une solution « étrangère » de décolonisation opposée aux principes français d'unité territoriale et d'égalité raciale. Ils évaluèrent ainsi la partition potentielle de l'Algérie en la comparant avec de nombreux modèles étrangers, en particulier la partition du mandat britannique de Palestine qui donna lieu à l'état d'Israël. S'appuyant sur les papiers du premier ministre Michel Debré, les écrits d'Alain Peyrefitte et les archives des ministères des Affaires algériennes et étrangères, cet article montre que les projets de partition furent des tentatives ratées de se détourner du problème colonial en regardant au loin. Pour ce faire, les partisans du partage firent usage de la comparaison, un vieil outil intellectuel de l'administration coloniale.
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Chernov, O. "RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR A.P. IZVOLSKY ON THE SITUATION IN FRANCE IN THE INITIAL PERIOD OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR (ACCORDING TO THE DOCUMENTS OF THE AVPRI)." PERSONAL FUNDS OF STATE ARCHIVES AS A SCIENTIFIC AND INFORMATION RESOURCE, no. 2 (2023): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/978-5-6049622-0-6-2023-32.
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The article deals with the problems outlined in the letters of the Russian Ambassador to France A.P. Izvolsky to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S.D. Sazonov. Among the issues raised by A. P. Izvolsky were the retreat of French troops at the beginning of the First World War and the assessment of the risks of the Russian Empire losing an ally in the person of France; S.D. Sazonov's assessment and broadcasting the opinions of other statesmen on the development of the situation and the forecast of further events after the victory of the French troops in the Battle of the Marne and the retreat of German troops; assessment of the influence of the foreign policy factor on the dynamics of the domestic political situation in France at the beginning of the First World War.
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D’Alessandri, Antonio. "The opening of the Italian legation in Belgrade in 1879 and relations between Serbs and Italians in the 19th century." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253079a.
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This essay focuses on the opening of the Italian diplomatic Legation in Belgrade in 1879 after the Serbia?s independence. This new beginning of the Serbian-Italian political relations is seen in the framework of the reorientation of the Italian foreign policy after the fall of the French Second Empire and the rise of the Imperial Germany. A great role in this process was played by Count Giuseppe Tornielli Brusati di Vergano, former Secretary General of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Italian Kingdom. He was entrusted to open the Italian Legation in Belgrade and in Bucharest, thus inaugurating a new phase of the Italian action in South-eastern Europe and the Eastern affairs. This question is analyzed in a broader chronological space such as the long tradition of cultural and political exchanges between Serbs and Italians during the epoch of the national Risorgimento.
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Osipov, Evgeny. "On the Question of the Debts of Czarist Russia. The Soviet-French conference of 1926–1927." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019513-2.
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In this article based on materials from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs archive, most of which have not yet been introduced into the academic circuit, the author examines the preparation, progress, and results of the Soviet-French conference in 1926–1927, where the question of repayment of debts of the Russian Empire, as well as the possibility of France's loans to the USSR were discussed. French documents show that the Soviet side from the very beginning indicated that the issue of paying off royal debts for it, due to the economic situation in the country, was inextricably linked with the provision of loans. The French delegation, although it did not recognize the connection between these two issues, was ready to discuss them in parallel and showed a real interest both in settling the debt issue and in providing loans. Despite considerable disagreement, the positions of the sides gradually converged during the negotiations, specific figures and details on key issues were agreed on, and a mutually acceptable outcome seemed quite possible. However, the coming to power in France in July 1926 of the government of the National Association, headed by Raymond Poincaré, instead of the Left Bloc, which was constructively disposed towards the USSR, and, especially, the Anglo-Soviet flare-up, followed by a breakdown in diplomatic relations between Moscow and London, led to a rise in anti-Soviet sentiment in France and, consequently, a hardening of the French negotiating position, which ultimately led to the failure of the conference. French holders of Russian securities were primarily the ones who lost out.
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Andreasen, Torsten. "Arkivets pleroma." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 44, no. 121 (June 21, 2016): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v44i121.23742.
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In 1956, on a commission from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alain Resnais made a short film about the French national library called Toute la mémoire du monde. The film performs a vertical movement from indiscernible form and prevalent darkness upon the face of the deep in the library cellars to the summits of institutional power in its domed view of the well-ordered rows of tables and chairs in the Labrouste reading room. This vertical axis is established and maintained by the horizontal library operations that promise to transform the library objects from chaotic heap to collective happiness, or what this article has called the promised movement from plethora to pleroma. Resnais’ film intervenes in an ongoing discourse about the possibility of archival pleroma, thinking machines and the possible beneficial consequences for human existence. But the question is whether such persistent happy belief in the fall of the very last practical obstacles for pleroma does not overlook the view from Resnais’ domed shot: The view indicating that sinister fantasies of the pleroma of knowledge persist in relation to fantasies of political organisation and that the guardians of the archive will always patrol the aisles of the reading room.
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Shevchenko, Mikhail A., Lyudmila A. Mitchell, and Evgeny V. Gorobtsov. "Improving linguistic training in the military education system." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 1 (2022): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-1-86-96.
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The ever-increasing need of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation for specialists fluent in foreign languages is due to the expansion of military cooperation between the Russian Federation and its partner countries. In the actual conditions of interaction between the armed forces in the framework of peacekeeping operations, the timely and correct decision by the commanders to use the forces and means plays a primary role. Often, commanders have to deal with information in a foreign language. Currently, the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation trains military specialists in the main foreign languages – English, Chinese, French and German. The language skills of military personnel should be sufficient to enable them to perform at least basic professional communication tasks without the assistance of military language specialists. However, as has already been observed by many specialists, the development of foreign language professional communication skills often involves a certain set of difficulties. This state of affairs justifies the need to develop new and improve upon the existing programmes for training, retraining and improving the language skills of the military personnel of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. The aims, objectives and principles of improving the language training for the Russian military personnel, i. e. in the framework of military training centers are considered; the directions for the improvement of the military language training are formulated; the need to improve the lin-guistic training of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation personnel is justified.
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Osipov, Evgeny. "The Attempt to Reform the CMEA in 1962—1963 in the Assessments of French Diplomats. According to the Materials of the Archive of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs." ISTORIYA 10, no. 7 (81) (2019): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840006792-0.
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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.
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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
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Cattelan, Stefano. "In the Shadow of the Great Powers: Freedom of the Sea and Neutrality in the Long Eighteenth Century." Grotiana 44, no. 1 (August 2, 2023): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-20230005.
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Abstract This note announces the launch of a research project at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel with the generous support of the Carlsberg Foundation and guidance from Prof. dr. Frederik Dhondt. The project explores the early steps of one of the most dynamic and debated branches of international law, namely the law of the sea. It focuses on the interactions between the principle of the freedom of the sea, maritime neutrality and small powers’ diplomacy in the long eighteenth century. Analysing the rich archival material conserved in the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs – series Mémoires et documents, Correspondance politique – as well as the Danish National Archives, or Rigsarkivet, the project aims at the construction of a rich narrative of multiple uses of the law of the sea as an argumentative political-legal framework to express state and private interest. By a close reading of largely unexplored sources, the project contributes to the broader turn to state practice in the history of international law, a booming field of interdisciplinary research.
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Magadeev, I. E. "French diplomats and the military on Soviet Russia and the balance of power in Central-Eastern Europe in 1922." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 128–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-128-162.
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The consolidation of the Soviet state in 1922 and the activities of Soviet diplomacy in the key international forums had a direct impact on the strategic situation in Europe. The eventual strengthening of Soviet Russia/the USSR was both a threat and an opportunity for France as one of the leading European powers of that period, which had obligations and interests in Central and Eastern Europe. The author aims to identify the main approaches of French diplomats and the military to a set of issues related to the possible development of Soviet Russia in 1922 and its place in the European balance of power. The study is based on a wide range of primary sources from the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, the National Archives of France, the Historical Service of the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the Fifth Republic, as well as on recently published French diplomatic and military documents. The author concludes that the French elites had a rather ambiguous attitude towards the process and the first results of political consolidation and socio-economic development of the Soviet state. On the one hand, the formation of the USSR was an obvious manifestation of the growing Soviet power that somewhat diminished the hopes of French officials for the imminent fall of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, diplomats and the military both in Paris and on-site were often skeptical about the prospects for the development of the Soviet economy, noting the catastrophic consequences of hunger, economic and financial ruin. Moderate optimism about the opportunity to intensify trade and economic contacts with Soviet Russia as its economy recovers coexisted with pronounced pessimism. The French assessments of the military potential of the Soviet state were marked by the same ambivalence. The acknowledgement of the current limited capabilities of the Red Army and the Red Fleet was accompanied by the growing recognition that the basis of the military power of the Soviet state had not been undermined. All this could help Moscow improve its international stance in the future, which would inevitably affect the balance of power in Europe. Under these circumstances, the French elites debated the prospects for the ‘normalization’ of the Bolshevik regime and its incorporation into the Versailles order. The author argues that all these contradictory attitudes, views and assessments that surfaced in 1922 to a large extent predetermined the overall direction and specific content of the French policy towards the USSR in the following years.
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Ziller, Jacques. "National Constitutional Concepts in the New Constitution for Europe." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 3 (October 2005): 452–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004529.
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Precedents in European Union member states for the negative referenda in France and The Netherlands on the Constitution for Europe. Evolution of the investiture of the Commission: parallel with France under Third and Fourth Republic. Double headed executive (President of the European Council and President of the Commission) and ‘double hats’ (Union Minister for Foreign Affairs) in line of the European constitutional tradition. The unborn ‘Legislative Council’ and its Austrian and German counterparts. The aborted ‘Congress of the Peoples of Europe’: forum for ‘State of the Union’ speech, not a electoral body. Protection of minority rights in the Constitution for Europe due to insistence of the Hungarian government; foreign to the dominant Western constitutional concepts. Representative democracy and the formal concept of law: European Laws and Framework Laws as ‘Acts of Parliament’. Strict limits on the possibility to delegate legislation: German, Italian, French roots. European Laws and Regulations: unachieved hierarchy and French precedent. Judiciary as a relative minor branch of government as in the British and French traditions. No German Verfassungsbeschwerde or Spanish recurso de amparo, but probably more annulment procedures and preliminary questions on legality and constitutionality than before. Parallels with German federal concepts: Union Law über Alles; no rigid Kompetenzkatolog and joint competences; distribution of competences not limited to law-making. More than lip service to decentralisation. Constitutional ping-pong and intertwined constitutionalism: territories d'outre- mer and outermost regions.
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Naumova, Natalia, and Irina Zinchenko. "Can the policy Francophonie be considered a manifestation of neocolonialism (on the example of foreign cultural strategy of France in the 1960s)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.6.36980.
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The subject of this research is the correlation between the policy of neocolonialism and Francophonie in the context of foreign cultural strategy of France in the 1960s. Decolonization forced France to relinquish direct colonial rule and shift towards the policy of “cooperation” on the basis of bilateral agreements with the developing countries, which regulated intergovernmental relations in various spheres. The idea of the universality of French language and cultural values underlied the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation established in 1970. A crucial role in its establishment was played by the political leaders of African countries, who sought benefit from cooperation with France in terms of the development of young sovereign states. Despite this fact, the activity of Francophonie was the object of criticism, and by some researchers, considered a version of French post-colonialism. Analysis is conducted on different interpretations and approaches towards the terms “neo-colonialism” and “Francophonie”. The article employs the unpublished archival documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, which determines the scientific novelty. The authors conclude that the equality sign between neo-colonialism and Francophonie seems unreasoned, since the latter has improved the educational, cultural, scientific and technical standard of living in the young sovereign states, contributed to the establishment of their political and administrative and increase of authority on the world stage. The participation of the developing countries in the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation and the leaders of the Western world – France and Canada – consolidated the authority and broadened the experience of the political elite of the third world countries. At the same time, there is no denying that de Gaulle sought to increase the international prestige of the Fifth Republic by strengthening the positions of France in the Francophone world.
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Osipov, Evgeny. "The CMEA and the Third World in the Second Half of the 1950s. Based on Documents from the Archive of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs." ISTORIYA 11, no. 12-1 (97) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840012979-5.
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Blokhin, V. F. "GOVERNMENT’S FEAR OF NEWSPAPERS IN RUSSIA AND FRANCE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(51) (December 28, 2016): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-6-51-42-49.
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The article is devoted to one of the measures of administrative influence on the publishers of periodicals in the form of a ban on the retail sale of newspapers and magazines in the imperial Russia and France. The author argues that this policy was introduced in Russia due to adoption of foreign experience of direct and indirect censorship, especially the French experience. So, the article seeks to access the difference between the original approach of the French empire and the Russian version of the policy. Also the article bridges the gap between the current Russian historiography and the existing archive materials with help of discourse analysis and comparative method. First, the author reviews the literature on Russian and French censorship in the second half of XIX century. This allows us to describe the original policy motives of leadership in France in area of media coverage and censorship. Second, the author presents some comparative parallels in the particular area of study of censorship and its institutional basis. Using official documents, data on discussions of the alleged measures and the reasons for their introduction, author shows features of approaches of the Russian Ministry of internal Affairs and a member of his censorship Departmen t to highligh t the key issues of social development, to enhance the effectiveness of state censorship policy. The article gives the significant boost towards new approaches in research of indirect censorship in Russia and France as well as the role models for such a policy. Also the article allows us to reconsider the diffusionist paradigm with regard to state's policy experience circulation between European empires and their reaction to the emergence of modern media.
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Clinton, David. "Tocqueville on democracy, obligation, and the international system." Review of International Studies 19, no. 3 (July 1993): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117413.
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The name of Alexis de Tocqueville is not generally associated with the study of international relations. Social analyst, political thinker, and informed commentator on the fundamental intellectual currents of his age, he left to others the illumination for posterity of the states-system in the first half of the nineteenth century. Yet, while he was not primarily concerned with foreign affairs, he did not ignore them. Some of the most famous passages in Democracy in America point to the capacities, or incapacities, of democracies in conducting foreign policy. His service in the Chamber of Deputies under the Orleanist Monarchy and in the Legislative Assembly under the Second Republic from 1839 to 1851 brought him into contact with the foreign and colonial questions of the day; it was he who largely wrote the reports of two committees on which he served during those years, dealing with the abolition of slavery in France's West Indian possessions and French military and colonial policy in Algeria. The highest post—and sole Cabinet responsibility—he attained in this world of practical politics was that of Foreign Minister in 1849.
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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "Napoleon Bonaparte, General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan, and the Problem of Banditry in Piedmont, 1800–1802." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2023): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028068-2.
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The Consulship of Napoleon Bonaparte is often presented as a time of his political triumph as both politician and legislator. However, this very stereotypical assessment requires further clarifications. As the latest research suggests, the whole period between the Brumaire and the proclamation of the Empire was a period of difficult search for new methods of governance under very difficult circumstances. One of the serious problems in the formation of the new borders of Napoleonic France in the early years of the nineteenth century continued to be banditry (brigandage). In a number of regions, this phenomenon had a distinct political colouring. In the French political lexicon of the era, it referred to collective violence of any kind, anti-state actions, as well as various forms of criminal robbery. The situation was most acute in the peripheral regions, particularly in Piedmont. Although the flames of the acute civil conflict of 1799 had subsided here, yet the causes of this mass phenomenon were extremely deep. The author aims to analyse the ways of solving the problem of banditry in the context of the overall Napoleonic policy, to show the role of the French administration and, in particular, of General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in this process during the formation of new institutions of power in the Consulate period. Drawing on the archival collections of the French Ministries of General Police and Justice, the Piedmont General Administration from the French National Archives, as well as some materials from the archival collections of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he attempts to reconstruct a set of measures to eradicate banditry. The new authorities, and above all the chief administrator of Piedmont, General Jourdan, as well as the prefects and mayors, had to resort both to the tactics of “mobile columns” and extraordinary justice, but also to seek compromise with the rural oligarchy, the parish clergy and the peasant masses in order to maintain the fragile social order. What is also significant is that the experience gained by the French in the fight against banditry in Piedmont was later successfully disseminated to other regions of Italy, and that it was this experience that largely served as the basis for the formation of Napoleon's policy of “cultural imperialism”.
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Галкина, Ю. М. "The Franco-Russian Alliance in Historiography: On the Mechanisms of Rapprochement." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 611–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-2-6.
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Статья посвящена анализу историографического наследия России и Франции в свете выявления интересантов франко-русского сближения, а также механизмов принятия решения во французском и российском руководстве. Несмотря на то, что отношения России и Франции в XIX в. были напряженными, две страны сумели выстроить стратегический диалог и объединиться перед лицом германской угрозы, преодолев политические и культурные противоречия. Автор представляет следующие группы интересантов в Российской империи и Третьей Республике: дипломаты и военные, представители финансовой элиты, хозяйки литературных и политических салонов, политически активные представители элиты. На сегодняшний день в историографической традиции продолжает оставаться основополагающей идея о стратегическом значении франко-русского альянса, прямым следствием которой является положение о его очевидности и безальтернативности для политической и военной элиты обеих стран. Между тем, подобная точка зрения могла бы обогатиться при рассмотрении широкого круга сторонников и противников франко-русского сближения. В качестве перспективных направлений для будущих исследований возможно определить проблему участия в сближении Франции и России французского банковского капитала, выявить его связи с представителями Министерства иностранных дел Франции, а также более внимательно изучить механизмы формирования политического мнения в рамках т.н. «салонной дипломатии»: оказывали ли встречи политиков, деятелей культуры, лидеров общественного мнения влияние на принятие внешнеполитических решений и каким образом это происходило. The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiographical heritage of Russia and France. The author focuses on the problem of identifying those interested in the Franco-Russian rapprochement and on the decision-making mechanisms in the French and Russian/Soviet leadership. Even though the relations between Russia and France in the 19th century were tense, the two countries managed to build a strategic dialogue and unite in the face of the German threat, overcoming political and cultural contradictions. The author represents the following interest groups in the Russian Empire and the French Third Republic: diplomats and the military, the financial elite, holders of salons and periodicals, and politically active members of the elite. Today, in the historiographical tradition, the idea of the strategic significance of the Franco-Russian Alliance continues to be fundamental, which means (as a direct consequence) its obviousness and lack of alternative for the political and military elite of the two countries. Meanwhile, such a point of view could be enriched by considering a wide range of supporters and opponents of the Russo-French Rapprochement. As promising areas for further research, it is possible to consider the problem of the participation of French banking capital in the rapprochement between France and Russia, to identify its connections with representatives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and to take a closer look at the mechanisms for forming political opinion within “salon diplomacy”: whether the meetings of politicians, cultural figures, and opinion leaders influenced decision making in foreign policy and how exactly that happened.
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Krijtenburg, Margriet. "Robert Schuman’s Commitment to European Unification." Philosophia Reformata 80, no. 1 (May 26, 2015): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23528230-08001008.
Full textAbstract:
With the eu struggling to maintain itself, it is highly relevant to look into the drive for and original vision on European unification of its principal architect, Robert Schuman, then French Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Schuman Declaration (1950) gave birth to the eu and procured the longest period of peace among its member states since the Treaty of Verdun (843). This article shows how Schuman’s Catholic faith influenced his life and therefore his politics. His drive to be a faithful instrument of Providence, supported by his origins from Alsace-Lorraine, made him strive towards peace on the European continent. He envisaged a European political integration through economic cooperation at the service of man and his transcendence and rooted in the common European spiritual and cultural heritage. This implied reconciliation, effective solidarity, subsidiarity and supra-nationality for European common interests through an integration in small steps.