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1

Vanderputten, Steven. "They Lived Under That Rule as Do Those Who Have Succeeded Them: Simultaneity and Conflict in the Foundation Narratives of a French Women’s Convent (10th–18th Centuries)." Downside Review 139, no. 1 (January 2021): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580620963834.

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While foundation accounts of medieval religious institutions have been the focus of intense scholarly interest for decades, so far there has been comparatively little interest in how successive versions related to each other in the perception of medieval and early modern observers. This essay considers that question via a case study of three such narratives about the 930s creation of Bouxières Abbey, a convent of women religious in France’s eastern region of Lorraine. At the heart of its argument stands the hypothesis that these conflicting narratives of origins were allowed to coexist in the memory culture of this small convent because they related to different arguments in its identity narrative. As such, it hopes to contribute to an ill-understood aspect of foundation narratives as a literary genre and a memorial practice in religious communities, with particular attention to long-term developments.
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Ventura, Simone. "Multilingualism and Mother Tongue in Medieval French, Occitan, and Catalan Narratives." Romanic Review 102, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2011): 277–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26885220-102.1-2.277.

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Besamusca, Bart, Gareth Griffith, Matthias Meyer, and Hannah Morcos. "Author Attributions in Medieval Text Collections: An Exploration." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 76, no. 1 (April 4, 2016): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340004.

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This article examines the role and function of author attributions in multi-text manuscripts containing Dutch, English, French or German short verse narratives. The findings represent one strand of the investigations undertaken by the cross-European project ‘The Dynamics of the Medieval Manuscript’, which analysed the dissemination of short verse narratives and the principles of organisation underlying the compilation of text collections. Whilst short verse narratives are more commonly disseminated anonymously, there are manuscripts in which authorship is repeatedly attributed to a text or corpus. Through six case studies, this article explores medieval concepts of authorship and how they relate to constructions of authority, whether regarding an empirical figure or a literary construction. In addition, it looks at how authorship plays a role in manuscript compilation, and at the effects of attributions (by author and/or compiler) on reception. The case studies include manuscripts from the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, produced in a range of social and cultural contexts, and featuring some of the most important European authors of short verse narratives: Rutebeuf, Baudouin de Condé, Der Stricker, Konrad von Würzburg, Willem of Hildegaersberch, and Geoffrey Chaucer. The preliminary findings contribute to our understanding of author attributions in text collections from across northern Europe and point towards future lines of enquiry into the role of authorship in medieval textual dissemination.
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Classen, Albrecht. "German-Italian Literary Connections in the Late Middle Ages: Boccaccio’s The Decameron in Light of Some Late Medieval German Narrative Precedents." arcadia 55, no. 2 (November 9, 2020): 260–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2020-2001.

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AbstractComparative research focused on medieval literature continues to be characterized by many desiderata, especially with regard to the fruitful relationships between late medieval verse narratives, mæren, and the famous Italian storyteller Boccaccio and his Decameron. This paper brings to light four significant Middle High German verse narratives from the 13th or early-14th century that demonstrate remarkable similarities with stories contained in Boccaccio’s Decameron. While the study of Boccaccio’s sources has traditionally been focused primarily on Old French (fabliaux) or Latin sources, here I introduce a number of texts that were composed just a few decades earlier and which express, in surprising parallel, strikingly similar themes that could be straight from the textbook the Italian poet might have drawn from. We have, of course, no specific evidence as to Boccaccio’s direct familiarity with late-medieval German literature, but the motif analysis reveals major parallels between the examples in The Decameron and in those mæren.
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Cropp, Glynnis M. "Multilingualism and Mother Tongue in Medieval French, Occitan, and Catalan Narratives (review)." Parergon 28, no. 1 (2011): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2011.0000.

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Rosenberg, Samuel N. "Multilingualism and Mother Tongue in Medieval French, Occitan, and Catalan Narratives (review)." Tenso 27, no. 1-2 (2012): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ten.2012.0000.

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7

McDermott, Ryan. "The Ordinary Gloss on Jonah." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 2 (March 2013): 424–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.2.424.

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THE ORDINARY GLOSS WAS THE MOST WIDELY USED EDITION OF THE BIBLE IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES AND WELL INTO THE SIXTEENTH century. Medievalists know the commentary element as the Gloss to which theologians as diverse as Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventure, John Wyclif, and Martin Luther habitually referred. As the foremost vehicle for medieval exegesis, the Gloss framed biblical narratives for a wide range of vernacular religious literature, from Dante's Divine Comedy to French drama to a Middle English retelling of the Jonah story, Patience.
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Edwards, Robert Roy. "“Lessons meete to be followed”: The European Reception of Boccaccio’s “Questioni d’amore”." Textual Cultures 10, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/textual.v10i2.1075.

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The “Questioni d’amore” from Giovanni Boccaccio’s Filocolo were both works of imagination and forms of cultural capital in medieval and early modern Europe. Translations into French, Spanish, and English resituated the Questioni into new contexts of reading, reception, and social use. Prefaces and paratexts give direct evidence of recontextualizations within political structures, cultural programs, and regimes of self-fashioning. These recontextualizations depend to a significant extent, however, on Boccaccio’s fiction itself. If the Questioni are stabilized into forms of exemplary meaning, their aesthetic tensions remain in both the mimetic narratives and the hermeneutic frames.
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Конурбаев, Марклен, Marklen Konurbaev, Салават Конурбаев, and Salavat Konurbaev. "An Essay on the History and Hermeneutics of Naslhat al-Muluk by Ghazali, Abu HamidMuhammad Ibn Muhammad Al-Tusi: semic analysis." Servis Plus 8, no. 4 (December 3, 2014): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6463.

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The series of articles entitled «An Essay on the History and Hermeneutics ofphilosophy ofFalsafa» is dedicated to the studies of Abu Hamid Muhammad Ibn Muhammad Al- TusT´s work «NasihatAl-Muluk». The Persian philosopher of lth century Al-Ghazali went down in history as one of the brightest representatives of medieval Muslim apologetics. The study of his works allows turning to different aspects of life of the medieval Muslim East. One of´his mostfamousworks, «NasihatAl-Muluk», which is part of his fundamental theological study «The Elixir of Bliss», belongs to the genre of medieval Arabic-Muslim literature — so-called «Mirrors for princes» which are simplified retellings of fundamental philosophical views on state and politics of a certain thinker in plain language. These retellings help to comprehend in practice the essence of government by series of allegories and narratives. The conducted hermeneutical analysis of«Nasihat Al-Muluk» reveals the unique approach of a brilliant Persian philosopher to determination of complicated ethical questions that underlie the art of governing. The methodological approach of the French philosopher and literary critic Roland Barthes was taken as the analysis basis. The first and the second part of the essay contain the history of formation and evolution ofphilosophy ofFalsafa and the exposition of the fundamentals of the hermeneutical teaching of Roland Barthes which underlies the instrumental basis of the analysis.
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Bayo, Juan Carlos. "Anna Russakoff, Imagining the Miraculous: Miraculous Images of the Virgin Mary in French Illuminated Manuscripts, ca. 1250-ca. 1450. Studies and Texts, 215; Text Image Context: Studies in Medieval Manuscript Illumination, 7. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2019, xviii, 194 pp., ill." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 541–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.162.

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This monograph deals with illuminated manuscripts created in French-speaking regions from the mid-thirteenth to the mid-fifteenth century, i.e., from the earliest narratives of Marian miracles written in <?page nr="542"?>Old French to the codices produced at the Burgundian court at the waning of the Middle Ages. Its focus, however, is very specific: it is a systematic analysis of the miniatures depicting both material representations of the Virgin (mainly sculptures, but also icons, panel paintings, altarpieces or reliquaries) and the miracles performed by them, usually as Mary’s reaction to a prayer (or an insult) to one of Her images.
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Ford, Judy A. "Saracens and Turks in William Caxton’s The Golden Legend." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2015-0018.

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Abstract In the late fifteenth century, William Caxton translated into English and published a version of the best-known collection of saints’ lives in medieval Europe, the Legenda aurea. It was the longest and most expensive book he ever produced. Caxton used various sources, including Latin and French versions of the Legenda, to create a collection accessible to the book-buying public who were literate in the vernacular in late-fifteenth and early sixteenth-century England. The Golden Legend includes fifteen lives that incorporate Saracens or Turks into their narratives. It describes their interactions with Christians, both peaceful and violent, as well as their capacity for conversion. The depiction of Muslims in this popular sermon collection would have formed part of the cultural construction of Islamic people in England at the turn of the sixteenth century.
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Wicher, Andrzej. "Geoffrey Chaucer’s "The Merchant’s Tale", Giovanni Boccaccio’s "The Tale of the Enchanted Pear-Tree", and "Sir Orfeo" Viewed as Eroticized Versions of the Folktales about Supernatural Wives." Text Matters, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/texmat-2013-0025.

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Two of the tales mentioned in the title are in many ways typical of the great collections of stories (The Canterbury Tales and Il Decamerone) to which they belong. What makes them conspicuous is no doubt the intensity of the erotic desire presented as the ultimate law which justifies even the most outrageous actions. The cult of eroticism is combined there with a cult of youth, which means disaster for the protagonists, who try to combine eroticism with advanced age. And yet the stories in question have roots in a very different tradition in which overt eroticism is punished and can only reassert itself in a chastened form, its transformation being due to sacrifices made by the lover to become reunited with the object of his love. A medieval example of the latter tradition is here the Middle English romance, Sir Orfeo. All of the three narratives are conspicuously connected by the motif of the enchanted tree. The Middle Ages are associated with a tendency to moralize ancient literature, the most obvious example of which is the French anonymous work Ovide moralisé (Moralized Ovid), and its Latin version Ovidius Moralizatus by Pierre Bersuire. In the case of The Merchant’s Tale and The Tale of the Enchanted Pear-Tree, we seem to meet with the opposite process, that is with a medieval demoralization of an essentially didactic tradition. The present article deals with the problem of how this transformation could happen and the extent of the resulting un-morality. Some use has also been made of the possible biblical parallels with the tales in question.
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Vitz, Evelyn Birge. "Tales with Guts: A “Rasic” Aesthetic in Medieval French Storytelling." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 4 (December 2008): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.4.145.

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Scholars of medieval Europe tend to see aural performances of narrative works as just medieval “books on tape” with a disembodied reader. But the auditory element was often only a small part of the live performance. Narrative works in medieval Europe were performed, and storytellers engaged audiences' bodies and emotions as well as their minds. Richard Schechner's “Rasaesthetics” helps us recognize the strong emotional flavors and dynamism inherent in the performance tradition of many medieval stories.
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14

McCracken, Peggy. "Women and Medicine in Medieval French Narrative." Exemplaria 5, no. 2 (January 1993): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.1993.5.2.239.

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15

Williams, Alison, and James R. Simpson. "Fantasy, Identity and Misrecognition in Medieval French Narrative." Modern Language Review 99, no. 2 (April 2004): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3738785.

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16

Fast, Susan. "God, Desire, and Musical Narrative in the Isorhythmic Motet." Canadian University Music Review 18, no. 1 (March 15, 2013): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014818ar.

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This article examines the relationship between late Medieval narrative structure in French literature and music (specifically the isorhythmic motet) and how that structure was shaped by deeply held beliefs within Medieval culture, including the idea that a person's identity and desires were directed by God. A detailed analysis of the motet De bon espoir/Puis que la douce rousee/Speravi by Guillaume de Machaut is made to support the argument.
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17

Léglu, Catherine. "The Vida of Queen Fredegund in Tote listoire de France: Vernacular Translation and Genre in Thirteenth-Century French and Occitan Literature." Nottingham French Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2017): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2017.0170.

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This article examines a translation into a hybrid French-Occitan vernacular of an eighth-century historical narrative of adultery, treason and murder. It compares this to the narrative structures and content of the troubadour vidas and razos, which were created in the same period and regions as the translation. The aim is to uncover a possible dialogue between early medieval narrative historiography and the emergence of Old Occitan narrative in prose. In so doing, this enquiry intends to develop further the question of the importance of translation to medieval vernacular literature and historical writings
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18

de Looze, Laurence. "Introduction." Florilegium 18, no. 1 (January 2001): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.18.001.

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If you mention the name of Minnette Gaudet to scholars of Old French, their first reaction—both rightly and wrongly—will usually be to think of the 1980 Special Issue of French Forum entitled The Nature of Medieval Narrative. Rightly, because the volume, which Minnette co-edited and which grew out of a conference held at the University of Western Ontario in 1977, proved to be a watershed for the encounter between narrative theory or narratology and medieval literature. Most students of medieval literature have in their personal library a dog-eared, much-perused copy of that collection of essays (in my case and, I suspect, in that of many others who were students when the volume came out, this consists of a copyright-violating xerox). But at the same time medievalists wrongly think so quickly of the Medieval Narrative volume for the simple reason that twenty-five years later too many scholars associate Minnette's name more readily with that volume than with her volume (s) of more recent work. Like the artist or actor who is too successful in a particular mode (Braque's cubist period or Bogey in his heyday), Minnette has occasionally had to wriggle out from under the success of her own work.
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Petrovskaia, Natalia I. "Peredur and the Problem of Inappropriate Questions." Journal of the International Arthurian Society 9, no. 1 (September 7, 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jias-2021-0002.

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Abstract This article reopens the question of the relationship between the medieval Welsh version of the Grail narrative, the Historia Peredur vab Efrawc, and the French Conte du Graal of Chrétien de Troyes. It explores the seeming inconsistencies in the Welsh tale’s presentation of the Grail procession, and suggests that the hero’s actions, and in particular his reticence in asking questions about the procession, should be read in the context of medieval Welsh customs and legal tradition. The article concludes with an exploration of the implications of the proposed interpretation for the reading of Historia Peredur as a postcolonial narrative.
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Ogawa, Yoshinori. "“Fijo eres de rey”: ambigüedad en el Libro de Alexandre." Medievalia 52, no. 2 (December 2, 2020): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/medievalia.2020.52.2.171863.

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This article deals with the ambiguity of the stanzas 19-20 of the Libro de Alexandre, which refer to the rumor that the protagonist is a bastard. In spite of some prestigious critics’ opinion, the anonymous author neither affirms nor denies the rumor. He is much more interested in it than French poets and mentions it many times to create artistic ambiguity and to enrich his own narrative.
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Juel, Kristin. "Chess, Love, and the Rhetoric of Distraction in Medieval French Narrative." Romance Philology 64, no. 1 (January 2010): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rph.3.28.

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Gordon, Sarah. "Kitchen Knights in Medieval French and English Narrative: Rainouart, Lancelot, Gareth." Lit: Literature Interpretation Theory 16, no. 2 (April 2005): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10436920590946822.

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Roccati, G. Matteo. "James R. Simpson, Fantasy, Identity and Misrecognition in Medieval French Narrative." Studi Francesi, no. 142 (XLVIII | I) (July 1, 2004): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.40263.

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Cole, Richard. "The French Connection, or Þórr versus the Golem." Medieval Encounters 20, no. 3 (July 4, 2014): 238–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342171.

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This article investigates the extent to which Jewish exegetical and magical traditions were known in medieval Scandinavia. Particular attention is paid to the mythological work, Snorra Edda (ca. 1220), and the prose narrative Þorleifs þáttr jarlsskálds (ca. 1300). In Snorra Edda, we encounter the character of Mǫkkurkálfi, a clay giant who has been magically animated to defend the race of giants against the god Thor (Þórr). In Þorleifs þáttr jarlsskálds, a similarly animated “trémaðr” (“wooden man”) is sent on an assassination mission to dispatch a troublesome poet. Both these figures are considered in light of various traditions pertaining to the golem. Possible routes of transmission between the Jewish and Scandinavian worlds are considered to explain these similarities, with a special focus on Norwegian students at the Abbey of St. Victor.
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Ahrens, Jörn. "Imagine Reality." European Comic Art 7, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2014.070204.

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With Epileptic, French comics artist David B. presents a graphic novel as innovative in style as it is experimental in content. In the foreground, Epileptic is an autobiographical tale about his youth overshadowed by his brother's suffering from epilepsy, but it is also the illustration of a dream-world. David B. consequently entangles the levels of reality, autobiography and dreamlike fantasy. Emphasised by the interaction of clear graphics with hard black-and-white contrasts and the use of surrealistic and medieval quotations, David B. presents a unique combination of art, narrative and abstraction.
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Herrmann, Irene. "Woe of Tale? The emergence, vicissitudes and (over-) efficiency of the Swiss narrative of democracy." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835740.

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The Swiss narrative of democracy is a well-known and well-studied topic. Not only is it still used by current—mostly populist and xenophobic—political actors, but it has been explored by at least two generations of historians who have tracked its development before the French Revolution and, to a lesser extent, during the 19th century, a period during which Swiss democracy was undergoing dramatic changes. This literature shows that this narrative was first an account of Swiss liberty before focusing on democracy per se. It also demonstrates that the democracy it depicts has very little to do with its medieval counterpart. However, historians mostly overlook a crucial element, which is highlighted in this volume, as they fail to truly analyse the use of the narrative form—and the consequences of its use, per se. By focusing first on the emergence of this narrative and then by thoroughly exploring its development during the post-revolutionary period, along with the evolution of democracy itself, this article seeks to prove the importance of the narrative (form) for the evolution of Swiss modern democracy—even today.
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Evans, Beverly J. "Poet Heroines in Medieval French Narrative: Gender and Fictions of Literary Creation by Brooke H. Findley." Women in French Studies 23, no. 1 (2015): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wfs.2015.0011.

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Robinson, Cynthia. "Arthur in the Alhambra? Narrative and Nasrid Courtly Self-Fashioning in The Hall Of Justice Ceiling Paintings." Medieval Encounters 14, no. 2-3 (2008): 164–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006708x366245.

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AbstractThis essay reconsiders the "Arthurian" identification of a number of the scenes that compose the ornamental program of the painted ceilings above the northern and southern alcobas of the Alhambra's Hall of Justice, proposing a reading that privileges Castilian versions of well-known courtly romances over French ones. The scenes are read as representations of the stories of Flores y Blancaflor, as well as Tristán de Leonís. Both tales, however, have been further altered and adapted in order to privilege the ideological concerns of the Nasrid court, both as an Islamic political entity with an agenda of jihād and—in a fashion that could easily be viewed as contradictory—as a participant in medieval Iberia's much-discussed frontier culture, which involved a "marriage of convenience" with Castilian allies.
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CAROCCI, SANDRO. "Social mobility and the Middle Ages." Continuity and Change 26, no. 3 (December 2011): 367–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416011000257.

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ABSTRACTNotwithstanding its relevance, social mobility has not been at the forefront of the agenda for historians of the Middle Ages. The first part of this paper deals with the reasons for this lack of interest, highlighting the role of historical models such as the French ‘feudal revolution’, the neo-Malthusian interpretations, the English commercialisation model and the great narrative of Italian medieval merchants. The second part assesses the extent to which this lack of interest has been challenged by conceptions of social space and social mobility developed in recent decades by sociologists and anthropologists. Therefore, it is really important to indicate the gaps in our understanding, and to clarify research questions, technical problems and methods. The paper examines the constitutive elements of social identities, the plurality of social ladders, and the channels of social mobility. It touches upon the performative role of learned representations, and upon the constraints imposed upon human agency by family practices and genre. It underlines the importance of studying the mobility inside social groups, and argues that we must distinguish between two different types of medieval social mobility: autogenous social mobility, and endogenous or conflictual social mobility.
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FOX, YANIV. "CHRONICLING THE MEROVINGIANS IN HEBREW: THE EARLY MEDIEVAL CHAPTERS OF YOSEF HA-KOHEN'S DIVREI HAYAMIM." Traditio 74 (2019): 423–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2019.5.

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Yosef Ha-Kohen (1496–ca. 1575) was a Jewish Italian physician and intellectual who in 1554 published a chronicle in Hebrew titled Sefer Divrei Hayamim lemalkei Tzarfat ulemalkei Beit Otoman haTogar, or The Book of Histories of the Kings of France and of the Kings of Ottoman Turkey. It was, as its name suggests, a history told from the perspective of two nations, the French and the Turks. Ha-Kohen begins his narrative with a discussion of the legendary origins of the Franks and the history of their first royal dynasty, the Merovingians. This composition is unique among late medieval and early modern Jewish works of historiography for its universal scope, and even more so for its treatment of early medieval history. For this part of the work, Ha-Kohen relied extensively on non-Jewish works, which themselves relied on still earlier chronicles composed throughout the early Middle Ages. Ha-Kohen thus became a unique link in a long chain of chroniclers who worked and adopted Merovingian material to suit their authorial agendas. This article considers how the telling of Merovingian history was transformed in the process, especially as it was adapted for a sixteenth-century Jewish audience.
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GAUNT, S. B. "Review. Medieval Artistry and Exchange: Economic Institutions, Society and Literary Form in the old French Narrative. Kellogg, Judith." French Studies 46, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/46.1.56.

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Abramowicz, Maciej. "L’amitié chevaleresque dans le miroir de la littérature médiévale française." Romanica Wratislaviensia 64 (October 27, 2017): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0557-2665.64.2.

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CHIVALRIC FRIENDSHIP IN FRENCH MEDIEVAL LITERATUREThe emergence in the Middle Ages of literature in the vernacular paralleled the emergence of the new, lay social elite — the chivalry. The new literature did not so much reflect as it shaped the attitudes and the axiological system embraced by medieval knights. This fact has been recognized by historians, however they seem to take atoo homogenic view of various narrative forms of ver­nacular literature. Thus, the article is an attempt to identify some crucial differences between how the two key literary genres of the times — chanson de geste and romance — represent the values crucial to the medieval knight. Chanson de geste praises communal values, and the tale’s hero, rather than an individual knight, is ablood-related family of which he is an integral member. His world is founded on values such as family solidarity and asense of responsibility for the family’s well-being. The romance, on the other hand, champions an individualistic hero, seen in isolation from his ancestral context. In the romance it is friendship, born of asense of shared social mission, that represents human relationships. Admittedly, friendship does play acertain role in the world of chanson de geste, and so do the ancestral ties in the romance. However, their role in either case is disproportionately smaller and, occasionally, both are represented unfavorably. Unlike chanson de geste and the romance, 13th century mystical roman in prose questions the value of both friendship and ancestral ties, unless they are founded on exemplary religiosity.
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Vidas, Marina. "Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 55 (March 3, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v55i0.118912.

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Marina Vidas: Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library The article analyzes images of and texts about Jews and Judaism in five medieval illuminated manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Library, Copenhagen. I begin by examining the references to Jews in a bestiary (MS GKS 3466 8º) composed in the twelfth century by Philippe de Thaon for Queen Adeliza of England and copied a century later in Paris. Then I analyze depictions of Jews in a French early thirteenth-century personal devotional manuscript (MS GKS 1606 4º) as well as in a number of related de luxe Psalters and Bibles in foreign collections. Textual references to Judaism and Jews are examined in a compilation of saints’ lives (MS Thott 517 4º) as well as depictions of individuals of this faith in an Hours (MS Thott 547 4º), both made in fourteenth-century England for members of the Bohun family. Lastly, I analyze images illustrating legends derived from the Babylonian Talmud in a Bible historiale (MS Thott 6 2º), executed for Charles V of France (r. 1364–1380).I argue that images depicting Jews in narrative cycles had a number of meanings, some of which can be interpreted as anti-Jewish. I suggest that the images also played a role in shaping the piety of their audiences as well as the intended viewers’ understanding of their social identity. Indeed, depictions of Jews in the manuscripts seem mostly unrelated to the actually existing Jews. Members of the Hebrew faith were often represented in contexts in which their appearance, beliefs, and activities were distorted to emphasize the holiness, goodness, and perfection of Christ and the Virgin Mary. It is also suggested that their representations may have spurred a reflection on, and sometimes even a criticism of, Christian behavior and attitudes.
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Duncan, A. A. M. "The War of the Scots, 1306–23." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 2 (December 1992): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679102.

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The life of Robert I, king of Scots, written by John Barbour archdeacon of Aberdeen is the fullest of any medieval king in the west, a chronicle of chivalry in vernacular octosyllabic couplets, on which much of our understanding of the events and ethos of the Scottish war depends. In this paper I discuss some aspects of the king's reign which Barbour ignored: pro-Balliol sentiment which lingered in Scotland and at the French and papal courts; and also aspects of the war where Barbour's narrative is incomplete or misleading, but which illustrate the growth of King Robert's military effort from that of a very uncertain factional rising to one which matched the rhetorical claims (in die Declaration of Arbroath) of a people at war. I shall be treading ground already mapped in Professor Barrow's masterly study, seeking only to point out features to which Barbour has, by omission or commission, drawn my attention.
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Vasvári, Louise O. ""A megcsalt férj", or Cunningly Lingual Wives in Hungarian Ballad Tradition." Hungarian Cultural Studies 2 (January 1, 2009): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2009.16.

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The European ballad, an orally-performed narrative song, developed in the medieval period with many cross-fertilizations among ballad types in various language areas. Nevertheless, to date there have appeared only a handful of comparative studies of these pan-european themes, with investigations dominated by the Finnish geographical school, whose primary interest is in finding genetic archetypes. In this study, my aim is, rather, to do a typological and stylistic analysis of one wide-circulating song-type, known in many variants throughout the continent, some in comic and others in tragic versions. The ballad I shall analyze appears in Hungarian in several variants as "A megcsalt ferj," in Anglo-American tradition - recorded in over 400 variants – the ballad is known as "Our Goodman," or "The Cuckold's Song," or, in more blatantly obscene versions as "The Old Man Came Home" and "Home Drunk Cam' I". There also exist Spanish, Catalan, French, Italian, and even Yiddish versions, all of which I shall be taking into consideration.
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Olympios, Michalis. "The Romanesque as Relic:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 77, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2018.77.1.10.

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With The Romanesque as Relic: Architecture and Institutional Memory at the Collegiate Church of Saint-Omer, Michalis Olympios contributes to ongoing discussions about the architectural visualization of institutional history practiced by medieval religious foundations in Latin Europe. This article focuses on the collegiate church of Saint-Omer (Pas-de-Calais), a rare surviving example of a building from the region of French Flanders preserving architectural fabric fromthe eleventh to the sixteenth centuries. More specifically, Olympios examines the Romanesque apsidiole in the chapel of Notre-Dame-des-Cloches and its integration into the edifice's Gothic north transept, erected in the third quarter of the fifteenth century. A close reading of the architecture, the narrative and hagiographic sources, and unpublished archival documents demonstrates that, as in many other instances from across Europe, the retention of this earlier feature reflects the secular chapter's conscious decision to showcase the antiquity and prestige of the church by providing visual “evidence” of its foundational myth.
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Urbán, Máté. "Remeték, lovagok, szarvasok és oroszlánok." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 1 (2020): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.1.5.

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Medieval hagiography is full of animal motifs. Representations of animals in medieval literature is usually metaphoric. They could represent theological, moral or political notions. Animals frequently were the symbols of vices and virtues. On one hand researching the changes of the hagiographic topoi related to animals could shed light to the human-nature relationship, on the other hand it provides several pieces of information about medieval society, mentality, religious and folkloristic beliefs. Animal episodes are emphatic in the lives of the desert fathers and later in the Western eremitic movement. The animals appear as the companions of the lonely hermits, give food and help them in the fi elds, and they underline the self mortifi cation of the saint. The motive of the taming of wild animals expresses the holy man’s power over nature. The hermits transform the deserted wilderness into an earthly Paradise, where ferocious animals can live in peace. Hagiographical animal motifs were thoroughly researched by Anglo-Saxon, Italian and French medievalists, however in Hungarian medieval studies this topic is not on the highlight, due to the limited amount of the narrative sources. Present study researches the animal motifs in Hungarian hagiographical literature with special regard to the “the hermit and the hunter” topos – a denomination used by the British scholar, Brian Golding. Chiefl y I analyse the legends of Saint Gerhard, Saint Ladislaus, Saint Günther and Saint Andreas, the hermit of Zobor. The Life of Paul the hermit of Thebes by Jerome and the Dialoges of Sulpicius Severus also appear in the study, although they are not connected directly to Hungary, but the cults of Saint Paul the hermit and Saint Martin of Tours were widespread in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The Vitae Patrum, the History of the Pauline Order from the early 16th century by provost Gergely Gyöngyösi also appears in the study, because several hagiographic motifs occur in the work. The magic deer is a crucial motif in the texts, this can be also connected to the ancient pagan Hungarian folkloristic “myths”. ”However I research only the Western hagiographic parallels of this topos, and make little reference to the pagan origins. This topic has already been researched by several medievalists, art historians and ethnographers.
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Yamagata, Naoko. "Young And old in Homer and in Heike Monogatari." Greece and Rome 40, no. 1 (April 1993): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350002252x.

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Homer's epics have been compared with many other epic traditions in the world, such as Sumerian, Indian, Serbo-Croatian, Medieval German, and Old French epics, from various points of view, such as narrative techniques, genesis of traditions, oral or writtern nature of texts, and motifs. If comparative studies of the existing sort have any significance, it is rather surprising that there has been no serious attempt to compare Homer's epics and Heike monogatari(translated as The Tale of the Heike, Heikefor short), the best of the medieval Japanese epics, for there are many reasons to believe that the comparison could be worthwhile.1 While many of the oral epic traditions in Europe, including Homer, have been long dead, the Heikehas kept a lively tradition of performance (chanting accompanied by a type of lute) by travelling bards until recently, and still today there are a few performers. One can therefore still obtain first-hand knowledge of the performance which might throw light on some unknown features of oral epics.2 Rather like Homer's influence over Greek literature and culture, the Heikehas influenced the way of life and thinking of the Japanese profoundly thanks to its popularity and wide circulation. The way in which the Heikeinfluenced other arts, such as no plays, is comparable to Homer's influence on later Greek literature such as tragedy,3 and the way the Heike'swarriors set models for later warrior ethics4 is comparable to the Homeric influence on the later Greek senses of virtue (arete), honour time), shame (aidoōs), and so on.
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Classen, Albrecht. "The Quest of the Holy Grail: From the Old French Lancelot-Grail Cycle, trans. and ed. by Judith Shoaf. Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Editions, 2018, 363 pp., 12 b/w ill." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 431–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.100.

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Broadview Editions produces really attractive modern English translations of medieval texts, such as this one, which offers an excellent modern translation of the Quest of the Holy Grail contained in the Lancelot-Grail Cycle. Judith Shoaf is not the first, and will probably not be the last to try her hand at this complex and intriguing narrative, but she clearly stands above previous efforts by Pauline Matarasso (1969) and E. J. Burns (2010), making here available one of the greatest medieval texts for the modern classroom without some archaisms or stilted expressions in Matarasso’s version. However, it does not become clear what the real differences might be, and not having the older translation directly available, the argument that this is a better translation remains a bit obscure. On the other hand, Shoaf has taken great care to draw from the best critical editions (Albert Pauphilet, ed., 1965, H. Oskar Sommer, ed. 1913) and offers a smooth text, maybe so smooth that it removes us already a bit too much from the original. Comparing her rendering with those offered by others, Shoaf reached the conclusion that some of her decisions, which are based on an examination of some of the original manuscripts and her “personal taste” (69) should be trusted by the reader. This is somewhat speculative and maybe even biased. Here we are given only the English translation and no original text to compare with. In the footnotes, however, we find much valuable information about how she chose what version for what reason, and additional comments about sources and references.
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Kragh, Ulrich Timme. "Spiegelungen in Daṇḍin’s Mirror: A Comparative Pursuit in the Translatability of Narrative Modes, Historicity, Prose, and Vernacularism across French and Asian Medieval Historiography." Parergon 35, no. 2 (2018): 29–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2018.0066.

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Naha, Anindita, Anindita Naha, and Dr Mirza Maqsood Baig. "Study Of Arthurian Romances: With Emphasis To Thomas Malory." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 527–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8319.

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The expedition on Malory’s Morte d’Arthur emphasis on the masculine activity of chivalry—fighting, questing, ruling— while parallelly reflects the chivalric enterprise as impossible in absence of the feminine in a subjugated position. The medieval romance text of Malory differs from other Arthurian romance literature in the explicit legislation (as opposed to implicit coding) of chivalric values, most notably in the swearing of the Pentecostal Oath, an event unique to Malory’s text. This paper emphasis on the way the institution of the Oath defines and sharpens specific ideals of masculine and feminine gender identities in the Arthurian community, arguing that a compulsion to fulfill these ideals drives the narrative of the Morte d’ Arthur forward to its inevitable ending. Thus, the function of gender in the Morte d’Arthur can only be adequately explored in a book that traces in depth the development of gender constraints from the beginning of the “Tale of King Arthur” to the “Day of Destiny” and its aftermath. One reason the Morte d’Arthur merits a sustained study in terms of gender is due to its status as the most comprehensive and sustained medieval treatment of the Arthurian legend by a single author. This text is about the famous fiction stories about legendary King Arthur, his life and death predominantly compose the spine of Malory’s tale. There are, as well, other passages and tales, in which Arthur is not in the centre of the plot. Stories were translated by Malory from French models, reflects the major branch of author’s all sources. most famous fiction stories about legendary King Arthur, whose life and death predominantly compose the spine of Malory’s tale. There are, as well, other passages and tales, in which Arthur is not in the centre of the plot.
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Brown, Elizabeth A. R. "Ritual Brotherhood in Western Medieval Europe." Traditio 52 (1997): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012034.

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Concentrating as he did on the office of adelphopoiesis preserved in Eastern Christian liturgical sources, John Boswell gave short shrift to the West. Although he believed that the ritual was known and practiced there, the only documentary trace of any similar ceremony he discussed was an account that Gerald of Wales included toward the end of the twelfth century in his Topographica Hibernica. Boswell did present a fifteenth-century French pact of brotherhood in translation in an appendix, but he did not consider its ceremonial significance in his text. Nor did he believe it pertinent to his topic, labeling it as he did, “an agreement of ‘brotherhood',” and terming it “[a] treaty of political union using fraternal language.” I shall discuss Gerald's account and this compact later, in the course of analyzing a variety of evidence regarding ritual brotherhood in Western Europe between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. I shall attempt to show that ties of brotherhood contracted formally and ritually between two individuals were more common in the West than Boswell believed. I shall argue that bonds of ritual brotherhood similar to those solemnized in the office of adelphopoiesis existed in many parts of Western Europe in the later Middle Ages, in areas far removed from the regions of Italy subject to Byzantine influence, where euchologies containing the Eastern ceremony were preserved.’ In dealing with the Western evidence I shall be particularly concerned with its nature, which contrasts strikingly with the Eastern sources. For the East, the most abundant documentation is liturgical, and traces of such relationships in other sources are rare — although (as Claudia Rapp shows in this symposium) not as sparse as has sometimes been thought. For the West the situation is precisely the reverse.’ The Western cases of individuals linked by ritual fraternal ties that Du Cange presented far outnumber the Eastern instances he cited, and additional Western examples have come to light since his time. However, as regards the ceremonial by which the ties were forged in the West, there is no strictly liturgical evidence. Western liturgical books contain no special prayers and offices for making brothers. Narrative and documentary sources cast fitful light on the nature of the ceremony that accompanied the unions, but they do not suggest that any uniform ritual ever existed. Why this was so is a matter for speculation, but I believe that the absence of fraternal ceremonial from the liturgy is closely related to another distinctive aspect of the institution in the West: the lack of prohibitions, ecclesiastical and secular, against the bond. I shall consider this issue after examining the various motives that seem to have underlain the Western fraternal alliances, and also the outcomes of the unions. In the end I shall propose that whatever the differences in documentation, and despite the difference in the ritual practices, striking formal and functional likenesses existed between the Eastern and Western institutions of ritual brotherhood linking two participants: in the purposes they served, the means by which they were contracted, and the gap that often existed between ideal and reality. In a final section I shall discuss the problems associated with attempting to establish whether or not — or when and how often — Western (or Eastern) rituals of brotherhood formalized relationships that involved or were expected to involve sexual intercourse between the participants.
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43

Dillon, Emma. "The Art of Interpolation in the Roman de Fauvel." Journal of Musicology 19, no. 2 (2002): 223–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2002.19.2.223.

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The music of Paris, BN fonds fr. 146 has long held a special place in medieval musicology as one of the most abundant records of musical taste and style in the early decades of the 14th century, particularly so in its famous version of the Old French satire of the Roman de Fauvel, interpolated with no less than 169 musical items. In the last decade, however, perspective on the manuscript has radically altered in a new climate of interdisciplinary research. If there was once a tendency for scholars to extrapolate information from the manuscript, to allow its abundant visual, musical, literary and political texts to speak of cultures exterior to the book's bindings, recent collaborative approaches have focused attention on how those different media work together within the boundaries of the parchment. One consequence of such an approach is to raise new questions about music's role in the book, most particularly about its relationship to the narrative into which it is cast. This study explores perhaps the most startling and perplexing aspect of music's position in Fauvel: the numerous occasions where music is uncued and unprepared in the narrative. I focus on the most famous moment of narrative disjunction brought about by the presence of song: the interpolated bifolio, 28 bis and ter, containing the lai Pour recouvrer alegiance. Long viewed by musicologists as an ill-conceived afterthought, it is suggested that the song's intrusion (narrative and bibliographic) may be interpreted poetically, as a moment of lyric suspension engineered by its singer, Fauvel, in der to defer his lady's final, deadly refusal of his marriage suit. That deferral occurs not just in an abstract moment of lyrical time, but in the real, unfurling space of the parchment: As time passes (the reader turning the folios), Fortuna's impatience finally becomes palpable as she dramatically enters the landscape of the song in its closing moments. Song may thus be understood to occupy not only time but also space; the manuscript, it is argued, is witness to a new form of music-making in France at the turn of the 14th century, music-making that is material as well as sonic.
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Cormier, Raymond. "Three Anglo-Norman Kings: The Lives of William the Conqueror and Sons by Benoît de Sainte-Maure, trans. Ian Short. Mediaeval Sources in Translation, 57. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2018, viii, 228." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.103.

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Respected professor of medieval French and foremost specialist in Anglo- Norman, Ian Short can cast his net wide and does so brilliantly with the volume under review. Eleven thousand lines cover here the period from 1027 (conception of William the Conqueror) to 1135 (death of Henry I)—all lively and dynamic in this translation, while much historical background is revealed in these vivid and impressively-written pages (in spite of Benoît’s often stilted style): treason and transgressions, murder and mayhem, betrayals, hypocrisy, depravity, ominous dream sequences, punishing sieges; but also on occasion magnificent festivities amidst peace and prosperity. Revolting descriptions grace the narrative as well: “[they drew their…] swords, their trusty blades of engraved steel, and dashing out their enemies’ brains, […gouged] out their entrails and intestines.” (102) At this point we encounter a lion and a fire- breathing dragon (102–103). Elsewhere a bear is slaughtered (131). On the other hand, Benoît does gush enthusiastically over Henry II’s mother, the “Empress” Matilda (N.B., there are six Matildas in the index): a “[…] widely celebrated figure, for it is my firm belief that there is nothing in the whole of my book that people would be happier to listen to, seeing that her impressive and highly regarded achievements are so much more extraordinary than those of any other person.” (172)
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Guignard, Sophie. "The irrational and the shift of human boundaries in contemporary novels by Castillon, Martinez and NDiaye." Bergen Language and Linguistics Studies 10, no. 1 (November 7, 2019): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bells.v10i1.1403.

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The infiltration of magical, marvellous and fantastic features in novels which have a realist anchoring is a remarkable trend in contemporary literature by women writers in French. In order to reveal the issues conveyed by such an imagery built on various literary traditions, I examine the representations of the irrational in recent novels by three authors: Eux (2014) and Les Pêchers (2015) by Claire Castillon, Du Domaine des murmures (2011) and La Terre qui penche (2015) by Carole Martinez and Ladivine (2013) by Marie NDiaye. I use the term “irrational” as a comprehensive notion referring to the fantastic and supernatural elements in the novels, including altered perceptions, paranormal and strange occurences, metamorphosis, staging of an alter ego, monstrosity and animality in human beings, life-after-death issues, emphasised relations to nature, and other phenomena and states that can not be explained by logic. Formulations of the irrational theme exploit a literary patrimony, related in particular to the traditions of medieval marvellous literature, the fairy tales, fantastic literature, surrealism and fantastic realism. I find that the irrational articulates a shift in human spatiotemporality towards vegetal states, animality or monstrosity, and initiates an altered approach to the world. A displaced sense of reality stemming from irrational phenomena and perceptions leads to a dislocation of human consciousness which is performed through the narrative voices. The framework for the analysis consists of a feminist and posthumanist conceptualisation which involves the notions of ‘performativity’ and ‘traces’ developed by Butler and Derrida.
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Huot, Sylvia. "Keith Busby: Codex and Context: Reading Old French Verse Narrative in Manuscript, Faux Titre. 2 vols. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi, 2002. 941 p. / Andrew Taylor: Textual Situations: Three Medieval Manuscripts and Their Readers. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002. 300 p." Poetica 36, no. 1-2 (June 27, 2004): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890530-0360102008.

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Frelick, Nancy. "Gary Ferguson and David La Guardia eds. Narrative Worlds: Essays on the Nouvelle in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century France. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 285. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2005. 196 pp. $35. ISBN: 0-86698-328-7. - Kathleen Loysen. Conversation and Storytelling in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century French Nouvelles. Currents in Comparative Romance Languages and Literatures 129. New York: Peter Lang, 2004. 190 pp. $55.95. ISBN: 0-8204-6818-5." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 2 (2006): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0279.

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48

Fisković, Igor. "Još o romaničkoj skulpturi s dubrovačke katedrale." Ars Adriatica, no. 5 (January 1, 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.516.

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Medieval Dubrovnik was rich in Romanesque figural and decorative sculpture but only a small group of fragmentary carvings has been preserved to date due to the fact that the town suffered a devastating earthquake in 1667. The earthquake completely destroyed the monumental Cathedral of the Assumption of the Virgin which had been considered “la piu bella in Illyrico” on the basis of its sculptural abundance. Archaeological excavations undertaken beneath the present-day Baroque Cathedral, consecrated in 1713, unearthed several thousand fragments of high-quality sculptures. Their analysis has confirmed the close connections between Dubrovnik and artistic centres in Apulia, which are well known from archival records. This article re-assesses the results of the excavations and the information from the primary sources in a new light and deepens our knowledge about the date, authorship and reconstruction of the thireenth-century pieces under consideration.The article opens with a discussion about the archival record informing us that Eustasius of Trani came to Dubrovnik in 1199 to work as a protomagister of Dubrovnik Cathedral. The document in question was the reason why art historians attributed to him a number of rather damaged, narrative reliefs which replicate the models and forms that can be seen on the portal of Trani Cathedral. Since the sculptor responsible for that portal was not known and given that the contract preserved in Dubrovnik referred to Eustasius as a son of “Belnardi, protomagistri civitati Trani”, the two artists came to be considered as the builders of the Cathedral of S. Nicola Pellegrino at Trani and of several other churches in the Terra di Bari. The sculptures produced by Eustasius and his father were convincingly deemed to display the artistic influence of southern and central France and the same can be observed in Dubrovnik. The article assigns the figure of Christ the Judge from a portal lunette depicting the Last Judgement, which has no parallels in Apulia, to the same group of sculptures and interprets the subject matter as being inspired by the iconography of numerous pilgrimage churches to which Dubrovnik Cathedral also belonged. The assessment of the formal qualities evident in all the carvings demonstrates that they are less refined than those on the portal of Trani Cathedral. Furthermore, the article separates the works of the father from those of the son and suggests that Bolnardus introduced the aforementioned French-style carving method, which had already taken root in Palestine, and that Eustasius followed it. The starting point in the proposed chronology was the Fall of Jerusalem in 1187 and the associated withdrawal of western master carvers alongside the Crusaders. During their stopover at Trani, around 1190, Boltranius was in charge of the carving of the portal of Trani Cathedral where he was helped by his son who left for Dubrovnik in 1199. Based on the visual characteristics of the fragments of architectural decoration, Eustasius is identified as being responsible for the building of Dubrovnik Cathedral according to Apulian taste which appealed to the local patrons as a consequence of their constant exposure to it through numerous trade links and the overall cultural milieu. In fact, Apulian taste was a symbiosis of Byzantine traditions and Romanesque novelties introduced by the Normans, and its allure was grounded in the fact that both the Terra di Bari and Dubrovnik acknowledged the supreme power of these two political forces albeit not at the same time and in unequal measure.The vernacular current in the Romanesque sculpture of Dubrovnik during the second quarter of the thirteenth century can be noted in a small number of works which influenced the decoration of Gothic and Renaissance public buildings. The source of this diffusion can be identified in the decoration of the Cathedral which epitomized the strong artistic connections with southern Italy from where typological and morphological models were borrowed. The redecoration of the Cathedral’s interior, especially the pulpit – recorded for the first time in 1262 – the archaeological remains of which reveal a polygonal structure resting on twelve columns, drew on those very models. Together with the ciborium above the altar in the main apse, the pulpit was praised by local chroniclers and foreign travel writers during the fifteenth century but also by the earliest church visitation records of the mid-seventeenth century. These two monuments belonged to a group of standard Apulian-Dalmatian ciboria and pulpits which also included those that can today be seen in the cathedrals of Trogir and Split but also in many south Italian churches. Some scholars have argued that the source model for this group can be found in Jerusalem but this article suggests that the ciborium from the church of S. Lorenzo fuori le mura in Rome, dated to 1148, presents a more likely option. Particular attention is given to the naturalistic workmanship of a polygonal capital from Dubrovnik Cathedral, which is assigned to the aforementioned pulpit. It is argued that the style of the capital inspired a series of capitals carved à jour on both sides of the Adriatic and that they display characteristics consistent with the manner of carving of Pietro di Facitolo seen at Bisceglie. The exceptional workmanship of the eagle from the same pulpit is attributed to Pasquo di Pietro who was recorded as a protomagister of the Cathedral from 1255 to 1282 and who well regarded as a master carver. His good reputation earned him the citizenship and an estate; he and his son were mentioned in the local documents as “de Ragusio”. The author of the article hypothesizes that Pasquo may have been Pietro di Facitolo’s son, with which he concludes the outline of the sculptural development of the Apulian Romanesque in Dubrovnik and Dalmatia in general.The final part of the article focuses on the only known work of Simeonus Ragusinus who signed himself as “incola tranensis” on the portal of the church of S. Andrea, that is, S. Salvatore at Barletta. The hybrid artistic expression of this eclectic sculptor with a limited gift, who gathered his knowledge from a variety of sources, reveals that he may have borrowed some iconographic motifs from Eustasius’ portal of Dubrovnik Cathedral or from the other two portals. Overall, the article corroborates several hypotheses that were previously expressed in the scholarship while dismissing and rerouting others. At the same time, it emphasizes the scarcity of solid evidence because of the fragmentary nature of the material. The main goal of the article is to present new research findings and widen our perspective on the issue. The article is a revised version of a brief paper presented at the international conference “Master Buvina and his Time” which was held at Split in 2014 and which will be published in a foreign language. I hope that with the addition of new comments and the scholarly apparatus the article will be a useful point of reference to Croatian researchers of similar topics and that it will contribute towards the creation of syntheses about the medieval art in the Adriatic.
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Edel, Doris. "‘Bodily matters’ in early Irish narrative literature." Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 55, no. 1 (January 9, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zcph.2007.69.

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Not surprisingly, the members of the Celtic Revival had difficulties reconciling the directness of the older Irish literature in bodily matters with the literary and moral code of their own time. In this they were no exception, although in their case the problem was aggravated by Ireland's colonial status. Everywhere in that world that we have somewhat incorrectly labelled as Victorian – a world shaped by nationalism, puritanism and triumphalist churches of various denominations –, the newly discovered medieval literatures confronted scholar and educated reader alike with this problem. As an example from outside Ireland may serve the great medievalist Joseph Bédier. In his monumental study of the French
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50

Uhlig, Marion. "La Lettre sauve: l’ABC et la louange mariale." French Studies, August 15, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knab056.

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Abstract Do the ABC poems in French form a genre? This article aims to answer this question by examining the thematic and formal similarities between the texts of our corpus. The main hypothesis is that our understanding of these texts depends on their being read together. The article consists of three parts: the first, focused on the study of the sources, shows that the dispositio and completeness of the ABC provide a dynamic and ornamental frame for prayer. The ABC becomes a path, both narrative and moral, that the reader can follow to reach the divinity. The second part analyses the French poems, all dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and highlights the formulas and features they have in common. In the third part, the influence of the ABC poems on French medieval literature is examined through the fragmentation and dissemination of their stylistic features and symbolic meanings in other texts and genres. The article concludes that the ABC poems of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries form a homogeneous corpus that was to prove influential on French literary production.
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