Relevant bibliographies by topics / French inter-war politics

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Academic literature on the topic 'French inter-war politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "French inter-war politics"

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Olukoju, Ayodeji. "‘King of West Africa’? Bernard Bourdillon and the Politics of the West African Governors' Conference, 1940–1942." Itinerario 30, no. 1 (March 2006): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012511.

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The outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939 and the collapse of French resistance to the German onslaught a year later were momentous events which had far-reaching implications for France, Britain, and their colonies. In West Africa, the war affected existing patterns of inter-state relations within and across the French/British imperial divides, which were further complicated for the British by the emergence of two blocs in the French colonial empire – Vichy and Free French. It was in this context that the West African Governors' Conference was created in 1940 to coordinate the war effort and to manage relations with the French colonies.
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SAPIRO, GISÈLE. "Some Overseas Angles on the History of French Literature." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077739900209x.

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Martyn Cornick, The Nouvelle Revue Française under Jean Paulhan 1925–1940 (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1995), 224 pp., Fl. 65, $40.50, ISBN 9-051-83767-6.Nicholas Hewitt, Literature and the Right in Postwar France: The Story of the ‘Hussards’ (Oxford and Washington, DC: Berg Publishers, 1996), 218 pp. (hb.), £34.95, ISBN 1-859-73029-9.Denis Hollier, Absent Without Leave: French Literature under the Threat of War, trans. Catherine Porter (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1997), 256 pp. (pb.), £18.50, ISBN 0-674-21271-1.Jeffrey Mehlman, Geneologies of the Text: Literature, Psychoanalysis, and Politics in Modern France (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 262 pp., hardcover, ISBN 0-521-47213-X.Jennifer E. Milligan, The Forgotten Generation: French Women Writers of the Inter-War Period (New York and Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1996), 236 pp. (pb.), £14.99, ISBN 1-859-73118-X.
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Lee, Sangjoon. "Destination Hong Kong: The Geopolitics of South Korean Espionage Films in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226478.

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Abstract As the apparent progeny of Cold War politics in the West, espionage films witnessed unprecedented popularity around the globe in the 1960s. With the success of Dr. No (1962) and Goldfinger (1964)—along with French, Italian, and German copycats—in Asia, film industries in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea recognized the market potential and embarked on churning out their own James Bond-mimetic espionage films in the late 1960s. Since the regional political sphere has always been multifaceted, however, each country approached genre conventions with its own interpretation. In the US-driven Cold War political, ideological, and economic sphere, developmental states in the region, particularly South Korea and Taiwan, vigorously adopted anti-communist doctrine to guard and uphold their militant dictatorships. Under this political atmosphere in the regional sphere, cultural sectors in each nation-state, including cinema, voluntarily or compulsorily served as an apparatus to strengthen the state’s ideological principles. While the Cold War politics that drive the narrative in the American and European films is conspicuously absent in Hong Kong espionage films, South Korea and Taiwan, on the other hand, explicitly promulgated the ideological principles of their apparent enemies, North Korea and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), in their representative espionage films. This article casts a critical eye over South Korea–initiated inter-Asian coproduction of espionage films produced during the time, with particular reference to South Korea–Hong Kong coproduction of SOS Hong Kong (SOS Hongk’ong) and Special Agent X-7 (Sun’gan ŭn yŏngwŏnhi), both produced and released in 1966.
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Szépe, György. "The Position of Hungarians in Romania and Slovakia in 1996*." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109190.

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The official language of the medieval Kingdom of Hungaria was Latin until the mid-nineteenth century (Szekfű, 1926); the throne was occupied from the second half of the sixteenth century by the Hapsburgs. The subsequent change to Hungarian was due to several factors, but was caused above all by the ideas of the French Revolution, and by the early anti-Austrian nationalistic endeavors of the Hungarian gentry, endeavors which also expressed the economic interests of the country. As soon as the official idiom of the kingdom became Hungarian, it triggered similar aspirations among the non-Magyar minority groups against the dominating and assimilating Hungarian majority. These aspirations were prominent among the causes of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy at the end of World War I. Within the former Kingdom of Hungary the Felvidék (Upper Land) roughly coincided with what was, after 1919, Slovakia. The eastern part of the kingdom, Ardeal/Erdély/Siebenbürgen/Transylvania, which had enjoyed a certain autonomy between the sixteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, became a part of Romania in the same year. Thus, both in Romania and in Slovakia (as also in Yugoslavia and to a lesser extent in Austria) a Hungarian minority was created by the 1919 borders. Revision of the peace treaties became the focal point of Hungarian politics in the inter-war period. During World War II Hungary attained a partial revision in respect to, first, the southern part of Slovakia, and also the entire Ruténföld/Rusinsko, which had from the 1920s been administered by the Czechoslovak State); second, northern Transylvania; and third, two further areas which had belonged to the then-dissolved Yugoslav kingdom. As a consequence of these revisions, a considerable number of non-Hungarians once again became minorities in the Hungarian State. After World War II, the 1919 borders were reinstated (with two exceptions: the major exception being that Ruténföld became part of Ukraine). The situation of the minorities was also reinstated, but differently in each instance. This was the age when some kind of democratic reconciliation was on the agenda in Romania (Balogh, 1985; Lázok and Vincze, 1995; “Mit kíván,” 1946/1988), after a period of thorough self-searching and a synthesizing of historical research and political experience (see Bibó, 1946).
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HUMBERT, LAURE. "THE FRENCH IN EXILE AND POST-WAR INTERNATIONAL RELIEF, c. 1941–1945." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (November 2, 2017): 1041–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000279.

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AbstractThis article explores Free French responses to Allied planning for post-war international relief in Europe. A number of French experts in exile, often veterans of the League of Nations, advocated international co-operation with the nascent United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA). For such figures, participating in the UNRRA could bring critical knowledge, political legitimacy, experience, and funds. They also hoped that this participation could bolster French prestige in the wake of the recent experience of defeat and foreign occupation. Their efforts had little impact on the early development of international relief, yet the contacts and exchanges between French and Allied planners resulted in a political imperative that gave a new impetus to the post-war restructuring of French relief abroad. Studying the complex inter-relationship between French foreign policy and humanitarian efforts during the Second World War can offer historians a framework through which to reconsider French attempts to reassert their power globally. Crucially, this article argues that the UNRRA was used by a number of French expert planners as a platform from which to pursue broader political aims, notably the reassertion of republican legitimacy and the re-establishment of national sovereignty.
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Medvedeva, Mariya K. "The Memory of the First World War and the Key Problems of the French Foreign Policy during the Inter-war Period in the Reflection of the Journal “La Revue des Vivants”." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 20, no. 1 (2021): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-1-36-45.

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The article analyses the French journal “La Revue des Vivants” (1927–1935) as a source of studying the history of the Inter-war period. This journal, created by the veterans of the First World War, who at the same time represented the French intellectual elites, presents a unique combination of their war experience and current political agenda. The author examines three main subjects that characterized the political and social orientation of this journal. Firstly, its publishers and authors were deeply influenced by the First World War and its consequences. Its experience forced them to seek a better international system, where the repeat of such conflict would be impossible. This leads to the second subject, the European integration and the frame it was supposed to set. The idea of the united Europe was connected with the third subject, the relations with Germany, which could be successful only as a part of an international organization. The analysis of all these subjects brings a contradictory conclusion: despite all progressive and forward-thinking ideas of this journal, its publishers and authors failed to understand some important tendencies of their time (for example, the nature and the origins of the national socialism). However, this conclusion only confirms the nature of the Inter-war period as a time of many different ideologies and ideas and opens new perspectives of its studying.
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Chalaby, Jean K. "Twenty years of contrast: the French and British press during the inter-war period." European Journal of Sociology 37, no. 1 (May 1996): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600008006.

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The purpose of this paper is to explain the causes of the contrast between the evolution of the French and British press presse franaise et britannique pendant l'entre-deux-guerres. during the inter-war period. The most visible sign of this difference was the commercial success of the British press and the stagnation of the French press. From a historical perspective, the most general factor was that market mechanism has a much more determining influence on the British rather than on the French press. While these decades were marked in Great Britain by a circulation war, competition was neutralised in France by the anti-competitive agreement reached among the leading Parisian newspapers. Market mechanisms also influenced the development of different patterns of newspaper ownership in the two nations. Stiff competition and a rational mode of newspaper ownership forced British journalists to develop journalistic practices and discursive strategies more commercially oriented than those of their French counterparts. These strategies, which constitute the primary cause of the commercial success of the British press, are illustrated by the phenomenon of depoliticisation.
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Lawrence, Paul, Timothy Baycroft, and Carolyn Grohmann. "‘Degrees of Foreignness’ and the Construction of Identity in French border regions during the inter-war period." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001035.

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This paper presents a comparative study of the development of national and regional identities in three different border regions of France: the Basses-Alpes, the Moselle and French Flanders. It demonstrates that in spite of political, economic and social differences between the regions, the presence of the border and interaction with foreigners in specifically border regions similarly influenced identity formation in interwar France. In each case hierarchies or degrees of foreignness were developed, and a specific form of national identity came to be dominant which was determined more by a differentiation from ‘others’ than through an identification with shared, centre-generated national images.
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Riley, Alexander T. "Whence Durkheim's Nietzschean grandchildren? A closer look at Robert Hertz's place in the Durkheimian genealogy." European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 2 (November 1999): 304–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007499.

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Recent interptetive work suggests ways of historically situating French post-structuralism as a mingling of Nietzschean philosophy with elements of Durkheimian sociology. This article aims to demonstrate the presence of Nietzschean themes in the life-work of the Durkheimian Robert Hertz and to recognize him as a key figure in the history of this intellectual confluence. An examination of published and private sources reveals Hertz as a prototype of the Nietzschean/Durkheimian intellectuel pathitique of the inter-war period in France.
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VAN STEENBERGHE, RAPHAËL. "The Law against War or Jus contra Bellum: A New Terminology for a Conservative View on the Use of Force?" Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 3 (August 5, 2011): 747–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215651100032x.

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Inter-state use of force has always attracted much attention from international legal scholars. Many articles have been written on the subject. However, there are still a limited number of books addressing all the aspects of the contemporary prohibition on the use of force in a systematic way. Those written by Yoram Dinstein, Christine Gray, and Thomas Franck are certainly the best known in the English-speaking literature. This literature is now enriched following the publication of a new book entitled The Law against War by Olivier Corten. It is a translated and updated version of a book published in French and entitled Le droit contre la guerre, which explains why it has been published in the French Studies in International Law collection of Hart Publishing.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "French inter-war politics"

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Rossiter, Adrian. "Experiments with politics in Republican France, 1916-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327963.

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Books on the topic "French inter-war politics"

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Maddison, Charles. French inter-war monetary policy: Understanding the gold bloc. Badia Fiesolana: European University Institute, 1997.

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Madeleine, Johnson, ed. The age of illusion: Art and politics in France, 1918-40. London: Thames & Hudson, 1990.

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Madeleine, Johnson, ed. The age of illusion: Art and politics in France, 1918-1940. New York: Rizzoli, 1987.

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Douglas, Johnson. The age of illusion: Art and politics in France, 1918-1940. (London): Thames and Hudson, 1987.

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Johnson, Douglas, and Madeleine Johnson. Age of Illusion Art and Politics In France. Norton*(ww Norton Co, 1990.

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Tumblety, Joan. France. Edited by R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0028.

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French scholars have been remarkably resistant to the idea that fascism ever had much purchase as a political force in France. Yet, this article argues that, whatever the authentic ‘fascist’ credentials of the various French movements that have begged classification by scholars of fascism, it was a configuration of contextual factors which kept them out of power rather than the intrinsic ideological weakness of fascism as a political force. The question is how far any of them were fascist and why their advocates failed to seize power. This article reconstructs some of the conversations in which historians and other scholars have been engaged, convey the variety of illiberal populist positions that sought to mobilize support in this period, and articulate the nature of the inter-war crisis in French democracy which made the radical right so appealing to many.
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Book chapters on the topic "French inter-war politics"

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Bush, Ruth. "Conclusion." In Publishing Africa in French, 215–21. Liverpool University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781381953.003.0008.

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In post-war France, literary representations of sub-Saharan Africa were written and read in response to political, aesthetic, and commercial imperatives. A greater number of these representations appeared in the late 1950s and early 1960s from a flourishing African literary scene which built consciously on the achievements of black writers in France during the inter-war years and as French publishers responded to growing – if still very limited – interest among metropolitan readers. The literary field of this period was gradually reconfigured by decolonization and its destabilizing effect on ideas of literary value and authority and their, often unconscious, attachment to the French national imaginary. This is seen in the degree of meaning attached to African authorship by readers, attitudes towards the French language, and editorial mediations of literary style. Whether explicitly engaged with the complex political realities of decolonization, affirming black cultural identities, or reproducing colonial stereotypes of exotic difference, decisions were made regarding the form, content, and material production of a very wide range of texts. What emerges is a complex portrait of the French-language publishing scene during the so-called ...
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Dziurkowski, Dawid. "Ewolucja cywilnej kontroli nad siłami zbrojnymi w Polsce na przestrzeni dziejów." In Spory o Rzeczpospolitą : przegląd wybranych dyskusji politycznych i ustrojowych w ostatnim stuleciu, 38–61. Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie. Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/9788374388061.04.

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Evolution of Civil Control of the Armed Forced in Poland Throughout HistoryIn the history of Poland armed forced were already regulated in the Go-vernment Act of 3rd May, 1791, although their functioning considera-bly differed from the present status of the army. The army had then a national character, which meant that all citizens were obliged to defend the motherland if its safety was threatened. During the period of the Duchy of Warsaw, officially independent, but actually subordi-nated to Napoleon I, the Polish Army was regulated by the Basic Law, which provided that the number of the military should not exceed 300,000. Despite the legal regulations the actual authority over our army was with the Emperor of the French. Later, in the Kingdom of Poland the number of the army has not been specified, but each Tsar of Russia was ex officio also the King of Poland and therefore, he exercised the authority over the Armed Forces. During the inter -war period the formal control of the armed forces was more divided and did not rest with one individual only. As the Second Polish Republic did not last long, its political system did not have time to consolidate properly. It was not by chance that during the Polish People’s Republic the Armed Forced were called “an armed arm of the Party”. It was not until 1989 that the true and actual civilian and democratic control of the military was established. It is not an easy task, but indispensable for the proper functioning of the State, the fundamental function of which is to ensure safety of its citizens.
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