To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: French colonies.
Journal articles on the topic 'French colonies'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'French colonies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Ricœur, Paul. "The Question of the Colonies." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 12, no. 1 (July 19, 2021): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2021.551.
Full textAbstract:
In this anti-colonial treatise, Ricœur reflects on the responsibility of every French citizen and of the French state with respect to colonialism. He establishes five principles that should guide his readers in their reflection on this issue and expresses his support for the independence of the colonies.
2
Brunelle, Gayle K. "Ambassadors and Administrators: The Role of Clerics in Early French Colonies in Guiana." Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000358.
Full textAbstract:
Of all of France’s early modern colonial ventures, the least studied and most obscure are the French efforts to establish settlements, missions, and plantations in Guiana. Still, the seventeenth-century French colonies in Guiana had much in common with the sixteenth-century French efforts to colonize Florida and Brazil, and their trajectories were every bit as dramatic and their outcomes equally dismal. Although not sponsored as Huguenot refuges in the New World from Catholic oppression in the Old, and thus not burdened with the fierce competition between Protestant and Catholic colonists that plagued the sixteenth-century ventures, the Guiana colonies were also prey to deep internal divisions over piety and morality, and even more over power and the purpose of the colony. Were they primarily missions to the Native peoples, plantations, or commercial ventures focused on locating sources of precious metals or establishing plantations? This paper examines the role of clerics in the genesis, financing, trajectories, and collapse of the earliest French colonies in Guiana, in particular two colonies founded about ten years apart, in 1643 and 1652. I will the argue that whereas historians have often assumed that missionaries and evangelizing were often little more than an encumbrance to early colonial ventures, useful mostly for raising funds in France, in reality clerics played a central role in shaping chartered colonial companies and the colonies they founded, for good and for ill.
3
Olukoju, Ayodeji. "‘King of West Africa’? Bernard Bourdillon and the Politics of the West African Governors' Conference, 1940–1942." Itinerario 30, no. 1 (March 2006): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012511.
Full textAbstract:
The outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939 and the collapse of French resistance to the German onslaught a year later were momentous events which had far-reaching implications for France, Britain, and their colonies. In West Africa, the war affected existing patterns of inter-state relations within and across the French/British imperial divides, which were further complicated for the British by the emergence of two blocs in the French colonial empire – Vichy and Free French. It was in this context that the West African Governors' Conference was created in 1940 to coordinate the war effort and to manage relations with the French colonies.
4
Horan, Joseph. "The Colonial Famine Plot: Slavery, Free Trade, and Empire in the French Atlantic, 1763–1791." International Review of Social History 55, S18 (December 2010): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000519.
Full textAbstract:
SummaryThis essay examines the use of famine-plot rhetoric in the course of disputes over free trade in the French Atlantic during the late eighteenth century. Seeking to discredit officially sanctioned trade monopolies, French plantation owners frequently suggested that the control exercised by metropolitan merchants over transatlantic commerce was responsible for food shortages among the enslaved population of the colonies. In reality, the planters themselves bore primary responsibility for malnutrition in the French Caribbean, thanks to their reliance on the slave trade and support for the expansion of plantation agriculture. While proponents of the colonial famine plot accepted that plantation slavery had made it impossible for the resources available in the colonies to sustain the growing enslaved population, they remained committed to the plantation system. In advocating expanded free trade as the best means to ensure the continued growth of the colonies, French planters anticipated a response to the environmental problems caused by colonial expansion that became increasingly prevalent among proponents of European imperialism during the nineteenth century.
5
Udasmoro, Wening, Setiadi Setiadi, and Aprillia Firmonasari. "Between Memory and Trajectory: Gendered Literary Narratives of Javanese Diaspora in New Caledonia." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 5, no. 1 (June 2, 2022): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol5.iss1.2022.2851.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to explore the memory and the trajectory of the Javanese diaspora on the novels written by two female authors of Javanese descent in New Caledonia using a gender perspective. The Javanese diaspora in New Caledonia is a community that has left their homeland (Java) to start a new life in their destination land (New Caledonia) since 1896. They are descendants of the contract coolies (laborers) sent by the Dutch colonial government who controlled the Dutch Indies, including Java, at the request of French colonial government. The delivery of contract coolies was based on an agreement called the “Koeli Ordonatie” which had become a legal regulation and was implemented since the 1880s. It was a regulation signed by the Governor-General of the Netherlands Number 138 whose purpose was to fid unskilled laborers willing to work in the Dutch colonies, especially in the plantations and mining. The coolies, especially from Java, were mostly used as manual laborers in various parts of Dutch colonies, such as in Suriname. Seeing that this Dutch policy brought positive results for the exploitation of natural resources in the Dutch colonies, the French colonial government asked the help from the Dutch colonial government to recruit the laborers to be sent to French colonial region, New Caledonia.
6
Bigon, Liora, and Ambe J. Njoh. "Power and Social Control in Settler and Exploitation Colonies: The Experience of New France and French Colonial Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 6 (March 23, 2018): 932–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618762508.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes strategies for articulating power and effectuating social control in the built environment by French colonial authorities in New France and colonial Africa. The former was a settler colony while the latter comprised colonies of economic exploitation. Despite their different colonial status, they shared much in common. In this regard, French colonial authorities recycled spatial control strategies they had employed in New France a century earlier for use in Africa. However some changes commensurate with the changing priorities and objectives of the French colonial project were instituted. In particular, recycled policies from New France were made more stringent, less tolerant and ostensibly oppressive in French colonial Africa.
7
Vann, Michael G. "Caricaturing 'The Colonial Good Life' in French Indochina." European Comic Art 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 83–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eca.2.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
André Joyeux's La Vie large des colonies ['The Colonial Good Life'] is an insider's portrait of the French colonial encounter in Southeast Asia. Published in Paris in 1912 but most likely penned in Saigon, the collection of cartoons explores the racial order of the colony. Although the artist critiques many aspects of the colony and highlights certain gross injustices, such as the coloniser's sexual predation and physical violence, he also articulates many of the bluntly racist French stereotypes of the Vietnamese, Chinese and other Asians in the colony. Joyeux, as an artist and as an art teacher, contributed to the development of cartoon and caricature as a medium in Vietnam, which would eventually be used in the anti-colonial, nationalist and communist movements. La Vie large des colonies is of importance as a primary source in the study of empire.
8
Benjamin, Kehinde Tola. "French Colonial Policies in West Africa: Power Dynamics, Cultural Impositions and Economic Legacies." International Journal of Advances in Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 29, 2024): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.56225/ijassh.v3i1.248.
Full textAbstract:
The complex dynamics of French colonial policies in West Africa during European imperialism played a crucial role in streamlining administrative procedures and consolidating control over the indigenous African population. This colonial framework not only imposed a distinct sense of identity on African communities but also created deep stratification within these societies. Implementing the direct rule system, an essential aspect of French colonial administration, facilitated imposing laws and regulations that often marginalized traditional authority structures. As a result, a symbiotic relationship emerged between the African colonies and France, with the former serving as essential suppliers of resources crucial for sustaining France's growing industrial enterprises. This paper delves into the intricate nuances of the French colonial policies and their enduring impact on West Africa. By critically examining the assimilation and association policies, the study elucidates the power dynamics, cultural impositions, and economic implications that characterized the colonial experience of French colonies in West Africa. Unpacking the complexities of the colonial governance framework highlights the systemic disparities and cultural alienation perpetuated by the French colonial apparatus, underscoring the persistent socio-economic challenges and cultural subjugation that continue to shape the contemporary West African landscape. By exploring historical injustices and postcolonial complexities, the study emphasizes the urgent need for a holistic and inclusive approach to postcolonial development, advocating for preserving cultural heritage and promoting equitable socio-economic progress within the region.
9
Ricœur, Paul. "La cuestión colonial." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 12, no. 1 (July 19, 2021): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2021.553.
Full textAbstract:
In this anti-colonial treatise, Ricœur reflects on the responsibility of every French citizen and of the French state with respect to colonialism. He establishes five principles that should guide his readers in their reflection on this issue and expresses his support for the independence of the colonies.
10
Ricœur, Paul. "La question coloniale." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 12, no. 1 (July 19, 2021): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2021.550.
Full textAbstract:
In this anti-colonial treatise, Ricœur reflects on the responsibility of every French citizen and of the French state with respect to colonialism. He establishes five principles that should guide his readers in their reflection on this issue and expresses his support for the independence of the colonies.
11
Aldrich, Robert. "Homosexuality in the French Colonies." Journal of Homosexuality 41, no. 3-4 (January 24, 2002): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j082v41n03_14.
Full text
12
De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
Full textAbstract:
The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
13
Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "Imperial Myth as a National Idea: Explicit and Hidden Meanings of the 1931 International Colonial Exhibition in Paris." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016273-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents an analysis of the colonial exhibition of 1931 in the context of the metamorphosis of the colonial idea in France. After the First World War, the difficulties in managing the colonies were increasingly felt in France. The French political class hoped to give new vitality to the national consciousness, which was threatened by various social-revolutionary and anti-colonial movements, through the reform of colonial policy. The colonial exhibition of 1931 became the apogee of imperial propaganda in the metropolis and a symbol of unity between the Third Republic with its colonies. Its success was associated with the extent to which the colonial idea penetrated French society and with the stabilization of the mother country's relations with her colonies between the two world wars. The colonial discourse of the 1931 exhibition was an apology for republican centrism expressed through the firm positioning of racial superiority, the demonstration of the validity of the ideals of progress inevitably brought about by colonization, and the dominance of French values. The author demonstrates that the new political situation that developed after the Great War contributed to the achievement of colonial consolidation, on the part of the majority of parties and, mainly, through the deployment of the state propaganda machine. The colonies and the colonial question marked the outlines, the brushstrokes, as it were, of a national union. This union between the national and the colonial, the nation and the empire, was twofold. Between the two world wars, national and colonial issues became logically interlinked and interdependent. The author concludes that the 1931 exhibition propagated the idea of the imperial order through the display and presentation of idealized indigenous cultures represented by a variety of artifacts, fine arts, and architecture. The 1931 exhibition became a general imperial holiday, and was intended to serve the unity between the imperial centre and the colonies. It became an important tool of imperial construction, a fairly effective means of broadcasting the official imperial ideology, and a metaphor for the colonial republic, which embodied the cultural, social, and mental characteristics of the imperial nation; its hidden meaning was directed against the growing ideas of colonial nationalism and resistance.
14
Stewart, Mary Lynn. "A Frenchwoman Writes about Indochina, 1931-1949: Andrée Viollis and Anti-colonialism." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018224ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract “A Frenchwoman Writes about Indochina, 1931-1949: Andrée Viollis and Anti-colonialism” examines investigative reporter Andrée Viollis’ journalistic career, especially her articles and books on French and other European colonies between 1922 and 1935, in order to challenge recent postcolonial critiques of her 1935 book, Indochine S.O.S, as immured in colonial ideology and rhetoric, including a kind of patriarchal feminism, despite being an exposé of colonial abuses and sympathetic to indigenous rebels against the colonial regime. Following the lines of recent critiques of postcolonial cultural approaches for inattention to the material conditions of colonialism, and feminist transnational scholars who attempt to link labour conditions in the “First World” to those in the “Third World,” The article establishes Viollis’ credentials as a liberal, not a maternal or patriarchal feminist, analyses her journalistic style, especially her use of indirect suggestion as a reporter in the popular daily press, and describes the interest in the colonies in the French public and press. Next the article describes Viollis’ colonial reporting and publications from the 1920s through 1935, with special attention to her exposés of economic exploitation in British and French colonies. Third, the article examines the evidence cited in postcolonial critiques of Viollis’ advocacy of equality between colonizers and colonized as mere equality between people of the same social class, her portrayal of indigenous Vietnamese as degraded, her belief that the French or French women should be moral tutors of the uncivilized natives, and finally her portrayal of indigenous peoples as degraded and animalistic, in light of a full analysis of her career and book. After a detailed analysis of her position on equality, morality, and the condition of peasants and workers up to and in the book, the articles rejects the evidence as partial and decontextualized, and the interpretation as unfamiliar with Viollis’ style.
15
Geloso, Vincent. "Predation, Seigneurial Tenure, and Development in French Colonial America." Social Science History 44, no. 4 (2020): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.24.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThere is substantial debate over the colonial origins of divergence within the Americas. In this debate, the French Empire has been largely ignored even though, until 1760, it included Canada. This article uses recent empirical advances in our knowledge of the colonial Canadian economy to introduce the role of French institutions—most notably the institution of seigneurial tenure—into the debate on the colonial origins of divergence. It argues that the institution of seigneurial tenure in Canada when it was under French rule (up to 1760) had predatory features that help to explain why Canada was the poorest of the North American colonies.
16
Dormois, Jean-Pierre, and François Crouzet. "The Significance of the French Colonial Empire for French Economic Development (1815–1960)." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261090000714x.
Full textAbstract:
In May 1940, among panic-stricken ministers and politicians, General de Gaulle was virtually alone to reflect and proclaim that France was not vanquished as long as it retained its colonial empire, which would serve as the springboard for France's future liberation and status as a world power. Not many of his contemporaries shared his conviction, and his loneliness testifies to the detachment of public opinion and politicians vis-a-vis an empire which in extent ranked second only to the British. In spite of the headlines, newsreels, slogans, colonial exhibitions and propaganda, most Frenchmen would have probably agreed that, over the years, the mother country had spent more on its colonies than it had received.
17
OSBORN, EMILY LYNN. "‘CIRCLE OF IRON’: AFRICAN COLONIAL EMPLOYEES AND THE INTERPRETATION OF COLONIAL RULE IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 44, no. 1 (March 2003): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008307.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the role of African colonial employees in the functioning of the colonial state in French West Africa. Case studies from the 1890s and early 1900s demonstrate that in the transition from conquest to occupation, low-level African colonial intermediaries continually shaped the localized meanings that colonialism acquired in practice. Well-placed African colonial intermediaries in the colonies of Guinée Française and Soudan Français often controlled the dissemination of information and knowledge in the interactions of French colonial officials with local elites and members of the general population. The contributions of these African employees to the daily operations of the French colonial state show that scholars have long overlooked a cadre of men who played a significant role in shaping colonial rule.
18
Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism.Cet article répond à l'appel de Todd Shepard à « écrire à la fois l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie et l'histoire de l'intégration européenne » en examinant le Parti socialiste. L'internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l'histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. Ses principes furent durables et fermes. Par contre, sa politique concernant les colonies fut souple. L'asymétrie entre les visions européenne et coloniale du parti encouragea l'application de la doctrine européenne aux colonies françaises pendant la guerre d'Algérie. La guerre divisa les partisans socialistes des communautés européennes en multiples partis, dans lesquels ils coopérèrent avec des alliés qui ne soutenaient pas l'intégration européenne. L'internationalisme socialiste français fut une victime de la guerre d'Algérie. Dans la décolonisation du socialisme français, le soutien à l'intégration européenne recula et l'internationalisme disparut comme principe directeur.
19
McKenzie, Peter. "A shared commercial legal heritage - reflections on commercial law reform in former British Colonies and Dependencies." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 39, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v39i4.5478.
Full textAbstract:
This article reflects on Professor Tony Angelo's contributions to the laws of various British colonies, particularly Mauritius. The author illustrates different types of jurisdiction by reference to individual countries. First, the author discusses colonies with a received legal heritage – Mauritius, who has influences from its French colonial administration and English law, and Botswana who has hints of English commercial statutes. Secondly, the author discusses colonies with an underlying common law system – Uganda, Sierra Leone, and Samoa. None of these nations were settled colonies, but colonial administrators took with them a common law structure for contracts, and civil and commercial obligations, while retaining customary law and practices in relation to land. Finally, the Maldives is discussed as a "special case". The author then discusses his reflections on the colonial legal legacy, including the impact of the English language, the shared nature of the colonies' legal systems (including a common accounting and business framework), and the "colonial legal patchwork". The author hopes that the impetus given by Professor Angelo to law reform in Mauritius, as well as other nations, will continue.
20
DeVore, Marc R. "Preserving Power after Empire: The Credibility Trap and France’s Intervention in Chad, 1968–72." War in History 27, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 106–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518758359.
Full textAbstract:
France’s 1968–72 intervention in Chad constitutes a forgotten turning point in the Fifth Republic’s foreign relations. Interconnected institutions and treaties gave France a disproportionate influence over its African ex-colonies. French security guarantees underscored this system, however, whereby francophone African leaders continued to accept French economic and political leadership. French leaders discovered in Chad, however, that they had fewer choices and needed to dedicate more resources to fulfilling these commitments than President Charles de Gaulle had intended. Prosperous ex-colonies’ leaders judged French commitments’ value according to how France responded to crises in its least-valued ex-colonies. Thus, although French analysts viewed intervening in Chad as irrational from a cost–benefit perspective, they found themselves pressured into it.
21
ALDRICH, ROBERT. "IMPERIAL MISE EN VALEUR AND MISE EN SCÈNE: RECENT WORKS ON FRENCH COLONIALISM." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 917–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0200273x.
Full textAbstract:
This review looks at English- and French-language books on nineteenth- and twentieth-century French colonial history published since 1995. It considers issues of ideology, imperial governance, the mise en valeur (development and ‘improvement’) of colonies (for instance, in health and education policy), the representation of empire in art and architecture, and decolonization. Special attention is paid to Indochina. Recent works have stressed the evolving nature of colonial policy and its adaptability to local circumstances. The review notes a certain divide between works emphasizing the discursive aspect of empire, and more ‘materialist’ treatments, but remarks on a general renewal of interest in colonial history. Contemporary scholars have also given colonial history a more prominent position in French national history than it previously held.
22
Houllemare, Marie. "Seeing the Empire Through Lists and Charts: French Colonial Records in the Eighteenth Century." Journal of Early Modern History 22, no. 5 (October 2, 2018): 371–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342603.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract By looking at list-making and comparative assessments of trade, this article on central administrative practices of record management aims at discussing the mobilization of archives in French colonial supervision in the eighteenth century. A Bureau des Colonies was created in the French Secretariat of the Marine in 1710: from the very outset, its main mission was to deal with the colonial records, mostly correspondence, through which the colonies were administered. Archives had been collected and classified in the Bureau des archives from 1699 onwards. But this implied an effort in the organization of papers: throughout the eighteenth century, the imperial administration created several other documentary tools that produced a simplified and ideal vision of the empire and of its place in the global order. Looking at the kinds of papers produced by the colonial administration and where these records were kept provides insight into how the central authorities understood the colonial empire. The paperwork shaped the way administrators understood empire, through operations carried out by the clerks on the records. Records were collected from all the colonies and actors, with a growing sense of being a unique agency possessing relevant records that were reduced to similar storage units by agents without field experience. In fact, archives became crucial in strengthening the empire as a political unity, under a centralized metropolitan direction, mainly after the Seven Years’ War.
23
Homańska, Agnieszka. "Francuska polityka kolonialna w Afryce Zachodniej." Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie 38, no. 2 (2023): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230206.
Full textAbstract:
This article is an attempt to analyze French colonialism in West Africa. The author focuses on the characteristics of the colonial thought of Paris, and outlines the most important concepts (tools) necessary for the study of this issue. She also marks the influence of history on the current territorial division of the French Republic and spheres of influence in West Africa. The history of the former French colonies, both after gaining independence and at current time, is also presented, and the features of the contemporary politics of the former metropolis are outlined.
24
Rico, Monica. "Middleton, Colonial America - A History, 1565-1776." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, no. 2 (September 1, 2004): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.2.100-101.
Full textAbstract:
This third edition of Colonial America contains a new chapter on Spanish and French colonization of continental North America, although the focus remains on the English colonies. Middleton has also retained the divided organizational structure employed in earlier editions. Colonial America treats the colonies chronologically up through the end of the seventeenth century and then turns to a thematic treatment of "provincial America" during the eighteenth century before concluding his book with two chapters on the revolutionary crisis leading to independence. The revised and updated bibliography serves as a competent guide to recent work as well as a few old classics.
25
Mallard, Grégoire. "The gift as colonial ideology? Marcel Mauss and the solidarist colonial policy in the interwar era." Journal of International Political Theory 14, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217751515.
Full textAbstract:
Marcel Mauss published his essay The Gift (1925) in the context of debates about the European sovereign debt crises and the economic growth experienced by the colonies. This article traces the discursive associations between Mauss’ anthropological concepts (“gift,” “exchanges of prestations,” and “generosity”) and the reformist program of French socialists who pushed for an “altruistic” colonial policy in the interwar period. This article demonstrates that the three obligations which Mauss identified as the basis of a customary law of international economic relations (i.e. the duty to give, the duty to receive, and the duty to give back) served as key references in the French debate about the relationships between metropolises and colonies in the interwar period. Mauss made this relation between colonial policy and the ethnology of the gift explicit in his book, The Nation. Moving beyond Mauss’ interwar writings, the article traces the genealogy of his later reflections to his involvement in prewar debates about chartered companies.
26
Hoffman, Katherine E. "Berber Law by French Means: Customary Courts in the Moroccan Hinterlands, 1930–1956." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 4 (October 2010): 851–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000484.
Full textAbstract:
As the French conquered Muslim lands in their nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century quest for empire, they encountered multiple and sometimes mixed judicial systems among the native populations. In many places, legal codes were shaped by eitherfiqh, meaning Islamic law, one component of which is customary law, or by non-Islamic custom, or some combination of the two. To administer native justice in French colonies and protectorates, officials sorted through this multiplicity in order to standardize procedures, principles, and punishments. The standardization of customary law codes, whether written or oral prior to submission to themakhzan(the central Moroccan government, lit. “storehouse”) under the Protectorate, required that French officials both maintain pre-contact codes and create new institutions to administer and monitor them. Through new judicial bureaucracies, the French transformed indigenous law. Customary law was a “residual category” in the sense that it consisted of what remained after colonial powers ferreted out what they considered morally offensive and politically objectionable. Legal codification involved what Vincent calls “a compromise between those recognized as leading elements in indigenous societies and the colonial administrators who co-opted them.” Yet customary law, “if understood as allowing local people to do their own cultural ‘thing,’ should also be understood to have been a carefully restricted fragment of ‘tradition.’” This tradition when manifest as customary law “implies that there is a different kind of law with which it can be contrasted,” making customary law “the ongoing product of encounters between subordinate local political entities and dominant overarching ones.” In such encounters the distinction made between custom and law has long preoccupied legal historians, as well as anthropologists, colonial administrators, and importantly, lay people. Throughout French African colonies and protectorates, this distinction was key to the French usurpation of social institutions, as was true in British overseas territories as well.
27
Pearson, Jessica Lynne. "The French Empire Goes to San Francisco." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380203.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the French delegation’s approach to debates about colonial oversight and accountability that took place at the Conference on International Organization in San Francisco in 1945, where delegates from fifty nations gathered to draft the United Nations (UN) Charter. Drawing on documents from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UN, and the American press, it argues that while French officials at home and in the empire were eagerly negotiating a new French Union that would put metropolitan France and the colonies on unprecedently equal footing, French delegates to the San Francisco conference were unwilling to take a stand for these reforms-in-progress. Ultimately, French delegates to the conference lacked confidence that the incipient French Union would stand up to international scrutiny as these delegates worked to establish new international standards for what constituted “self-government.”
28
Neilson, Briony. "“Moral Rubbish in Close Proximity”: Penal Colonization and Strategies of Distance in Australia and New Caledonia, c.1853–1897." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 445–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000361.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century, the two convict-built European settler colonial projects in Oceania, French New Caledonia and British Australia, were geographically close yet ideologically distant. Observers in the Australian colonies regularly characterized French colonization as backward, inhumane, and uncivilized, often pointing to the penal colony in New Caledonia as evidence. Conversely, French commentators, while acknowledging that Britain's transportation of convicts to Australia had inspired their own penal colonial designs in the South Pacific, insisted that theirs was a significantly different venture, built on modern, carefully preconceived methods. Thus, both sides engaged in an active practice of denying comparability; a practice that historians, in neglecting the interconnections that existed between Australia and New Caledonia, have effectively perpetuated. This article draws attention to some of the strategies of spatial and temporal distance deployed by the Australian colonies in relation to the bagne in New Caledonia and examines the nation-building ends that these strategies served. It outlines the basic context and contours of the policy of convict transportation for the British and the French and analyses discursive attempts to emphasize the distinctions between Australia and New Caledonia. Particular focus is placed on the moral panic in Australian newspapers about the alleged dangerous proximity of New Caledonia to the east coast of Australia. I argue that this moral panic arose at a time when Britain's colonies in Australia, in the process of being granted autonomy and not yet unified as a federated nation, sought recognition as reputable settlements of morally virtuous populations. The panic simultaneously emphasized the New Caledonian penal colony's geographical closeness to and ideological distance from Australia, thereby enabling Australia's own penal history to be safely quarantined in the past.
29
Turner, Matthew D. "Livestock mobility and the territorial state: South-Western Niger (1890–1920)." Africa 87, no. 3 (July 21, 2017): 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000134.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractColonial rule in West Africa initiated the incorporation of mobile people, particularly pastoralists, into Western territorial states. This article reports on the early period of French colonial rule of the area that is now South-Western Niger – a strategically important area with respect to territorial competition among the French colonies of Dahomey and Soudan (later the colonies of Senegambia and Niger) as well as the British colony of Nigeria. Building from the study of contemporary patterns of livestock mobility and their logics, archival and secondary literatures are used to develop an understanding of dominant herd mobility patterns at the time (transhumance for grazing and trekking to distant markets); the importance of livestock as a source of tax revenue; colonial anxieties about the loss of livestock from within their borders; and efforts of colonial administrators to reduce the potential loss of livestock from their territories. This case illustrates the limitations of the territorial state model where the state lacks sufficient power over mobile subjects utilizing a sparse and fluctuating resource base. The actions of French administrators and Fulɓe pastoralists worked as a form of ‘hands-off’ negotiation, with each group monitoring and reacting to the actions of the other. Due to the limitations of colonial state control, the existence of boundaries elicited greater monitoring of livestock movements by colonial administrators but also increased the leverage held by mobile pastoralists as the French sought to increase the attractiveness of their territory to the principal managers of its wealth (livestock). The proximity of borders to the study area complicated the task of French colonial administrators, who necessarily became increasingly focused on monitoring the movements of their subjects (labour and capital) to avoid their possible escape as they moved within the borderlands of what is now South-Western Niger. The limits of colonial power to monitor and control these movements led administrators to initiate policies favouring pastoralists.
30
Rominger, Chris. "NURSING TRANSGRESSIONS, EXPLORING DIFFERENCE: NORTH AFRICANS IN FRENCH MEDICAL SPACES DURING WORLD WAR I." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 4 (November 2018): 691–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000880.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores the social impact of North African soldiers’ experiences in French military hospitals during World War I. In particular, it examines improvised “Muslim hospitals” that were opened in order to isolate North Africans from French civilian society. Colonial and military officials believed that North Africans, presumed to be warlike, pathogenic, and promiscuous, could corrupt and be corrupted by the French public. Yet while existing literature tends to highlight the dehumanization of North Africans at the hands of military and medical authorities, this article, drawing from personal correspondence, photographs, and military and medical records, reveals a more ambiguous daily reality. I argue that the individual needs and desires of wounded North Africans and of French nurses, as well as material limitations and contingencies, created spaces for an unprecedented series of humanizing personal encounters. In military-medical “colonies within the metropole,” these soldiers found themselves caught between a newfound sense of affinity with the French public and a starker sense of the boundaries of colonial practice.
31
Müller-Crepon, Carl. "Continuity or Change? (In)direct Rule in British and French Colonial Africa." International Organization 74, no. 4 (2020): 707–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000211.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractCurrent political order in Africa is often linked to legacies of colonialism, in particular to legacies of indirect colonial rule. However, evidence about the application of indirect rule is scarce. In this paper I argue that empire-level characteristics interacted with precolonial institutions in shaping the indirectness of local rule. First, British governments ruled more indirectly than French administrations, which followed a comparatively centralized administrative blueprint, came with a transformative republican ideology, and had more administrative resources. Empirically, I find that French colonization led to the demise of the lines of succession of seven out of ten precolonial polities, twice as many as under British rule. Second, precolonial centralization was a crucial prerequisite for indirect rule. Local administrative data from eight British colonies show that British colonizers employed less administrative effort and devolved more power to native authorities where centralized institutions existed. Such a pattern did not exist in French colonies. Together, these findings improve our understanding of the long-term effects of precolonial institutions and draw attention to the interaction of characteristics of dominant and subordinate units in shaping local governance arrangements.
32
Solomon, Maria Beliaeva. "Frères de race, amis de couleur : Diasporic Solidarities in the French Abolitionist Press." Nineteenth-Century French Studies 52, no. 3-4 (March 2024): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncf.2024.a926095.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: As the first French periodical directed by people of color, the Revue des Colonies (1834–42) was remarkable for its militant abolitionism, its attention to global Black writers and cultural figures, and its fostering of intellectual and political solidarities across the French colonial world and beyond. By attending to the networks of circulation that enabled the passage of emancipatory ideas across national and linguistic borders, this article argues for the significance of the Revue as a forebear of later iterations of Black internationalism.
33
Paterson, Lorraine M. "Ethnoscapes of Exile: Political Prisoners from Indochina in a Colonial Asian World." International Review of Social History 63, S26 (June 14, 2018): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000238.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTDuring the French colonization of Indochina (1863–1954), approximately 8,000 prisoners – many of them convicted of political crimes – were exiled to twelve different geographical locations throughout the French empire. Many of these prisoners came from a Chinese background or a culturally Chinese world, and the sites to which they were exiled (even the penal colonies themselves) contained diasporic Chinese communities. Knowing Chinese might be their greatest asset, or being able to “pass” as Chinese the most valuable tool to facilitate escape. This article explores a group of political prisoners sent from French Indochina to French Guiana in 1913 and their subsequent escape, with the aid of Chinese residents. If exile is, in one sense, the ultimate exercise of colonial power – capable of moving bodies to distant locales – examining these lives through a Vietnamese lens reveals a very different story than the colonial archival record reflects.
34
Jacobson, Liesbeth Rosen. "‘Preparing Children of Colonialism for a Postcolonial Future’: A Comparison of Orphanages for Eurasians in the Dutch East Indies, British India, and French Indochina during the Decolonisation Period, 1930–1975." Journal of Migration History 4, no. 1 (March 21, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00401002.
Full textAbstract:
In most colonies children of mixed European and indigenous origin were a concern for colonial authorities, who feared that if these children were abandoned by their European fathers they could harm white prestige, and with that endanger the colonial project. This article compares European-run orphanages in the Dutch East Indies, British India and French Indochina on the eve of decolonisation. At that time, the leaders of the orphanages and the older children in all three colonies faced a dilemma: should the Eurasian children leave or stay after decolonisation? In this article I look at how the orphanages dealt with the impending decolonisation, and how differences in this process between the colonies can be explained. I answer these questions by using archival material from orphanages in the three colonial contexts. I conclude that the differences between the contexts were explained best by the type of legal position Eurasians had in each colony.
35
Munro, Martin. "Avenging History in the Former French Colonies." Transition: An International Review 99 (July 2008): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/trs.2008.-.99.18.
Full text
36
Dhillon, Taranjot. "The Prosperity of Liberal-Capitalism in the North Atlantic." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 4 (May 6, 2019): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v4i0.2131.
Full textAbstract:
Violence, colonial living and the shift in political ideologies explained the success of expansion and consolidation of liberal-capitalism in the north Atlantic world in the early modern period. Although, disease greatly decimated the Indigenous population, internal conflicts ultimately led to the reduction of Indigenous authority and paved the way for colonial expansion. Unlike the French, which colonized to solidify trading, the English strategy was to bring in as many settlers to plant colonies, therefore pressuring Indigenous communities into surrendering control and power in the New World.At the same time, although the war was marked as a British victory, the British government quickly learns that their ignorance towards their North American colonies would become costly.
37
Hassett, Dónal. "Colonialism and Contested Cultures of Victory in the French Empire of the 1920s." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 4 (May 28, 2019): 759–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419838035.
Full textAbstract:
More than any other belligerent power, France relied heavily on the contribution of her colonies during the First World War. Thus, the triumph over the Central Powers and the culture(s) of victory which emerged from it were undeniably ‘imperial’. But what did this mean for the postwar Empire? This article explores the extent to which victory was a disruptive force in France's Empire. It examines how actors of all ideological, social and ethnic backgrounds from across France's colonies articulated their own visions of how victory in the First World War should shape the future of the Empire. It considers their attempts to place the war into their broader narratives of the Empire, past, present and future and thus impose their own ideas of what a just postwar imperial order should look like. Drawing on examples from across the Empire, it underlines the extent to which victory in the First World War gave rise to competing and often opposing demands for a new settlement among colonial administrators, colonial citizens and colonial subjects. In doing so, it teases out the contradictory role played by imperial cultures of victory in simultaneously facilitating contestation of the colonial system and limiting the radicalism of such challenges to Empire.
38
Treier, Leonie. "Architectures of Appropriation." Museum Worlds 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/armw.2022.100103.
Full textAbstract:
The Maisons Tropicales are three prefabricated housing structures designed by Jean Prouvé. Fabricated in France, they were transported to and assembled in Brazzaville and Niamey, then part of the French colonies, around 1950. Their design was tied closely to the belief in the so-called civilizing and enlightening power of European modernist design and, thereby, also the French colonial agenda. In the early 2000s, an American collector, Robert Rubin, and a French art dealer, Eric Touchaleaume, “repatriated” the houses to France. There, they were transformed into and celebrated as icons of French modern design, while their colonial histories were ignored. This article analyzes the importance of discourse in this transformation and how it reflects ongoing dynamics of power and dispossession in the art world. Rubin and Touchaleaume simultaneously employed conflicting narratives mirroring anthropological “salvage” and “repatriation” discourses to describe the Maisons’ removal. The case study highlights the moral weight associated with the language around processes of repatriation, the nested relationships between heritage and the market, and the continuation of colonial practices of dispossession.
39
Sanko, Hélène. "Considering Molière in Oyônô-Mbia's Three Suitors: One Husband." Theatre Research International 21, no. 3 (1996): 239–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015352.
Full textAbstract:
Juxtaposed these quotations, which are separated by three centuries and two continents, suggest that seventeenth-century classical French drama serves as a model for African theatre of the early post-colonial period. The first quotation is, of course, from Moliere, the Old Regime's brilliant comic writer. The second is taken from a play by Oyônô-Mbia, a contemporary dramatist from Cameroon. Given the powerful grip France held over its colonies, it is not surprising to find residual influence of France's theatrical culture on African drama. By the end of World War One, French authority in sub-Saharan Africa extended from Cape Verde to the Congo river. The Third Republic established French schools in the larger colonial towns which attracted the children of well-to-do urban families. France therefore held strong political and cultural sway over the development of African leaders and writers.
40
Lamotte, Mélanie. "Beyond the Atlantic: Unifying Racial Policies across the Early French Empire." William and Mary Quarterly 81, no. 1 (January 2024): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wmq.2024.a918182.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: Beginning in the early eighteenth century, a coherent body of racial policies emerged across the French Atlantic and Indian Oceans, targeting the socioeconomic status of people of non-European ancestry and restricting their right to marry or have sexual relations with French people. In addition to very specific local circumstances in the colonies, this coherent body of policies emerged because authorities attempted to standardize policies across the two oceans. The circulation of official correspondence and people on a transoceanic scale facilitated these changes. The scope of this standardization and circulation means that we cannot understand the full landscape of French racial discourse and policymaking unless we look at the Atlantic and Indian Oceans together. Yet the current historiography on race in the French colonies remains compartmentalized into smaller geographic units. Little work has been produced on race and racial policies for the French Indian Ocean, and the vast majority of publications on this topic have so far been produced by Atlantic specialists. Considering France's Atlantic and Indian Ocean colonies side by side demonstrates that racial policies in the Atlantic were shaped by developments in the Indian Ocean—and vice versa.
41
Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "The Ideology of Colonization: Metamorphoses of the Colonial Question in the Political Philosophy of Alexis de Tocqueville." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021057-1.
Full textAbstract:
In this article the evolution of views on the empire, colonies and colonization by Alexis de Tocqueville, the outstanding French liberal thinker of the 19th century, are analyzed. It was shown that in the process of expanding the scale of the colonization of the 19th century Tocqueville, like many other French thinkers, began to defend and justify colonial domination, trying to justify colonial policy in every possible way and try to give it legitimacy. Although Tocqueville was fully aware of the vices of colonization, he was ready to defend it. He believed that the French nation could not afford not to be the dominant colonial power. Justifying the expansion of the French empire, he believed that the colonial project could contribute to the political unification of the French, and at the same time he feared that France would lose its position and its international reputation, lagging behind Great Britain in the annexation of overseas possessions. Tocqueville’s ideas about progress and the understanding of progress were fairly typical of nineteenth-century European thinkers. In 19th century Europe as a rule, attempts to justify colonization were combined with a linear theory of progress and a belief in the superiority of Europeans over other worlds.
42
Fatah-Black, Karwan. "Orangism, Patriotism, and Slavery in Curaçao, 1795–1796." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (September 6, 2013): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000473.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe defeat of the Dutch armies by the French and the founding of the Batavian Republic in 1795 created confusion in the colonies and on overseas naval vessels about who was in power. The Stadtholder fled to England and ordered troops and colonial governments to surrender to the British, while the Batavian government demanded that they abjure the oath to the Stadtholder. The ensuing confusion gave those on board Dutch naval vessels overseas, and in its colonies, an opportunity to be actively involved in deciding which side they wished to be on. This article adds the mutinies on board theCeresandMedeato the interplay between the Curaçao slave revolt of 1795 and the rise of the Curaçaoan Patriot movement in 1796. The mariners independently partook in the battle for the political direction of the island and debated which side they wished to be on in the fight between the French Revolution and the British Empire.
43
Vasquez-Parra, Adeline. "Local Affairs or Imperial Scandals?" Journal of Early American History 12, no. 2-3 (December 9, 2022): 211–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-12020004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract What is the historical part of minorities and foreigners in the modern process of citizenship-building outside the French Kingdom? The study of legal claims and disputes shows that from the end of the Nine Years’ War (1688–1697) to the French Revolution (1789), many foreign inhabitants of the French Atlantic colonies shared a common understanding of their individual rights. The study of foreign subjects’ legal culture, defined as a set of attitudes and perceptions towards the law, also reveals governance tactics such as the gathering of certain foreign groups into trustworthy “colonial communities”. This opened a particular framework of relationships between the French administration and members of three of these communities: Acadians, Converso Jews, and Irishmen. Settled in the French Caribbean islands, they all progressively understood their legal status through a new category of “citizen” prior to the age of Atlantic Revolution (1776–1791).
44
Terretta, Meredith. "‘In the Colonies, Black Lives Don't Matter.’ Legalism and Rights Claims across the French Empire." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (May 3, 2017): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416688258.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines convergences and divergences between various expressions of communism, French republicanism, and pan-black solidarity in overseas France and among metropolitan communities of activists from the 1920s to the rise of the Popular Front against fascism in the mid-1930s. From the time of the first administrative reforms arising from France’s official anti-communist colonial policies in 1922, until the formation of the Popular Front in 1936, anticolonial activism and anti-revolutionary policy dialectically produced sites of judicialization, with agitators deliberately harnessing legal processes to contest the policies, practices and politics of imperial France, and French officials variously legislating against protest, including by extra-parliamentary decree. Experiments in anti-revolutionary legislation culminated in 1935, when the French Minister of the Interior collaborated with the Minister of the Colonies and governors of overseas territories to legislate against ‘acts of disorder or demonstrations against French sovereignty’ whether committed by French citizens, subjects, or protected persons, and regardless of their location. By the early to mid-1930s, legalists on the French left – whether Marxist or republican and in large part due to their involvement with anticolonial activist groups in overseas France – viewed extra-parliamentary legislation and judicial irregularity in overseas France as a sign of increasingly authoritarian French governance. Many joined forces to mobilize against what some agitators described as fascist tendencies in French governance.
45
Broch, Ludivine. "Colonial Subjects and Citizens in the French Internal Resistance, 1940-1944." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370102.
Full textAbstract:
In recent decades historians have done a lot to reveal the social and political diversity of the people who participated in the French Resistance. But little has been said about non-white resisters who were among the 200,000 men and women from the colonies living in the French metropole during the Occupation. This article shows that many of them were entangled in the Resistance as early as the summer of 1940 and that they became involved in the most political and violent forms of defiance. Resistance, however, was not a “natural” decision for many of the colonial workers or prisoners, whose daily struggles could bring them into tension with the Free French as well as Vichy. So, if this study aims to rectify misconceptions of the Resistance as an entirely Eurocentric affair, it also probes the complicated relationship between colonial subjects and the metropole during the war.
46
PARENT, ANTOINE, and ROBERT BUTLER. "Clément Juglar and Algeria: three pillars of modern anti-colonial criticism." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 2 (July 24, 2017): 393–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137417000303.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe objective of this paper is to recall the forgotten opposition of Clément Juglar to the colonization of Algeria, the originality of this position, and his contributions to the genesis of analysing colonial institutions. Juglar was not a theoretician of colonialism, but a liberal economist who rejected the process of colonization on economic grounds. This paper provides evidence that conventional wisdom on French colonialism is indebted to his work. The issues of capital returns in the colonies, French colonialism as mercantilism and protectionism, and the role of colonial institutions in economic development were all addressed by Juglar. He identified property rights and colonial institutions as central issues in his explanation of the predictable failure of colonialism, and in doing so he can be regarded as a forerunner of neo-institutionalist analysis of colonialism.
47
Preitschopf, Alexandra. "Contested Memories in Contemporary France and Their Reflection in Rap Music." AUC STUDIA TERRITORIALIA 21, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363231.2022.2.
Full textAbstract:
France’s colonial past and its aftermath remain an “open wound” to this day. After a long period of silence, painful issues such as the role of France in the transatlantic slave trade, colonial crimes in Africa, and the Algerian War have more and more become part of public consciousness in France. Interestingly, many French rap musicians who are the children or grandchildren of immigrants from former French colonies frequently use their songs to remind France of its colonial past. However, their messages sometimes compete with remembrance of the Holocaust. The singers’ condemnation of French colonialism becomes wrapped up in the Middle East conflict and Israel is portrayed as a new “colonial power.” By analyzing selected lyrics of recent French rap songs this article aims to explore the complex and sensitive intersection of post-colonial and Middle East politics and set the lyrics in the broader socio-political context of remembrance culture in France. The article argues that the musicians’ approaches to France’s troubled past are an important form of self-affirmation for their communities in the postcolonial context. By bringing up previously silenced topics, they contribute to a more diverse remembrance culture and contest narratives that have been predominant for a long time.
48
Akinyeye, Yomi. "The Air Factor in West Africa's Colonial Defence 1920–1945: A Neglected Theme." Itinerario 25, no. 1 (March 2001): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300005544.
Full textAbstract:
The colonial military history of British and French West Africa has received copious attention from historians and soldiers. The role of the region in the two world wars has also been discussed in one way or the other. However, in the discussion of West Africa's colonial military history and the role of the colonies in the two world wars, hardly any reference is made to the air factor. While discussions of colonial military history concentrate on infantry and naval exploits, those on the role of the colonies in the world wars concentrate on their importance as sources of raw materials and manpower for British and French war efforts in other theatres of the wars. The wrong impressions thus given are that the air factor was alien to West Africa's colonial defence and that the region was largely outside the strategic manoeuvres of the two world wars. This is understandable in that the Maxim gun and the gunboat had largely been responsible for the conquest and policing of West Africa. Moreover, while infantry and naval warfare had been the mode of combat in all societies from time immemorial the air as a factor of warfare is largely a phenomenon of the twentieth century. Lastly, strategists in British West Africa ignored the air factor for a very long time because of its capital intensity.
49
BENNINGTON, ALICE. "(RE)WRITING EMPIRE? THE RECEPTION OF POST-COLONIAL STUDIES IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (July 25, 2016): 1157–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000054.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis article explores the fierce resistance and controversy that have marked the reception of post-colonial studies in France. In contrast to the anglophone academy, where post-colonialism emerged and was gradually institutionalized throughout the 1980s and 1990s, in France these approaches did not make a mark until much later. The context of social and political crisis over France's post-colonial populations, in which the debate surrounding post-colonial studies emerged, is fundamental to understanding the high stakes and thus the vehemence and polemical nature of their reception. Institutional factors and the particularities of the French intellectual climate, France's strong Republican ideology, and its problematic relationship with its own colonial history, are all explored as reasons for this troubled relationship. The anglocentrism of post-colonial studies is also considered, as are the mutually beneficial outcomes of a dialogue between post-colonial studies and the French debates and context. I outline a specifically ‘French’ post-colonialism that has emerged from these debates, and suggest that whilst positive moves have been made towards a truly inclusive post-colonial studies that would take account of numerous languages, former empires, and former colonies, there remains work to be done in this direction.
50
Valdman, Albert. "On the socio-historical context in the development of Louisiana and Saint-Domingue Creoles." Journal of French Language Studies 2, no. 1 (March 1992): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269500001162.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis paper presents a hypothesis for the genesis of Creole French by drawing conclusions from an illustrative comparison of Louisiana Creole and Haitian Creole, and by presenting a depiction of the social-historical context in which Louisiana Creole developed.Bickerton's bioprogram and Baker and Corne's model comparing Mauritian Creole and its Reunionese congener are considered and found to be inadequate descriptions of the genesis of Creole French, since they assume that all parts of colonial Saint-Domingue, the île Bourbon (Reunion) and the île de France (Mauritius) had the same demographic mix and social structure. This paper offers and alternative model which suggests that French planation colonies did not constitute monolithic socio–politico–economic entities. On the contrary, differences in social setting were reflected by variartions in the local form of Creole French. Furthermore, certain structural features were diffused from one territory to another via the focal centres that also diffused the colonial model of social, political and economic organization. These are considered together to account for the range of variation found today in Louisiana Creole, and to explain the striking similarities between Louisiana Cre le and its geographically most proximate Creole French congener, Haitian Creole.