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Published: 26 July 2024
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1

杜耀明 and Yiu-ming To. "A communitarian theory of press freedom." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29797639.

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2

To, Yiu-ming. "A communitarian theory of press freedom /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25085475.

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3

Laughlin, Cindy. "Freedom of Expression and the College Press." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292229.

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4

Birke, Chris. "Attitudes of public school superintendents toward student press freedom in states with and states without student press freedom laws." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137669.

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This study gauged how superintendents of six states view student press freedom. This study focused on two sets of superintendents. In one set, the superintendents were in states that had passed student freedom laws. The second set of superintendents were in states that had no freedom laws, meaning school administrators had the right to censor school publications. The data strongly suggests that superintendents in states with freedom laws were less likely to favor censorship. However, both sets of superintendents appeared to favor administrative control.
Department of Journalism
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5

Cheng, Raymond. "Tough law for a tough press?" Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3197238X.

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6

Finnegan, John R. "A Free Press: Still Worth the Risks?" Department of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579485.

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The John Peter Zenger Award for Freedom of the Press and the People's Right to Know, 1986 / A Free Press: Still Worth the Risks? by John R. Finnegan, St. Paul (Minn.) Pioneer Press and Dispatch / Tucson, Arizona, October 10, 1986
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7

Ching, Chee-fong. "A comparative study of press control in Singapore and the People's Republic of China." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B23425532.

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8

Bullock, Cathy Ferrand. "How the public thinks about "freedom" and "press freedom" : a cognigraphic analysis /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6149.

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9

Cheng, Raymond, and 鄭維民. "Tough law for a tough press?" Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3197238X.

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10

Ching, Chee-fong, and 程芷芳. "A comparative study of press control in Singapore and the People's Republic of China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952963.

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11

Devlin, Nicholas E. "Ink and liberty, newspaper ownership concentration and freedom of the press under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/MQ34155.pdf.

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12

Mills, Abby. "Freedom of the press and corruption in the former Soviet Union." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/6067.

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13

Edwards, Gloria Dorothea Elizabeth. "Towards press freedom through self-regulation : trends in South African press ombudsman cases (August 2007 – August 2011) / Gloria Dorothea Elizabeth Edwards." Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/8688.

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Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period.
Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013
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14

Sæther, Elin. "The conditional autonomy of the critical press in China." Oslo : Department of Sociology and Human Geography, Universitetet i Oslo, 2008. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/iss/2008/85211/Sather.pdf.

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15

Maksl, Adam M. "The road to scholastic press freedom : a survey of midwestern high school newspaper advisers to determine the effects adviser backgrounds and school demographics have on student press freedom." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1371473.

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This study examines what characteristics of schools and advisers have the most effect on fostering free student press practices as reported by advisers. Advisers' perceptions were measured based on three scales: one that measured student practices, one that measured administrative practices and one that measured adviser practices. Data suggested that existence of student free expression laws and open forum policies, number of years of teaching and advising, licensure and certification to teach journalism, and membership in professional journalism organizations are among the characteristics that have the greatest effect on fostering freer scholastic press practices. Recommendations were made to scholastic media organizations to use this data to help prioritize the initiatives to best free press practices in school newspapers.
Department of Journalism
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16

Ngangum, Peter Tiako. "Press Freedom, Professionalization and Institutionalization of Journalism in Cameroon since the 1990s." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/271055.

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This study focuses on the development of press freedom and professional journalism in Cameroon since the country's transition to democracy in the 1990s. More precisely, it examines how press freedom and professionalism have become formalized through processes of legislation and institutionalization. To realize this, this study uses a broad literature review and documentary analysis to gain an overview of the evolution of press freedom and the professionalization of journalism in Cameroon. It also incorporates survey, in-depth interviews and newsroom observation to gain additional insights into how Cameroonian journalists go about their daily routines and the extent to which they feel free and autonomous to do so, as well as to better understand both the relationship between the roles of individual journalists and the organizational and societal contexts in which they operate. I contend that it is only through blending the survey, interview and newsroom observation that we can have a broader picture of the gap between role perception and performance in journalism.The study draws from the political economy approach to inform its discussions. It argues that journalism is a socially constructed activity within a specific political, economic, legal and regulatory context. It also draws from the sociology of the professions to analyse the professionalization of journalism in Cameroon, the role perception theory to underpin the journalistic role perceptions of Cameroonian journalists and the role perception and performance gap theory to explain and understand the gap between the various roles Cameroonian journalists believe the media should fulfil and the extent to which they perform these roles in daily practice.The hierarchical news environment includes not only reporters but also editors and directors of news publications, whose job involves ensuring that information reaching the public is ethically sound. From within the Cameroonian newsrooms, the role of editors and directors of news publications as gatekeepers, commercial and economic pressures, the interests of owners may undermine the efforts of journalists in performing their roles in actual practice. From outside the news organization, state interference in the media, the use of repressive press laws, sources, advertisers, political elites and the prevalence of gombo may limit the freedom and autonomy of journalists to live up to their ideals. When combined, these factors are likely to create a gap between journalists' ideals and practice.
Doctorat en Langues, lettres et traductologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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17

Al-Shamari, Sulaiman Gaza. "Government-press relations : a comparative study of Syria, Jordan and Kuwait." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34663.

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This study attempts to determine the effect of foreign policy on the freedom of the press through analysing newspapers from three Middle Eastern countries (Syria, Jordan and Kuwait) to test hypotheses regarding the direction and trends in the coverage of the two superpowers (The United States of America and the Soviet Union). The coverage was examined in the light of trends in Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti foreign policies towards the United States of America and the Soviet Union. This study is trying to assess any correlation between foreign policy and the freedom of the press, and to look at internal factors (press and publication law) which might influence both foreign policy and press. This study found out that the meaning of freedom of the press is shaped by political and economic factors. There are clear differences in the definitions and implications of freedom of the press between journalists in Syria and in the other two countries (Jordan and Kuwait). This analysis leads us to the conclusion that the Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti press and publication laws share one major characteristic that is the laws of these countries are more restrictive than protective. The ideals in the three countries constitutions which guarantee freedom of the press are one thing and practices are another.
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18

Rezwan-ul-Alam. "Military rule and the media : a case study of Bangladesh." Thesis, City University London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361852.

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19

Cuillier, David. "Access attitudes : measuring and conceptualizing support for press access to government records." Online access for everyone, 2006. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2006/d%5Fcuillier%5F041906.pdf.

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20

Lindqvist, Stefan. "Press Freedom and the Protection of Whistleblowers : A Qualitative Study of Their Relationship." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274488.

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This paper examines the potential causal link between press freedom and the quality of whistleblower-protection, namely the quality of the legislation designed to protect whistleblowers, and it does this with an intensive case study of Botswana and South Africa. In order to isolate the causal chain the paper controls for democracy, economic development, dependence on aid, Internet access, natural resources and state transparency. The results show that there is a correlation between press freedom and protection of whistleblowers, however the causal link could not be isolated thus inviting for further research into the relationship. The paper contributes to the field of political science by providing insights into the largely under-researched relationship between press freedom and protection of whistleblowers.
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21

Blair, Krista. "Communication, revolution, and social movements, freedom of the press in Nicaragua, 1979-1990." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0007/MQ36916.pdf.

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22

Sun, Zhendong 1978. "Balancing freedom of the press and the right to privacy : lessons for China." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99152.

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The conflict inherent in balancing freedom of the press and the right to privacy invariably presents some controversial legal issues. In addressing the legal dilemmas posed by these competing interests, an in-depth analysis of the conceptual value of these two equally important rights becomes a preliminary starting point. Through its exploration of the history and development of the press and privacy laws in both the United States and Canada, this thesis examines the fundamental values enshrined in these two rights. The author holds that the freedom of the press contains no privilege under the law, but that it serves as the means to promote the public's right to know in a democratic society, while the right to privacy offers an individual the autonomy to regulate his private affairs. By analyzing arguments of "pubic interest," "public figure," and "public privacy," the author compares the theoretical approaches to and practical attempts at striking a balance between the interests of the press and the privacy of the individual in the United States and Canada. Finally, the essay proposes how these experiences may contribute to the construction of relevant Chinese laws.
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23

Choi, Won-Young. "Freedom of the press and its impact on the Second Republic of Korea." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361595.

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24

Beard, Morgan. "La Satire Politique et la Liberte de la Presse au 19e Siecle (Political Satire and Freedom of the Press in 19th Century France)." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556290778710013.

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25

Jasson, Da Costa Wendy Avril. "The impact of the protection of state information bill on media freedom in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014619.

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This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.
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26

Yang, Yingxue. "Media Freedom in China: State, Society and Culture : A Comparative case study of Press Freedom between China and Taiwan." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60280.

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Freedom of speech is a fundamental human rights. In Article 19 of United Nations  Declaration of Human Rights declared “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”   China claims that the citizens of People’s Republic of China have the right of freedom of speech in Chinese current Constitution. However, Chinese journalists are barely able to express news freely, and the media freedom has become to a serious problem in modern China. On the other hand, Taiwan’s media freedom is considered to be the best in Asia according to Freedom House.   In this thesis, the author will research media freedom in China through a comparative case study, where the differences between Chinese and Taiwanese media will be explored. The thesis looks at how Chinese and Taiwanese media practice media freedom and how the Chinese media is constrained.     As a comparative case study, Chinese and Taiwanese media reports on the Mong Kok civil unrest in 2016 is used since the events in Hong Kong are of interest to both sets of media. Both quantitative and qualitative research method was used to do the data collection, and in analysis of the cases, critical discourse analysis is applied along with Trilling’s three models.   The research shows that the Chinese and Taiwanese media displayed obvious differences in their reporting of the Mong Kok civil unrest, they have different news quantities, article size, photo usage, news angle, key messages and thematic structure, as well as the means of expression. According to the analysis of these differences, the Chinese media freedom was limited to a great extent. In addition, the Chinese media was socially constrained by the deep-rooted sense of Democratic Centralism and Confucian value both in national leaders and citizens.
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27

Maynard, Robert C. "Earthquakes, Freedom and the Future." School of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/583007.

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The John Peter Zenger Award for Freedom of the Press and the People's Right to Know, 1989 / Earthquakes, Freedom and the Future by Robert C. Maynard, The Oakland Tribune / Tucson, Arizona, November 10, 1989
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28

Rodgers, Richard Mason. "What price for press freedom? : the Australian media's relationship with the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia /." Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr6912.pdf.

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29

Dashti, Ali A. "The effect of online journalism on the freedom of the press : the case of Kuwait." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/794.

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Online journalism has brought new features of journalism practices for local journalists and forced the expansion of their freedom. The Internet as a whole became the tool for freedom of expression for many suppressed countries, and online journalism became an alternative for press freedom in cyberspace. The diffusion of information enabled more opportunities for freedom of expression and speech prosperity, leading to a higher level of freedom in local press. This research project aims to examine the effect of online journalism on the freedom of the local press in the state of Kuwait. Since mid 1990s, when the Internet was introduced in Kuwait, a new phenomenon of press freedom started to rise. After many decades of relying heavily on local newspapers and controlled radio and TV, many Kuwaitis switched to the Internet to obtain information, news and political analysis. The political dispute of power after the death of Kuwaiti Emir Sheikh Jabber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah on 15 of January 2006, followed by the public demand to change the electoral constituencies voting system of the National Assembly, and the dissolving of the National Assembly in May 2006 forced many Kuwaitis to go online to get the latest news and analysis regarding the two issues. Kuwaiti online journalism became the source for instant updated information during the disputes. Many local writers praised their work on local press. Mohammad Abdul Qader Al-Jasim, a columnist and former editor in chief for Alwatan local newspaper, in his online Web site ‘Meezan’, provided non-censored detailed analysis of these situations without any restrictions or fear of government interference which was considered as a taboo “red line” no one was permitted to cross. The researcher used three different tools (survey, online content analysis, and interviews) to determine the effect of online journalism on journalist’s practices and the freedom of the press in Kuwait, focusing on the most popular Kuwaiti personal writers’ sites, weblogs and forums. The results show that online journalism affected journalist’s practices but did not replace the traditional practices. The Internet became a source and communication platform for many local journalists. At the same time, online journalism became one of the tools that helped increase the level of freedom in the local press. The language of online journalism took a different direction from the local press with more freedom to write, discuss, and share ideas online with less fear of government retribution. What was considered a taboo “red line” in the local press became an acceptable “green line” online. Local press officials recognized this effect on the local freedom, but disagree on the factors that really caused the freedom of the local press to increase.
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30

Aykota, Cansu. "Painting the steps : a socio-legal analysis of the freedom of the press in Turkey." Thesis, Brunel University, 2016. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13657.

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Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.
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Chama, Brian. "Press freedom in Zambia : a study of 'The Post' newspaper and professional practice in political context." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2014. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/press-freedom-in-zambia(971f1780-91a9-4ad7-a676-500fbd5b8ddc).html.

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This study investigates press freedom in the political context of Zambia by looking at The Post, a daily tabloid that operates in the country. It involves in-depth interviews with tabloid journalists working or having worked with the tabloid mainly in the area of reporting politics. It involves a literature review in the broader subject area and notes that, even though press freedom is the life blood of any democratic society which needs to be enhanced, there are other complexities that hinder its realisation, including ownership interests, tabloid journalists’ predilections, advertisers’ influence, political authorities’ expectations, and readers’ social and economic positions. In addition, despite the general public’s expectations and the press’s ardent quest for press freedom, the conception and understanding of press freedom in democracy is far from straight forward. The research found that The Post was incapable of contributing effectively to the maturity of democracy. Its level of credibility as a tabloid was compromised by joining ranks with ruling politicians. Its traditional watchdog role of exposing political and social elites to public accountability was also suppressed due to political partnership. In addition, citizens needed to consider seriously online journalism as it provided information at the expense of The Post which was no longer vocal in these domains. Government too needed to provide favorable mechanisms to enhance online publishing as it was beneficial to the promotion and protection of democracy. Furthermore, the Press Association of Zambia and the Media Institute of Southern Africa needed to be more critical of government operations towards the press and needed to intensify their role in providing checks and balance on journalists to uphold their professional values. Overall thesis contribution to knowledge derives from its critical examination of this under examined area of the role of tabloid journalism in emerging democracies. It adds detailed knowledge on the professional practice of tabloid journalism in Zambia as an exemplar of the political role of tabloid media in a developing democracy.
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Maheshwari, Swati. "Indian journalism and the ruling elite : a case of contingent heteronomy." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/675.

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The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.
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33

Howell, Abigail S. "Media diplomacy the negotiator's dilemma /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246739.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.
Thesis Advisor(s): Brown, R. Mitchell. Second Reader: Teti, Frank M. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 29, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Media Diplomacy, Negotiation Processes, Media Elite, Freedom Of The Press, Military Elite. Author(s) subject terms: Media Diplomacy, Media Elite, Freedom of the Press, Public Relations, Negotiation Process, Military Elite, Official and Unofficial Practitioners, Methods of Media Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 205-226). Also available in print.
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34

Bird, Wendell. "Freedoms of press and speech in the first decade of the U.S. Supreme Court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1a9de49a-b8c8-4500-a214-12a1719f6425.

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This thesis examines the views of freedoms of press and speech held by the twelve earliest justices of the U.S. Supreme Court, as the Sedition Act of 1798 raised their earliest First Amendment questions including the breadth of those freedoms and of seditious libel. The thesis discusses three aspects of the early justices' views, which add to existing studies. First, the context of those justices' views was growing challenges to the restrictive Blackstone and Mansfield definition of freedom of press as only freedom from prior restraint (licensing) and as not also freedom from subsequent restraint such as seditious libel prosecution. Those challenges were reflected in broad language protecting freedoms of press and speech, and in the absence of language stating that the English common law of rights or of seditious libel was left unaltered. That crucial context of growing challenges has not been detailed in existing literature. (Chapter 3.) Second, the views of each early justice on press and speech are chronicled for the period 1789-1798. That discloses express commitments to those freedoms, which are absent from existing literature, and no adoption of the Blackstone definition before the 1798 crisis. (Chapters 4-5.) Third, the cases and reasoning of the six sitting justices upholding the Sedition Act of 1798 are chronicled and assessed, along with the views of the six remaining justices. That reveals that most remaining justices and also a significant minority within the Federalist party rejected the Sedition Act. Yet positions on the Sedition Act have been only cursorily discussed for four sitting justices and have been overlooked for the other eight justices, as well as for the Federalist party's minority, for the critical period 1798-1800. (Chapters 6-7.) The thesis proposes reasons for that divergence between the pre-1798 commitment of all justices to freedoms of press and speech, and the support given by most sitting justices to the Sedition Act, in contrast to apparent opposition by most remaining justices. The primary reasons are their opposing positions on several connected issues: the extent of rights to dissent, the challenges to the Blackstone definition and to seditious libel, the effect of new state and federal constitutions on seditious libel and on common law rights, strength of attachment to freedoms of press and speech and to seditious libel, and most sitting justices' changes of position to embrace the Blackstone definition. The thesis calls into question conventional views in existing literature on each of those three aspects. First, Levy and others express the dominant view that freedom of press in state declarations of rights and the First Amendment 'was used in its prevailing common law or Blackstonian sense to mean a guarantee against previous restraints and a subjection to subsequent restraints for licentious or seditious abuse,' so that contrary evidence 'does not exist,' and that 'no other definition of freedom of the press by anyone anywhere in America before 1798' existed. Instead, opposition to the essence of seditious libel had been mounting over the decades. Second, the early justices are usually portrayed as having nothing to say about freedoms of press and speech before 1798. Instead, nearly all exhibited commitment to those freedoms before that crucial year, though half the early justices upheld the Sedition Act during 1798-1800. Third, the Federalist party, the early justices, and the states except Virginia and Kentucky are all usually described as unanimously supporting the Sedition Act. Instead, the Federalists divided over the Act, and the early justices did as well, with an unrecognized but significant minority of the party, and nearly half of the early justices, opposing the Sedition Act, as did several additional states.
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Barlow, M. "The clouded face of truth : a review of the South African newspaper press approaching Union." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/38c45bd9-b44f-43e4-b75c-5e49f1844576.

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Deppe, Kendra M. "The media and democracy in Russia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FDeppe.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Clunan, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-91). Also available online.
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Mbaine, Emmanuel Adolf. "The effects of criminalising publication offences on the freedom of the press in Uganda, 1986-2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002917.

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The press in Uganda has come a long way right from the colonial days when newspapers sprang up, mainly from missionary activity, through the eras of Obote 1 (1962 – 1971), Idi Amin (1971 – 1979), Obote 11 (1980 – 1985), Tito Okello (1985 – 1986) and the Museveni administration (1986 – to date). For most of this time, the press in Uganda enjoyed very little or no freedom to do its work. The year 1986 saw the ascendancy to power of the Yoweri Museveni as president after a five-year bush war with promised to restore peace, democracy, the rule of law, economic prosperity and civic rights and freedoms. Several achievements in these areas have been registered since 1986. Newspapers have sprouted and the broadcast industry liberalised to allow private ownership that has seen the proliferation of FM stations. However, the relations between the government and the press remain strained with journalists arrested and/or prosecuted mainly for offences relating to sedition, publication of false news and criminal libel. This study was intended to examine why journalists in Uganda continue to suffer arrests and incarceration when the country has been reported to be moving towards democratisation. The study was also aimed at assessing the impact of arresting journalists and arraigning them before the courts of law in the period under study and what this portends for freedom of the press and democratisation. It is recommended, among others, that journalists in Uganda need more unity of purpose to pursue meaningful media law reform that will de-criminalise publication wrongs. The civil remedies available to people who feel offended by the press are sufficient, if not excessive. The efforts already undertaken by the Eastern Africa Media Institute (EAMI) Uganda Chapter in this direction should be pursued to a logical conclusion.
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Wallace, David James. "The freedom of the press in a closed society: Civil rights movement journalism and segregationist pressure." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1439454.

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Ndlela, Nkosinathi. "Challenges and prospects for press freedom : comparative perspectives on media laws in Zimbabwe and South Africa /." [Oslo] : Fac. of Arts. Univ. of Oslo, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/479535736.pdf.

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Huraysi, Mohammed. "Press Freedom in Saudi Arabia War Reporting: A Case Study of the Gulf and Yemen Wars." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609168/.

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This study examined press freedom in Saudi Arabia coverage in two study periods, which are the Gulf and Yemen wars. Six Saudi newspapers, which represent Saudi regions, have been content analyzed. They are: Al Riyadh, Al Yaum, Al Nadwah, Mecca, Okaz, and Al Jazirah. The major questions are: What are the most salient issues Saudi newspapers dealt with in their editorials during the study period? What are the differences between the two periods of study? And what are the differences between the editorial features of the Gulf and Yemen wars? The normative theory-press freedom theory was conducted for this study. The results support the lack of press freedom during the Gulf War. In contrast, some newspapers have significantly improved their performance during the Yemen War, using a higher level of press freedom.
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Peterson, Emily Terese. "For the Good of the Few: Defending the Freedom of the Press in Post-Revolutionary Virginia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626416.

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Gonzalez, Melissa Joy. "Media Propaganda: A Framing Analysis of Radio Broadcasts from U.S. to Cuba." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4494.

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The purpose of this qualitative study is to analyze the dominant propaganda strategies that were reflected in an hour-long program of Radio Martì, a broadcast produced on behalf of Voice of America in the United States and aired to Cuba. Through propaganda techniques, a content analysis was used to determine which strategies were present in the commentator's coverage of the program, El Dia de la Prensa Libre on May 3rd, 2012. This study uncovered propaganda strategies, including testimonials, flag-waving, glittering generalities, appeal to prejudice, image manipulation, over-simplicity, assertion, and third party technique, that were utilized in an effort to present nuanced perspectives on the broadcasts transmitted on Radio Martì. The use of these strategies demonstrates that the program continues to use propaganda when broadcasting to Cuba after the conflict of interest incident with the United States and Radio Martì in 2006. Beyond the analysis of this broadcast, the results of this study cannot be generalized, but they can be viewed as an exemplar of the broadcast's stance on propaganda messages to Cuba on behalf of American journalists.
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Suddes, Thomas. "The National News Council, 1973-1984 : a history /." View abstract, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3360317.

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Nunu, Sukoluhle Belinda. "The broadcasting of criminal trials : upholding the freedom of expression or undermining the right to fair trial?" Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2832.

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This study investigated the tension between the right to freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial in the context of the public broadcasting of criminal trials. The aim of the study was to determine whether the right of the media to broadcast criminal trials can be reconciled with the right of an accused person to a fair trial. To accomplish the above aim, the research undertook a review of the case law relating to televised criminal trials in order to determine how the courts have addressed the fair trial-free expression conflict. The study concluded that the ‘balancing exercise’ employed by the courts does not seem to have addressed this tension. Given that televised criminal trials are prone to sensationalism and the danger of fabrication of evidence, the study concludes that the broadcasting of criminal trials undermines the right to a fair trial. The study makes recommendations that are designed to ensure a proper balance between the freedom of expression as exercised by the media through the broadcasting of criminal trials on the one hand and the right of accused persons to a fair trial on the other.
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McNealy, Jasmine E. "The press behaving badly First Amendment freedoms for news media and limitations on lawful newsgathering /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0022505.

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Gamlashe, Thembinkosi. "Freedom of the press, or the infringement of the right to privacy?: media coverage of President Kgalema Motlanthe from October 2008 to April 2009 in three newspapers." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1010118.

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The researcher attempts to assess in which respect the privacy of former President Kgalema Motlanthe may have been invaded during his presidency, in view of journalistic ethics and press codes currently in effect. The study will explore media practices based on media freedom at the time of publication, and assess whether this freedom is understood to suggest the infringement of the right to privacy in the coverage of the private lives of politicians in the media. This study will therefore examine a sample of articles from the Sunday Times, City Press and Mail and Guardian, covering former President Kgalema Motlanthe’s public behaviour that related to his private life, assess which aspects of his demeanour became the subject of media coverage, and correlate such reporting trends with fluctuations in his political career. The researcher will focus on the period when Kgalema Motlanthe was at the helm as the Head of State – from October 2008 to April 2009, and consider particularly the trends in the sampled press reports regarding his private life. The study furthermore examines some of the legislative and normative changes that affected the media in South Africa after democratisation, to correlate the trends observed in the press coverage with legislation. This further serves to identify possible gray areas that arise from reporting on the freedom of the press and may lead to the invasion of privacy.
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Dahlback, Ida Titlestad. "Long walk to press freedom: the media framing of the April 2015 xenophobic attacks in South Africa." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31519.

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This thesis enquires into the collective violence against foreigners in South Africa in April 2015. The aim of the study is to investigate the manner in which the media framed the attacks, and to analyse how both victims and perpetrators were presented in news articles. The research process utilised in this study is qualitative content analysis, and the study analyses 68 articles by six online news publications between the 13th and the 21st of April 2015. The thesis determines that the Daily Sun, News24, Independent Online (IOL News), Eyewitness News (EWN), Mail & Guardian, and the Daily Maverick presented both balanced and biased content between the 13th and 21st of April 2015. There was a great variety in how objectively the online news publications framed immigrants. Several online news publications included numerous sources and counter-arguments, while others did not. The Mail & Guardian and the Daily Maverick presented the most in-depth coverage of the violence, while the Daily Sun, News24, Independent Online (IOL News), and Eyewitness News (EWN) uncritically reproduced xenophobic language and statements during the attacks.
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McMasters, Paul K. "Freedom of Information is Not Just a Media Issue." Department of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/581685.

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The John Peter Zenger & Anna Catherine Zenger Award for Freedom of the Press and the People's Right to Know, 1999 / "Freedom of Information is Not Just a Media Issue" by Paul K. McMasters / April 27, 2000
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Boggs, Teresa J. "The First Amendment rights of high school students and their student newspapers." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=4143.

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Paton, Elizabeth Katrine. "Privacy law and the media." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28826.

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This thesis explores the issue of how to reconcile the value of individual privacy with that of freedom of speech. It argues that there ought to be legal protection against invasion of privacy by the media, and that such protection should be seen as complementary to a system of free expression rather than opposed to such a system. A definition of privacy is outlined which, it is contended, meets the criteria for a coherent, neutral definition. Various reasons for valuing privacy and in favour of protecting the individual's reasonable expectations of privacy are identified. It is argued that lack of precision in the normative realm, in defining with certainty when privacy is invaded, should not be an excuse for leaving the individual without legal protection. There follows an examination of the protection of privacy against media incursions in English, New Zealand, Australian and Canadian law, other than the coincidental protection afforded by certain common law actions. There has been significant judicial and legislative recognition of the need to safeguard privacy interests, and many interesting developments in recent years are discussed. However, none of the countries considered has yet developed effective recourse for victims of unwarranted and invasive publications. It is argued that the relationship between privacy and free speech has been wrongly conceptualised, and that in fact both interests serve the same underlying set of values. Problems arise when privacy and free speech interests are balanced in the abstract rather than in context, and when a simplistic view of press freedom is adopted in disregard of the realities of the modern mass media. Invasive publications generally do not significantly advance free speech interests unless they help to provide the information needed for public decision-making. Furthermore, this information can in many cases be conveyed without detriment by withholding details which disclose identity. A three-step test is proposed to determine whether privacy and free speech interests can be reconciled without compromise to either of them, or whether it is necessary to balance these interests in the context of the case. It will also be maintained that a contextual approach is preferable to the adoption of categories such as "public figures" and "public places". These concepts tend to be misleading, and should be eschewed as analytical tools, since they confuse important questions which require separate analysis.
Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
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