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1

Kaczmarczyk, Michał. "LEGAL BASIS OF PRESS FREEDOM IN IRELAND." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, no. XX (June 30, 2020): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.1686.

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The concept of freedom of the press is closely linked to freedom of expression. Freedom of the media is an instrument of free speech and is derived from the freedom of expression, independence of thought, opinion, ideas and judgement. Freedom of the media is possible only if the state ensures real independence of expression, access to reliable information, freedom of publication and publishing. Respecting media freedom through non-interference by public auReceived thorities is an important part of the European standard of democracy, and is aligned with the essence of the liberal democratic regime. Ireland has a diversified market of newspapers and magazines, created by private entities, operating on the basis of well-developed guarantees of freedom of establishment that are deeply rooted in the Irish legal tradition. Freedom of speech, which is also enjoyed by the media, is enshrined in the Constitution, and appropriate institutions have been established to protect it, defending the right of the media to obtain and disseminate information, but also to safeguard the principles of law and ethics in journalism, combining the right of the press to express opinions and freely describe reality with the right of the beneficiaries of this activity (readers) to obtain information that is reliable, true, honest and credible. This article attempts to characterize the legal basis of press freedom in Ireland (both domestic and international) and to describe the institutions that uphold this freedom, ensuring that the media system functions properly as one of the subsystems of the social system.
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2

O'Dell, Eoin. "A little Parthenon no longer: the proportionality of tobacco packaging restrictions on autonomous communication, political expression and commercial speech." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 69, no. 2 (June 8, 2018): 175–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v69i2.91.

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This paper evaluates the constitutionality of statutory restrictions upon tobacco packaging in Ireland. It concludes that public health and the protection of children constitute pressing and substantial reasons sufficient to justify the Public Health (Standardised Packaging of Tobacco) Act 2015 and part 5 of the Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2017 as proportionate restrictions upon tobacco companies’ freedom of political expression protected by Article 40.6.1 of the Constitution and freedom of autonomous communication protected by Article 40.3.1.
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3

CONNOLLY, S. J. "A WOMAN'S LIFE IN MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRELAND: THE CASE OF LETITIA BUSHE." Historical Journal 43, no. 2 (June 2000): 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008912.

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Letitia Bushe (c. 1705–57), daughter of a minor Irish landowner and one-time office- holder, was a member of the intellectual and cultural circle that included Swift's friend, the letter writer Mary Delany, the ‘proto-bluestocking’ Anne Donnellan, and the ‘heretic’ bishop Robert Clayton. The means by which, as a single woman of independent but limited means, Bushe maintained her position within this circle had elements of informal domestic servitude. At the same time a cache of unusually intimate letters reveals a determined individualist, consciously distancing herself from some of the official pieties of her society, and enjoying a greater freedom of thought, action, and speech than might at first sight have been expected. The letters also document Bushe's intense and tortured relationship with a younger woman, Lady Anne Bligh, an episode which raises important questions about the nature of women's friendships at this time.
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4

Lock, Geoffrey. "The 1689 Bill of Rights." Political Studies 37, no. 4 (December 1989): 540–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00288.x.

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Following the disastrous reign of James II, the Bill of Rights was introduced to curb future arbitrary behaviour by the Crown. Five of the thirteen Articles are still active and cases illustrating their use in the courts are described. The courts have enforced the requirement for parliamentary consent to taxation and the ban on the executive's power to suspend statutes but have been less strict over the dispensing power. Article 9, on parliamentary freedom of speech, is in active use, and developments in Australia and Canada are reviewed. Scotland's own legislation – the Claim of Right – is discussed briefly. Most of the Bill probably does not apply to Northern Ireland. Opinions vary on the Bill's importance but in the author's view it is still a potent force.
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5

Novikov, Vladimir. "Freedom of Speech." Russian Studies in Literature 29, no. 4 (October 1993): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsl1061-1975290457.

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6

Robie, David. "Freedom of speech." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2002): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v8i1.734.

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In spite of the hot air about governments pressuring the media in Pacific countries—and this does happen all too frequently—I believe a greater threat to press freedom comes from a small clique of media veterans, many of whom are of palagi origin, who have disproportionate influence. [Keynote address at the inaugural Pacific Islands Media Association (PIMA) conference in Auckland, 5-6 October 2001.]
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7

Agnew, Thelma. "Freedom of speech." Nursing Standard 12, no. 42 (July 8, 1998): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.12.42.12.s31.

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8

Jadacki, Jacek. "Freedom of speech." Analiza i Egzystencja 40 (2017): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/aie.2017.40-06.

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9

Hochberg, Leigh R., and Sydney S. Cash. "Freedom of Speech." New England Journal of Medicine 385, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejme2106392.

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10

Post, Robert C., and Eric Barendt. "Freedom of Speech." American Journal of Comparative Law 36, no. 1 (1988): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840191.

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11

Maxman, Melissa H., and Eric Barendt. "Freedom of Speech." Michigan Law Review 85, no. 5/6 (April 1987): 947. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1289024.

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12

&NA;. "Freedom of speech?" Nursing 43, no. 6 (June 2013): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nurse.0000429810.87471.60.

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13

Suttner, Raymond. "Freedom of Speech." South African Journal on Human Rights 6, no. 3 (January 1990): 372–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.1990.11827820.

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14

Park, Byung Jin. "Crossover Freedom of Speech." Recht Innovativ 5, no. 2 (July 2021): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s43442-021-0077-x.

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15

Stevens, John Paul. "The Freedom of Speech." Yale Law Journal 102, no. 6 (April 1993): 1293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/796971.

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16

Binderup, L. "GLOBAL FREEDOM OF SPEECH." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 11, no. 4 (2007): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2007.4.05.

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17

PATON, EWAN. "Respecting Freedom of Speech." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 15, no. 4 (1995): 597–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/15.4.597.

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18

Ayittey, George. "African freedom of speech." Index on Censorship 16, no. 1 (January 1987): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228708534188.

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19

Heins, Marjorie. "The freedom of speech." Index on Censorship 19, no. 1 (January 1990): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229008534749.

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20

Purnell, Howard F. "Blasphemy — Freedom of Speech." Australian Journal of Forensic Sciences 22, no. 1 (September 1989): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00450618909411013.

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21

Yong, Caleb. "Does Freedom of Speech Include Hate Speech?" Res Publica 17, no. 4 (July 13, 2011): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-011-9158-y.

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22

Akram, Ujala. "Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Religion and Islam." European Journal of Law Reform 16, no. 2 (June 2014): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ejlr/138723702014016002009.

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23

Schwartz, Joel. "Freud and Freedom of Speech." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960865.

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24

Sarmiento, Augusto. "Infringing on Freedom of Speech." Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery-American Volume 93, no. 2 (January 2011): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2106/jbjs.j.00888.

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25

Newey, Glen. "Denial Denied: Freedom of Speech." Amsterdam Law Forum 2, no. 1 (December 14, 2009): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37974/alf.100.

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26

Hansson, Sven Ove. "Philosophy and Freedom of Speech." Theoria 82, no. 1 (January 4, 2016): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/theo.12086.

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27

Badamchi, Devrim Kabasakal. "Justifications of freedom of speech." Philosophy & Social Criticism 41, no. 9 (December 24, 2014): 907–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714564457.

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28

Bailey, William. "Freedom of Speech in Prisons." Free Speech Yearbook 26, no. 1 (January 1987): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08997225.1987.10556080.

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29

Schwartz, Joel. "Freud and Freedom of Speech." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185089.

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In this essay I develop a psychoanalytic defense of freedom of speech that is implicit in Freud's works, principally in his discussions of verbal slips and jokes. Freud argues that freedom of speech benefits people by providing a harmless outlet for aggression, suggesting that it is better to express aggression in words than in violent deeds or to repress it altogether. The psychoanalytic defense of free speech has affinities with various liberal defenses, but it is partial because apolitical; it emphasizes the emotional self-expression of speakers as opposed to the rational persuasion of listeners. The intellectual roots of the contemporary concern with “freedom of expression” (as opposed to “freedom of speech”) can be found in Freud: to focus on freedom of expression is to ignore the qualitative differences among forms of self-expression and to neglect the specifically political character of speech.
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30

Lewis, D. "Freedom of Speech and Employment." Industrial Law Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/32.1.72.

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31

Prystupenko, T. O. "Freedom of speech in Ukraine." Science and Education a New Dimension VI(169), no. 28 (June 29, 2018): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31174/send-hs2018-169vi28-09.

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32

Crown, Allan. "Blasphemy and Freedom of Speech." Australian Journal of Forensic Sciences 22, no. 1 (September 1989): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00450618909411012.

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33

Fitzgibbons, Mark J. "Advocacy and freedom of speech." New Directions for Philanthropic Fundraising 1996, no. 13 (1996): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pf.41219961309.

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34

Wilhelm, Dagmar. "Freedom of Speech and Democracy." Feminist Dissent, no. 6 (December 9, 2022): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n6.2022.1262.

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In recent years ‘freedom of speech’ has been hotly contested, at times weaponised in political debates. Policies of ‘no-platforming’ and at times strong reactions, even protests, against certain speech have led some to worry about what they call ‘cancel culture’. In addition to the explicit fight over freedom of speech seen, for example, in current feminist debates, the last 18 months have seen a rise in the popularity and presence of conspiracy theories, including theories about Covid vaccinations and the Covid pandemic. Mixed in with the so-called ‘anti-vaxxers’ are a medley of conspiracy theorists ranging from climate change deniers, supporters of ‘ethnic replacement conspiracy theories’ through to the astonishingly long-lived, antisemitic myths about child sacrifice and world domination. The spread of such conspiracy theories is problematic if they directly or indirectly cause harm. Anti-vaccination conspiracy theories are harmful if they facilitate the spread of a deadly disease, or if they spread misinformation and thereby vilify (marginalised) individuals or groups and undermine the trust necessary for peaceful coexistence and cooperation in democratic societies. However – while concern about such harms is important – freedom of speech is often regarded as such a basic right that any infringement has been considered harmful in itself. In this article I will look at two examples that pose challenges to freedom of speech and analyse them with reference to what I take to be the most plausible account of the grounds and scope of freedom of speech, a democratic defence of freedom of speech. Seeing freedom of speech as primarily grounded in democracy has important implications in situations when speech can be seen as harmful in a relevant sense and in consideration of what we can or should do about harmful speech. In the end I will suggest a possible way of weighing up value and dangers with respect to the cases and also in a broader sense.
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35

Deane, Seamus. "Freedom Betrayed: Acton, Burke and Ireland." Irish Review (1986-), no. 30 (2003): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29736101.

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36

Moon, Jong-dae. "Reason and Freedom of Speech - Study on reason-based practice of freedom of speech-." Locality & Communication 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 114–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47020/jlc.2021.02.25.1.114.

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37

Oltmann, Shannon M. "Intellectual Freedom and Freedom of Speech: Three Theoretical Perspectives." Library Quarterly 86, no. 2 (April 2016): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/685402.

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38

Wertheimer, John, and Zechariah Chafee. "Freedom of Speech: Zechariah Chafee and Free-Speech History." Reviews in American History 22, no. 2 (June 1994): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702912.

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39

Kinge, Steve. "Freedom of speech: Using speech biometrics for user verification." Network Security 2007, no. 1 (January 2007): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1353-4858(07)70006-5.

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40

Lamson, Allison, Lucas de Souza Lehfeld, and Augusto Martinez Perez Filho. "Freedom of speech and hate speech: an american perspective." Revista de Direitos e Garantias Fundamentais 23, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18759/rdgf.v23i2.2029.

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Freedom of speech is a fundamental right in the United States, however, it is not unlimited. Although the Supreme Court initially supported the government in its pursuit of speech limitation, more recently the Court has positioned itself as the protector of the First Amendment rights. The Court prevented the government from regulating speech on the basis of content and provided strict parameters regarding the lack of protection of freedom of speech. The article aims to examine the evolution of the US jurisprudential understanding and how the idea of hate speech fits into the often ambiguous categories established in the decisions.
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41

Pégorier, Clotilde. "Speech and Harm: Genocide Denial, Hate Speech and Freedom of Expression." International Criminal Law Review 18, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01801003.

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This article expounds upon the issue of genocide denial, especially its particular relations to freedom of expression and hate speech. It proceeds from the twin view that the gravity of the act of denial is such that anti-denial legislations are not irreconcilable with democratic standards and the principle of freedom of expression, and that what is required in the wake of recent high-profile rulings favouring freedom of expression is not an abandonment of attempts to develop a workable framework for criminalising denial, but rather renewed investment in thinking through operable approaches that are more finely-attuned to the characteristics of denial and its consequences. The aim of the contribution is thus to offer a re-examination of the relations between genocide denial, freedom of expression and hate speech, and, on this basis, to venture new possibilities for confronting denial via reference to the current framework(s) of hate speech.
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42

Doyal, L. "Euthanasia and free speech in Ireland." BMJ 338, may27 1 (May 27, 2009): b2109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.b2109.

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43

Larasaty, Dwi. "Analisis Freedom of Speech di Media Sosial Twitter dengan Kaitannya terhadap Adab Generasi Muda Islam dalam Berinteraksi di Media Sosial." Al-I'lam: Jurnal Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 6, no. 1 (September 24, 2022): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31764/jail.v6i1.11141.

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Abstrak: Twitter memiliki daily user yang cukup banyak, yaitu sebesar 229 juta pengguna yang tercatat dari tahun 2017 sampai tahun 2022, serta pada bulan Januari tahun 2022 Indonesia menempati posisi ke-lima sebagai negara yang menggunakan aplikasi Twitter terbesar. Freedom of Speech seringkali digaungkan oleh muda mudi sebagai kebebasan untuk berpendapat, freedom of speech merupakan bagian dari demokrasi, mengingat Indonesia merupakan negara demokrasi. Akan tetapi banyak yang kurang memahami istilah Freedom of Speech ini yang menyalahgunakan untuk dijadikan tameng saat menyebarkan ujaran kebencian, dan berita palsu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan terdapat 12 narasumber yang merupakan generasi muda yang aktif menggunakan Twitter. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah terdapat kaitan dari istilah freedom of speech ini terhadap adab yang kurang baik di media sosial karena orang tersebut tidak memahami istilah freedom of speech dengan baik. Freedom of speech seharusnya adalah kebebasan berbicara yang dibatasi oleh aturan-aturan yang ada, di Indonesia terdapat UU ITE, dan sebagai muslim harus mengingat Al-Qur’an dan Hadist sebagai pedoman yang ada dalam kehidupanAbstract: Twitter has a lot of daily users, amounting to 229 million users recorded from 2017 to 2022, and in January 2022 Indonesia occupies the fifth position as the country that uses the largest Twitter application. Freedom of speech is often echoed by young people as freedom of expression, freedom of speech is part of democracy, considering that Indonesia is a democratic country. However, many people do not understand the term Freedom of Speech, which misuses it as a shield when spreading hate speech and fake news. This study uses qualitative research methods, with 12 resource persons who are young people who are actively using Twitter. The result of this study is that there is an influence of the term freedom of speech on bad manners on social media because the person does not understand the term freedom of speech well. Freedom of speech should be freedom of speech which is limited by existing rules, in Indonesia there is the ITE Law, and as Muslims we must remember the Qur'an and Hadith as guidelines in life
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44

Strope, John L. "Academic Freedom: In Our Minds, the Legal Myth Dies Slowly!" NASSP Bulletin 83, no. 610 (November 1999): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019263659908361003.

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For public school teachers freedom of speech, protected under the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, protects speech in two settings, outside the classroom and inside the classroom. This article focuses on freedom of speech in the classroom—that form of speech most often called academic freedom. Academic freedom concerns what is taught and/or how it is taught.
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45

Kendrick, Leslie. "Use Your Words: On the "Speech" in "Freedom of Speech"." Michigan Law Review, no. 116.5 (2018): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.116.5.use.

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Freedom of speech occupies a special place in American society. But what counts as “speech” is a contentious issue. In countless cases, courts struggle to distinguish highly protected speech from easily regulated economic activity. Skeptics view this struggle as evidence that speech is, in fact, not distinguishable from other forms of activity. This Article refutes that view. It argues that speech is indeed distinct from other forms of activity, and that even accounts that deny this distinction actually admit it. It then argues that the features that make speech distinctive as a phenomenon also make it distinctive as a normative matter. This does not mean that the skeptics are all wrong. It does, however, mean that they are wrong that freedom of speech is conceptually impossible. Speech is special in a way that makes it a plausible basis for a right of freedom of speech.
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46

Bonotti, Matteo. "Religion, hate speech and non-domination." Ethnicities 17, no. 2 (March 9, 2017): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817692626.

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In this paper, I argue that one way of explaining what is wrong with hate speech is by critically assessing what kind of freedom free speech involves and, relatedly, what kind of freedom hate speech undermines. More specifically, I argue that the main arguments for freedom of speech (e.g. from truth, autonomy and democracy) rely on a ‘positive’ conception of freedom intended as autonomy and self-mastery or as collective self-government, and can only partially help us to understand what is wrong with hate speech. In order to fully grasp the wrongness of hate speech and to justify hate speech legislation, I claim, we need to rely instead on the republican idea of freedom as ‘non-domination’. I conclude that the hate speech used by religious citizens, even though it is a manifestation of their religious freedom, should be subject to the same restrictions that apply to other citizens’ hate speech, because republicans should be concerned with the undominated (i.e. robustly secured) religious freedom of all religious citizens and, more generally, with the undominated freedoms of all citizens, including those who are victims of religious hate speech.
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47

Mohd Noor, Noor Farihah. "FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND THE PANDEMIC." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 5, no. 21 (December 31, 2020): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.5210024.

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Freedom of speech has always been debated as critical. A lot of people misconceived them as total rights which permits them to exercise them without limitations. Many have exceeded the limit by expressing themselves inappropriately. Freedom of speech is important to maintain human dignity. But some quarters have misunderstood it so much so that this right has been distorted and deformed to suit some private agenda. There has been prosecution made under the anti-fake news law relating to the dissemination of Covid 19 news to instil panic in the people. This paper is important as it provides some insights on how laws are made to restrict freedom and how such rights should be exercised with responsibility and accountability to bring about overall peace and harmony.
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48

이광진. "Hate Speech and Freedom of Expression." Journal of Law and Politics research 17, no. 1 (March 2017): 321–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17926/kaolp.2017.17.1.321.

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49

Andrews, Bridget. "Freedom of speech must be protected." Nursing Standard 18, no. 11 (November 26, 2003): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.18.11.31.s45.

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50

Wojtkowski, Łukasz. "Agenda–setting versus Freedom of Speech." Polish Political Science Yearbook 39, no. 1 (December 31, 2010): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2010013.

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