Relevant bibliographies by topics / Freedom of religion – Turkey

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Freedom of religion – Turkey'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Freedom of religion – Turkey"

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Vural, Hasan Sayim. "Two Generations of Debate on Freedom of Religion in Turkey." Religion and Human Rights 8, no. 3 (2013): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341258.

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Abstract Within the debate on freedom of religion in Turkey, we can identify two distinct generations, both of which are alive with an oscillating degree of vibrancy. The first generation of debate has evolved around the question on the proper place of Islam in the secular nation-state; while the second one has encompassed the plural concerns of protecting the rights and freedoms, pertaining to religion or belief, of a diverse multitude, under the rule of law. The first generation of debate resulted in a dual deadlock: Freedom to religion versus freedom from religion. The second generation is informed by a pluralisation of parties and concerns. The first generation has produced well-established results in jurisprudence, where the effect of the second generation is far from being significant. Yet, as this paper will explain in conclusion, we have good reasons to expect the second generation to prevail over the first one.
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Temperman, Jeroen. "Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey." Religion and Human Rights 8, no. 3 (2013): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341256.

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Ukenov, A. "Religion as an Instrument of Soft Power in International Relations." Al-Farabi 76, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2021.4/1999-5911.15.

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The article examines the cases of using religion as a “soft power” in the example of Russia and Turkey. Based on foreign policy strategies, each state forms its own discourse in the use of religions as “soft power”. The article substantiates the idea that world religions have the greatest potential in solving interstate issues, as carriers of a unique historical experience of spiritual and political globalization, as institutions of spiritual power that accumulate significant material and other resources, as well as as institutions of civil society that promote the values of freedom and humanism. The use of religion as «soft power» becomes another argument in criticizing the theories of secularism. The analysis of the discourse of religion as a “soft power” was made on the example of the foreign policy strategies of Russia and Turkey, taking into account their political authority in the international arena, as well as their perception as one of the centers of world religions.
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Yıldırım, Mine. "Are Turkey’s Restrictions on Freedom of Religion or Belief Permissible?" Religion & Human Rights 15, no. 1-2 (April 23, 2020): 172–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10010.

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Abstract This article constitutes a summary of the findings of an inquiry into the utilization of the restriction clause of freedom of religion or belief in the course of restriction of this right in Turkey. It demonstrates that FoRB is restricted in various ways by public authorities which rarely involve a systematic application of the FoRB restriction clause. Despite Turkey’s human rights obligations in the area of freedom of religion or belief and the high status conferred to international human rights law under Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution the impact of international provisions on the protection of FoRB in Turkey remains insufficient and inconsistent. The right to freedom of religion or belief has been restricted through measures based on “established practice”, decisions of public authorities based on laws and regulations not directly dealing with this right and court decisions that are not in full compliance with international law.
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Hazza, Thaer Najrs, and Anmar Mahmoud Khalaf. "Religion and state in Erdogan's mind." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 12 (February 22, 2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i12.8.

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If there are events that confirm Samuel Huntington's argument about the clash of civilizations and Bernard Lewis's thesis on Islam, such as the establishment of the Islamic state in Iran, and the events of September 11, what all these people condone is that Islamist movements are not always an extension of fundamentalism In countries such as Turkey and Indonesia, social movements helped bring in democracy, after decades of authoritarian rule by secularist regimes backed by the army. Religious groups in these countries have participated in the transition to democracy. In Turkey, Islamist groups have fought the vessels in order to strengthen democracy, and in order to participate in the achievement of freedom of opinion and expression and the promotion of religious and human rights, and this is what he did Erdogan and his colleagues since they receive power in Turkey
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Lerner, Hanna. "Permissive Constitutions, Democracy, and Religious Freedom in India, Indonesia, Israel, and Turkey." World Politics 65, no. 4 (October 2013): 609–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000208.

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The article addresses the question of what role formal constitutions play in mitigating intense conflicts over the religious character of the state. In contrast to common views in constitutional and political scholarship, it demonstrates that the ideal of liberal constitutionalism is not compatible with the political reality and types of conflicts that characterize religiously divided societies. Analyzing four processes of constitution drafting in which issues of religious law and religious identity were at the heart of the debate—India, Indonesia, Israel, and Turkey—it argues that under deep disagreement over the state's religious character, the drafters adopt either a permissive or a restrictive constitutional approach. While the former implies strategies of constitutional ambiguity, ambivalence, and avoidance in order to allow the political system greater flexibility in future decision making on religion-state relations, the latter approach uses repressive constitutional constraints designed to limit the range of possibilities available to future decision makers. The article further explores the long-term consequences of the two approaches and argues that (1) permissive constitutional arrangements, more than restrictive arrangements, are likely to promote the democratic functioning of future governments; and that (2) permissive constitutional arrangements may facilitate greater freedom of religion, but they are also likely to lead to greater restrictions on freedom from religion, compared with restrictive constitutions.
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Özgül, Ceren. "Freedom of Religion, the ECtHR and Grassroots Mobilization on Religious Education in Turkey." Politics and Religion 12, S1 (2019): S103—S133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000779.

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AbstractThis paper examines grassroots mobilizations in Turkey against the government's policies on religion and education (RE), and the potential effects of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) on their mobilization. Specifically, it follows the ways in which grassroots actors frame their discourses of secularism and freedom of religion in education during a period when the Turkish government is aiming to increase the role of Sunni-Islam in national education, while at the same time refusing to implement ECtHR decisions regarding RE. Drawing on empirical research, it analyzes the role the ECtHR and its case law play in the diverse rights claims and discourses of three different types of mobilizations that is going on in the field of RE: (i) legal mobilization, and right to exemption and freedom from religion, (ii) political mobilization, and new discourses of pluralism and secularism, (iii) monitoring and policy-based mobilization and national and international advocacy for pluralism and equality in education.
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Burak, Begüm. "Secularism and Rise of Sunni Islam in Turkey: The Otherisation of the Alevis." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.6.

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State-religion relationship is one of the elements which shape state-society relationship, and this relationship determines the quality of democracy. Alevi citizens in Turkey have been suffering from unequal treatment in terms of state attitude towards their religious freedom and education. Turkey has a sui generis secularisation background which is identified as not having equal distance to all belief systems. Turkish style secularism represents an understanding which has alienated the Alevi citizens and seen them as the “others”. The Directorate of Religious Affairs was established to introduce and promote a specific understanding of religion, namely Sunni Islam. In this study, the concept of “otherness” in the constitution of Turkish national identity will be employed as an analytical tool in exploring how state-religion relationship in Turkey has been an important factor producing inequalities between citizens leading to discrimination towards the Alevi identity. In this regard, the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs will also be discussed while focusing on the rise of Sunni Islam.
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GÜLOGLU, Yavuz. "The Effects of Judical Bodies’ Interpretation Forms Of Legal Rules in Turkey on the Education Freedom in Universities." International Journal of Modern Education Studies 2, no. 1 (August 7, 2018): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51383/ijonmes.2018.20.

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The freedom of conscience and belief can be defined as the freedom of people in what they wish to believe without the compulsion of political power and other people by means of laws and other means. The belief of religion that can be accepted as the natural extension of the freedom of conscience and belief is to be free in doing the requirements of the religion that the people believe in with its rituals. While it is not possible and effective to make restrictions in freedom of belief, today, there are some restrictions in some judical systems in freedom of worship. With the principle of secularism which is settled among the principles that the alteration of which are not even be proposed, there have been some different decisions about the administrative acts that cause the violation of belief and worship freedom in the implementation of the right of education which is secured with Constitutional Law in Turkish Constitution. In this study, the effects of the incompatible decisions of administrative jurisdiction about the implementations of the administration related to the education right of students at universities, which is secured by the Fundemental Law, on the freedom of education, especially for the last ten years, will be examined.
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Onal, Recep. "The presentation of main Islamic Sects in the context of freedom of thought and multi-diversity in course books of ‘education of religion and ethics’ lesson in primary and secondary schools in Turkey." International Journal of Innovative Research in Education 4, no. 2 (August 24, 2017): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/ijire.v4i2.2316.

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Abstract Religion education which has an important place in the education systems of countries, has a direct influence on political, religious and socio-cultural developments. Emerged under the roof of Islam, sect and groups which adopt different ideologies have been shaped according to the religious understanding of ruling powers or the political conditions. Almost in every country, religious affairs are under the control of governments and acts in accordance, as in Turkey. Unlike Western countries, modern Turkey is not multi-religious and multi-cultural. Hereby, Islam is in the center of religious education in Turkey. The main objective of this paper is to analyze how main Islamic sects are presented in the course books of ‘Education of Religion and Ethic’ lesson served by The Ministry of Education. The course books of ‘Education of Religion and Ethic’ lesson are used as resources and scan-analyze method is followed. Keywords: Education of Religion and Ethics, Islam, Islamic Sects, Sunnism, Shiaism, Alevism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Freedom of religion – Turkey"

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Doganyilmaz, Didem. "How far religious freedom goes in a laic state: alevis of Turkey." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/403209.

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This study aims to analyze the necessities of Alevism as a belief and the limits of freedom that Alevis have had since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey to maintain and practice their cultural and religious components in between a laic state structure and traditionally Sunni Muslim society. It puts the debate on the limits of religious freedom of a certain group; this is to mention Alevis, in a laic state structure, which should aim to keep its distance to any religious identity with possession none of them on the center. The distinguishments aim to emphasize the place of Alevis in political history of the Republic of Turkey, which has been fulfilled with a concrete competition of two aforementioned identities, and to mention the difficulties that Alevis have faced with as a result of their officially unrecognized religious identity by none of the two identities and its consequent limitations. Keywords: Alevism, political history of Republic of Turkey, laicism, religion, political Islam
Este estudio tiene el objetivo de analizar las necesidades del alevismo como una creencia y los límites de la libertad que los alevís han tenido desde la fundación de la República de Turquía, al mantener y practicar sus componentes culturales y religiosos entre una estructura estatal laica y la sociedad tradicionalmente musulmana sunita. Pone el centro del debate en los límites de la libertad religiosa de un grupo determinado, los alevís, en una estructura del Estado laico, que debe tratar de mantener su distancia hacia cualquier identidad religiosa, sin optar por ninguna de ellas. Por lo tanto, las determinaciones tienen el objetivo de destacar el lugar de los alevís en la historia política de la República de Turquía y hablar de las dificultades a las que se han enfrentado los alevís, como consecuencia de su identidad religiosa no reconocida oficialmente por ninguno de las dos identidades y sus consecuentes limitaciones. Palabras clave: alevismo, la historia política de la República de Turquía, el laicismo, la religión, el Islam político
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Cin, Turgay. "Yunanistan'daki Müslüman Türk azınlığın din ve vicdan özgürlüğü başmüftülük ve müftülükler sorunu /." Ankara : Seçkin, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52311545.html.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir, Turkey, 2002, under the title: Yunanistan'da Müslüman azınlık açısından din ve vicdan özgürlüğü.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [443]-454).
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Neff, Pamela S. "Freedom of Religion or Freedom from Religion? The New Laicite in France." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1351638370.

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Ozcetin, Burak. "Democracy And Opposition In Turkey: Locating The Freedom Party." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605371/index.pdf.

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The main objective of this thesis is to examine the specific place of the Freedom Party (Hü
rriyet Partisi) in Turkish political history. Founded by a group of Democratic Party (Demokrat Parti) members who were expelled from the party in December 1956, the Freedom Party (1956-1958) is crucial for a proper understanding of evolution of the idea and practice of democracy in Turkey. Although mostly neglected by students of Turkish politics and labeled as an insignificant political party, this thesis argues that the Freedom Party is critical for understanding the 1950s and socioeconomic and legal-constitutional developments of the following decade. The thesis also pays a considerable attention to the Forum journal, which began to be published in 1954 by a group of liberal intellectuals and which guided the Freedom Party in ideological and political terms. It is the main argument of this thesis that the Freedom Party and Forum journal introduced a new understanding of politics and this understanding had profound effects in the following decades. The ideological transformation of the Republican People&rsquo
s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) after the second half of the 1950s and the role of HP in this process is another topic of the thesis.
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Burlando, Giannina L. "Suarez on soul, will, and freedom /." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148784889151255.

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Lee, Yu-Jung. "Human rights in China : freedom of religion and freedom of movement compared." Thesis, University of Essex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423447.

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Kanakanian, Arminé. "The situation of freedom of expression - Turkey and the European Union." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Behavioural, Social and Legal Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2300.

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Abstract

This study will shed light on the meaning of article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and its

inconformity with fundamental principles of the European Union and fundamental human

rights. The trial of Nobel Prize winner, Mr Orhan Pamuk and the killing of Mr Hrant Dink in

January 2007 have both put focus on the notorious article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.

The purpose of the study is to answer the main question; In what way does article 301 of the

Turkish Penal Code infringe the freedom of expression outlined in article 10 of the European

Convention on Human Rights and what should the European Union do about it?

The conclusion is that article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code infringes the right to freedom of

expression stated in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It does

undermine the essence of the right by invoking a wide range of self-censorship, by its

ambiguous language and by the way it is applied. The restrictions are interpreted broadly and

leave nothing but an arbitrary article left to apply for the courts. The European Union holds

the power to influence Turkey and can therefore enforce an abolition of article 301 of the

Turkish Penal Code. Time will tell if Turkey will fully safeguard freedom of expression as it

is stated in article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and in the praxis of the

European Court of Human rights and the European Court of Justice.

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Aksu, Kenan. "Turkey-EU relations : beyond membership : army, religion, and energy." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2015. http://research.gold.ac.uk/16752/.

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This thesis examines the impact of Turkey-EU relations on Turkey's domestic political evolution in the 1990s and 2000s, with a focus on the evolution of the religious political parties, the changing position of the military and Turkey’s new energy politics. Although Turkey-EU relations resemble non-progressive affairs to many, in reality, they are as productive as any other relations that have resulted in the expected goal. Both Turkey and the EU made significant gains from this long lasting relationship. However, this thesis focuses more on the impact of these relations on Turkey. While engaging with the EU, Turkish domestic politics underwent a major evolution especially concerning the religiously motivated political parties; they were founded on anti-Western and pro-Islamic principles. However their attempt to come to power was continuously prevented by the secular forces, most importantly the army. In 2000s, realizing the importance of Europeanisation to help avoid the military’s intimidation, they became the real champions of Westernisation, contrary to their founding principles. Under Erdoğan’s leadership they started the accession negotiations with the EU. While Islamic political thinking was evolving, the position of the Turkish Armed Forces, who, directly or indirectly, drove Turkish politics since the 1960s, was also changing in favour of civilian control. Thanks to the EU initiated reform programs which were implemented by the religiously rooted JDP after 2002, the Turkish army’s heavy presence in civilian politics was reduced almost to zero. Again, close relations with the EU encouraged Turkey to become proactive within Eurasian energy politics. As well as the good relations with the West, Turkey also started utilizing its geostrategic positioning by trying to become the energy bridge, and perhaps energy hub, between the energy producers on its eastern borders with energy hungry Europe on its western borders.
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Temnenko, Zeyneb. "Religion in the Legal Systems of Turkey and Morocco." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/281842.

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Religion
M.A.
In this Master's thesis, I plan to compare the following aspects of religious life in Morocco and Turkey: - the way religion (Islam) is regulated on the official level, - the way religious secondary education functions (imam-hatip schools in Turkey and madrasahs in Morocco), - the way women's rights are regulated. I also plan to compare the religious legislation that the Moroccan and Turkish governments have passed. In my work, I will use both primary sources such as constitutions, laws and other legal documents in their original French and Turkish languages, and also secondary sources such as books and published reports. I argue that both Morocco and Turkey have lenient and flexible systems of laws that regulate religion, and both of these countries could serve as examples of efficient governmental regulation of the religious realm. Although Turkey has been a secular country since the demise of the Ottoman Empire in 1923, it has neither been an atheist country, nor has it ever adopted atheist policies. Turkish secularism, if it can be explained in a few words, does not only separate religion and state, it also restricts and provides freedom from religion, from certain Islamic symbols and practices in public sphere and state institutions. Turkish secularism does not prohibit practicing religion. It rather curtails the exterior symbols of religion. Morocco is a Muslim country with emerging secularist policies that are being undertaken on the official level. Moroccan King Mohammad VI tries to curb any beginnings of Islamic insurgence or radicalism. The King also tries to control the religious sphere and the meanings of religion. The Turkish government, on the other hand, tries not to associate itself with religion as it might cost it the loss of its secular and moderately religious electorate.
Temple University--Theses
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O'Brien, Morgan J. III. "Religious Pluralism in Mauritius and Turkey." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1183648967.

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Books on the topic "Freedom of religion – Turkey"

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5.

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Religious freedom in Turkey: April 12, 2005 : briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Washington: Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 2007.

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1949-, Dilipak Abdurrahman, ed. Opposites: Side by side. New York: George Braziller, 2003.

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Yurdatapan, Șanar. Opposites: Side by side. New York, NY: George Braziller, 2002.

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Wrestling with free speech, religious freedom, and democracy in Turkey: The political trials and times of Fethullah Gülen. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 2011.

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Kazakhstan. Qazaqstan Respublikasynyn͡g︡ zan͡g︡dary: Dīni senīm bostandyghy zhăne dīni bīrlestīkter turaly, Qazaqstan Respublikasyndaghy ghylym men memlekettīk ghylymi-tekhnikalyq sai͡a︡sat turaly, Bīlīm beru turaly = Zakony Respubliki Kazakhstan o svobode veroispovedanii͡a︡ i religioznykh obʺedinenii͡a︡kh, o nauke i gosudarstvennoĭ nauchno-tekhnicheskoĭ politike Respubliki Kazakhstan, ob obrazovanii. Almaty: "Qazaqstan", 1992.

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Kazakhstan. Qazaqstan Respublikasynyn͡g︡ zan͡g︡dary: Qazaqstan Respublikasynyn͡g︡ salyq zhu̇ĭesī turaly = Zakony Respubliki Kazakhstan o nalogovoĭ sisteme v Respublike Kazakhstan. Almaty: "Qazaqstan", 1992.

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Kazakhstan. Qazaqstan Respublikasynyn͡g︡ Zan͡g︡y: Dīni senīm bostandyghy zhăne dīni bīrlestīkter turaly = Zakon Respubliki Kazakhstan o svobode veroispovedanii͡a︡ i religioznykh obʺedinenii͡a︡kh. Almaty: "Qazaqstan", 1993.

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Ayhan, Yalçınkaya, ed. Aleviler 'artık burada' oturmuyor!: Alevi çalıştayları ve sonrası. Ankara: Dipnot yayınları, 2013.

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Osmanlı sonrası Bulgaristan Türklerinin dinî yönetimi ve özel yargı teşkilatı, 1878-1945. İstanbul: Rumeli Araştırmaları Merkezi, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Freedom of religion – Turkey"

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. "The Religion Box on the National Identity Card: Being Compelled to Reveal One’s Religion and Beliefs." In Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey, 7–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5_2.

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. "Unresolved Issue: Compulsory Religious Education." In Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey, 57–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5_4.

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. "The Manifestation of Religious Belief in the Public Sphere: Religious Symbols and Dress." In Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey, 115–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5_6.

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. "Recognition of Faith Groups and the Opening of Places of Worship." In Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey, 81–113. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5_5.

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. "Introduction." In Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5_1.

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Çınar, Özgür Heval. "The Military-Nation and Conscientious Objectors." In Freedom of Religion and Belief in Turkey, 35–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70077-5_3.

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Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi, and İştar Gözaydın. "Turkey: Religious Assistance in Prisons – State Monopoly of Religious Service." In Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies, 391–400. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36834-0_24.

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Turner, Bryan S., and Berna Zengin Arslan. "Legal Pluralism and the Shari’a: A Comparison of Greece and Turkey." In Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies, 219–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09605-6_13.

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Denli, Özlem. "Between Laicist State Ideology and Modern Public Religion: The Head-Cover Controversy in Contemporary Turkey." In Facilitating Freedom of Religion or Belief: A Deskbook, 497–511. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-5616-7_20.

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Yohanna Ibrahim, Mar Gregorios. "Religious freedom, education, pluralism and personal status of Syriac Christianity in Syria and Turkey." In Syriac Christianity in the Middle East and India, edited by Dietmar W. Winkler, 63–72. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463235864-008.

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Conference papers on the topic "Freedom of religion – Turkey"

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Karaman, Ebru. "Principle of Laicity in Turkish and French Constitutions." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02275.

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To be assumed as a truly democratic state of law; the state should not make law according to a religion and not have a religion-based structure. Turkey and France are two countries different from others being in the discussions on secularism examining the relationship between religion and state. Because the laicity is one of the foundations of the regime and takes part in the legal system as a constitutional principle. In the first chapter the provisions on laicity in the Turkish Constitutions before the date 1982 and in the Turkish Constitution dated 1982 are going to be explained then the discussions in Turkey are going to be evaluated according to the Turkish Constitutional Court's approach to the principle of laicity. In the second part the provisions on the principle of laicity in the French Constitution dated 1958 are going to be explained, afterwards the discussions on laicity in France is going to take place. State and religion relations continue to be relevant a subject. That is why it still gives form to Turkish political life. The freedom of religion and the separation of religious and state relations are the requirements of the laic state. For a state these includes not to have an official religion, be impartial to all the religion and to treat equal to all the believers to different religions, to distinguish the religious institutions and state institutions and not to have an accordance between the rules of and the rules of religion.
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Dura, Nicolae V. "THE FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND THE RIGHT TO RELIGIOUS FREEDOM." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.110.

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Hasan, Moh Abdul Kholiq. "FREEDOM OF RELIGION IN RASHID RIDA'S PERSPECTIVE." In International Conference on Qur'an and Hadith Studies (ICQHS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icqhs-17.2018.9.

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Maigre, Marie-Elisabeth. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE EMERGENCE OF A TURKISH CULTURAL THIRD WAY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mxux7290.

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This paper aims to understand the role of Fethullah Gülen’s movement in the emergence of the new Islamic culture in Turkey. Among the Islamic dynamics that emerged in the 80s, the movement based on Gülen’s ideas is unique not in that it spread through an intellectual, healthcare and media network – this is true of other Sufi communities – but in its develop- ment of an effective educational programme now comprising more than 300 schools around the world. In the 1990s, this movement favoured a ‘Turkish Islam’ encompassing the principles of de- mocracy and moderation, and so rejected the radical ideals of Necmettin Erbakan’s Refah party. After the 1997 ‘soft coup’ removed the Erbakan government, pro-Islamic businesspeo- ple became more disinclined to support a party that could threaten their business interests. A reformist branch led by Istanbul mayor, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, began to adopt the principles of democracy and religious freedom as part of a new political argument, and eventually won the general elections of November 2002. It seems that three actors – the Islamist reformists, the businessmen, and Gülen’s followers – converged around the common concepts of Turkish Islam, Conservative Democracy, and Business to re-elaborate the cultural content of the Islamic movement with a more Western- democratic and capitalist orientation. The phrase ‘Islam de marché’, coined by Patrick Haenni, refers to the culture, born of globalisation, in which business success is efficiently used to translate thinking or religious beliefs into something practical and derive some cul- tural influence from association with the state. Fethullah Gülen, whose movement is a paradigm of these new approaches, could be consid- ered a far-sighted visionary since he anticipated the need for Turkish people, whether secular or Islamist, to adapt to the present times, and the strong potential of globalisation to diffuse his vision of Islam.
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Mamchenkov, Dmitry. "Foundation of Human Freedom in Religion and Science." In 3rd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-18.2018.319.

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Fidiyani, Rini. "State Legal Protection on Freedom of Religion: a Myth." In 1st International Conference of Law and Justice - Good Governance and Human Rights in Muslim Countries: Experiences and Challenges (ICLJ 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iclj-17.2018.24.

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Orekhov, Andrey, and Alexander Efimenkov. "Religion as Institution and Capital: Between Freedom and Effectiveness." In 5th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities - Philosophy of Being Human as the Core of Interdisciplinary Research (ICCESSH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200901.022.

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Surette, Tanya. "When Truths Collide: Freedom of Religion Undermines Freedom of Identity in Canadian Public Schools." In 2019 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1428880.

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Ahmedov, Damir, and Alexey Nikitin. "LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ON COUNTERING OFFENSES IN THE SPHERE OF IMPLEMENTING FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE AND FREEDOM OF RELIGION." In Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02058-6/036-043.

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The necessity to counteract the commission of crimes against freedom of conscience and freedom of religion is an integral part of the criminal law policy of a modern state. At the same time, the development of social relations, achievements of scientific and technological progress, transform existing social relations, which significantly complicates the law enforcement activities of law enforcement agencies, including in matters of ensuring the protection of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion.
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Nikitin, Aleksey, and Damir Ahmedov. "FORMATION OF RUSSIAN LEGISLATION ON FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE AND RELIGION." In Law and law: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02033-3/055-057.

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This article deals with ensuring the development of the legal framework of public relations in the sphere of freedom of conscience and religion, creating and modernizing means of protecting human and civil rights and freedoms.
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Reports on the topic "Freedom of religion – Turkey"

1

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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2

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Idris, Iffat. Promotion of Freedom of Religion or Belief. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.036.

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Freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is a fundamental human right. However, the general global trend in recent years is towards increased FoRB violations by both government and non-government actors. Notable exceptions are Sudan and Uzbekistan, which have shown significant improvement in promoting FoRB, while smaller-scale positive developments have been seen in a number of other countries. The international community is increasingly focusing on FoRB. External actors can help promote FoRB through monitoring and reporting, applying external pressure on governments (and to a lesser extent non-government entities), and through constructive engagement with both government and non-government actors. The literature gives recommendations for how each of these approaches can be effectively applied. This review is largely based on grey (and some academic) literature as well as recent media reports. The evidence base was limited by the fact that so few countries have shown FoRB improvements, but there was wider literature on the role that external actors can play. The available literature was often gender blind (typically only referring to women and girls in relation to FoRB violations) and made negligible reference to persons with disabilities.
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Van Dyke, Melvin R. China: Freedom of Religion in a Most Favored Nation. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada343400.

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Combs, J. C. Freedom of Religion and Conscience in the Military: Clarifying Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada592763.

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Bulut, Ergin. Motorcycles, Unfree Freedom, and Surveillance: Delivery Work during the Pandemic in Turkey. Just Tech, Social Science Research Council, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3032.d.2022.

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Marshall, Katherine. Towards Enriching Understandings and Assessments of Freedom of Religion or Belief: Politics, Debates, Methodologies, and Practices. Institute of Development Studies, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.001.

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Promoting the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is a foreign policy priority for several countries, their concerns accentuated by considerable evidence of rising levels of violations of this right worldwide. This puts a premium on solid evidence and on clear assessment criteria to serve as objective guides for policy. This paper reviews the complex landscape of approaches to assessing and measuring both the status of FoRB and the degree to which this human right is being violated or protected. It introduces and describes various transnational methodologies, both qualitative and quantitative, which focus, in differing ways, on violations. Several are widely cited and have express policy applications, while others have more indirect application to FoRB. The analysis highlights the diversity of approaches, which both reflect and contribute to a tendency to politicise FoRB issues. Challenges include differing understandings of the nature and relative significance of violations and their comparability. Country analysis is crucial because the specific context has vital importance for a granular appreciation for causes and impact of FoRB violations. This granularity, however, is poorly reflected in broader quantitative transnational and time series indices that highlight trends and comparative impact. The review highlights the limited degree to which FoRB issues, specifically violations and religiously related discrimination, are integrated in the policies and practice of development approaches (including social change and progress towards wellbeing) internationally and nationally. Effective approaches to addressing violations are few and far between, especially at the international level. The review notes strengths and weaknesses of specific approaches to assessment and reflects on possible improvements focused on development challenges and better integration among aspects of human rights.
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Gedi,, Zeri Khairy. “Freedom Belongs to Everyone”: The Experiences of Yazidi Women in Bashiqa and Bahzani. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.009.

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This CREID Policy Briefing provides recommendations to address the marginalisation, discrimination and exclusion faced by Yazidi women in Bashiqa and Bahzani. Yazidi women in Bashiqa and Bahzani today are still living through the trauma and consequences of the genocide committed by the Islamic State (ISIS). In addition, they face a range of further challenges as marginalised women from a minority religion. While more Yazidi girls and young women are progressing in education, harmful social norms, customs and practices – originating from both wider Iraqi society and the Yazidi community itself – create barriers for Yazidi women who want or need to work outside of the home, access healthcare or engage in public life. Widows and divorced women face specific challenges as they are seen as without male protection. Yazidi women also face the stigma that comes from being a former captive of ISIS, and the discrimination that comes from being judged an “infidel” due to their religion.
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Thompson, Stephen, Brigitte Rohwerder, and Clement Arockiasamy. Freedom of Religious Belief and People with Disabilities: Evidence from India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.004.

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Around the world, people with disabilities can be the most marginalised in society. Having a disability and being a member of a religious minority or an excluded social group can compound the reasons why some people find themselves on the outskirts of social systems which normally provide financial and moral support and a sense of identity and belonging. A recent study from India found that identity markers such as religion, caste and gender can exacerbate the exclusion already experienced by people with disabilities. Taking deliberate steps to strengthen the social inclusion of people with disabilities who also come from minority religious groups and socioeconomically marginalised backgrounds can help them fulfil their potential to fully and effectively participle in society on an equal basis with others, and strengthen community ties, making the society in which they live more inclusive.
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Bharadwaj, Sowmyaa, Jo Howard, and Pradeep Narayanan. Using Participatory Action Research Methodologies for Engaging and Researching with Religious Minorities in Contexts of Intersecting Inequalities. Institute of Development Studies, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.009.

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While there is growing scholarship on the intersectional nature of people’s experience of marginalisation, analyses tend to ignore religion-based inequalities. A lack of Freedom of Religion and Belief (FoRB) undermines people’s possibilities of accessing services and rights and enjoying wellbeing (World Bank 2013; Narayan et al. 2000, Deneulin and Shahani 2009). In this paper, we discuss how religion and faith-based inequalities intersect with other horizontal and vertical inequalities, to create further exclusions within as well as between groups. We offer our experience of using participatory action research (PAR) methodologies to enable insights into lived experiences of intersecting inequalities. In particular, we reflect on intersecting inequalities in the context of India, and share some experiences of facilitating PAR processes with marginalised groups, such as Denotified Tribes (DNT). We introduce a FoRB lens to understand how DNT communities in India experience marginalisation and oppression. The examples discussed here focus on the intersection of religious belief with caste, tribal, gender and other socially constructed identities, as well as poverty. Through taking a PAR approach to working with these communities, we show how PAR can offer space for reflection, analysis, and sometimes action with relation to religion-based and other inequalities. We share some lessons that are useful for research, policy and practice, which we have learned about methods for working with vulnerable groups, about how religion-based inequalities intersect with others, and the assumptions and blind spots that can perpetuate these inequalities.
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