Journal articles on the topic 'Freedom of expression – China'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Freedom of expression – China.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Freedom of expression – China.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Rusnandi, Rusnandi. "Restrictions on Freedom of Expression Under Chinese President Xi Jinping in the Globalization Era." Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i1.2031.
Full textAbstract:
Much literature has highlighted the current Chinese government’s restriction on freedom of expression on the internet and religious freedom. However, very little research has examined the nexus between freedom of expression in China and globalization. This article aims to offer a view on President Xi Jinping’s increasing autocracy over the freedom of expression and its implications on China’s performance in this globalizing world. A qualitative approach was utilized in this study and data were collected via library research. It was found that China’s increasing autocracy under Xi Jinping, as shown in its tightening controls on online freedom of expression and rules on religious freedom, has created a setback for China’s participation in globalization. This argument lies in two basic assumptions. Firstly, the spirit of globalization enables people to interact around the globe more freely in any way, while China’s government restricts such interaction. Secondly, as a significant global player, China shows little respect for the freedom of religion. Accordingly, it violates the globalization of religious liberty, which is considered a universal human right in the 21st century. KEYWORDSChina; freedom of expression; globalization; religious freedom
2
FU, BOB. "Hope for Religious Freedom for All in China." Unio Cum Christo 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art10.
Full textAbstract:
What theological foundation can best procure, promote, and protect religious freedom for all? If obstacles to securing the peaceful public manifestation of religious faith in the context of the diverse worldviews in the “public square” depend on the state, however, what is next? In China, the Communist Party routinely uses persecution and other tyrannical tactics to eliminate the expression of religious beliefs, making religious freedom appear out of reach. Nevertheless, research projects the demise of communism in China and increased Christianization and democratization. If this transition takes place, a contextualization of principled pluralism, baorong duoyuan, offers the best theoretical, practical foundation for religious freedom for all faiths in China’s future. KEYWORDS: Religious freedom, persecution, China, principled pluralism, communism, Christianization, baorong duoyuan
3
Saleem, Nadia, and Farasat Rasool. "Freedom of Expression in Digital Age: An Analysis of Twitter in Context of Pak-China Relationship." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iv).16.
Full textAbstract:
This article is aimed to provide an analysis regarding the freedom of expression on Twitter in the digital age. Freedom of expression in the digital age is the capability of an individual through which they are able to express their beliefs, thoughts, ideas and emotions on various issues via different social media platforms that are free from governmental censorship. These freedoms play a significant role, as now, each individual can have his/her own perspectives and school of thoughts; and can live his/her life as per own choice. The present study is a discourse analysis of the Pak-China relations debate as top trend hashtags on Twitter in 2020. The data was collected through Mozdeh Big Data Software. The top twenty tweets with the highest likes in seven trending hashtags have been studied as per Searle's Speech Act Analysis. The study shows that how Twitter as a social media platform provides a forum of free debate for everyone.
4
Keyuan, Zou. "Navigation in the South China Sea:Why Still an Issue?" International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 32, no. 2 (June 14, 2017): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12322038.
Full textAbstract:
The safety of navigation remains an issue in the sense that navigation through the South China Sea is essential for world seaborne trade and communications, and the lingering territorial and maritime disputes would constitute a threat to the safety of navigation there. In recent years, the term ‘freedom of navigation’ has become a pivotal expression in the rivalry between China and the United States in the South China Sea. This paper starts with addressing the international legal framework concerning navigation, followed by state practice in the South China Sea, including domestic legislation and safety measures. It then discusses the issue of military activities in the exclusive economic zone and their implications for the freedom of navigation. The paper identifies several issues connected to navigation, such as the U-shaped line, law enforcement patrols, and the recent South China Sea Arbitration. A brief conclusion is provided at the end.
5
Broude, Tomer. "It's Easily Done: The China-Intellectual Property Rights Enforcement Dispute and the Freedom of Expression." Journal of World Intellectual Property 13, no. 5 (July 22, 2010): 660–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1796.2010.00403.x.
Full text
6
SHAN, Wei. "Post-materialism: What Divides Youth in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China." East Asian Policy 10, no. 03 (July 2018): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000302.
Full textAbstract:
Post-materialism is a value orientation that gives priority to freedom of expression and participation in public affairs over fulfilment of material needs such as economic and physical security. Youth in Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainland China have significantly different levels of post-materialist values, with Hong Kongers scoring the highest and Mainlanders the lowest. These differences have led to their different political orientations.
7
King, Geoffrey. "Limits and Hopes: Catholics and Religious Freedom in the People's Republic of China." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 2, no. 2 (June 1989): 175–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x8900200204.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the more liberal policies of the present Chinese government, the Catholic Church in China remains very limited in its activities. It can have no voice on matters of public policy; Catholics can give no external expression to their belief in the primacy of the Pope. This state of affairs is determined as much by Chinese tradition and the economy as by Marxist ideology. But a mission of “presence” remains possible, and there seem to be no insuperable obstacles to a model of church communion which respects both papal primacy and the Chinese desire for “autonomy”.
8
Hyun, Ki Deuk. "Dissenting public or engaged citizens? Predictors of general and contentious online political expression in China." Global Media and China 1, no. 4 (December 2016): 450–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436416687574.
Full textAbstract:
Online political engagement in China has been explained as both conventional and contentious forms of political participation. Depending on the explanations, potentially contradicting factors are assumed to promote online political engagement. To resolve this contradiction, this research distinguished general and contentious online political expression. The analyses of two datasets showed that general online political expression positively related to variables associated with conventional participation, such as personal resources, political interest, efficacy, and satisfaction with personal and China’s general economic situations. On the other hand, expression regarding contentious food safety issues was mainly explained by factors related to contentious participation such as support for alternative political ideas (i.e. freedom of expression and giving more voice to citizens) and the perception of injustice. In both datasets, political expression was positively associated with social media use for news. The results from the two studies suggest that different factors may be at work in explaining general and contentious political expression. The potential of the two different types of political expression for political change in China is discussed.
9
Absattarov, R. B., I. Rau, and N. B. Seisenbekov. "ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND GEOSTRATEGIC SITUATION IN THE SOUTH-WEST OF CHINA: SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.09.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the sociological aspects of economic, political and geostrategic situations in the South-West of China, which have not yet been sufficiently studied in the socio-political literature.The article discusses the expression in detail the economic, political and geo-strategic situation in doabe of the rivers Shu, Liang, Macau and Hong Kong. Mainland China and the two former colonies of Hong Kong and Macao differ not only in right-and left-hand traffic. Hong Kong and Macao have free movement of capital and freedom of the press.
10
Zhang, Yalu, Qin Gao, Fuhua Zhai, and Paul Anand. "WEALTH AND HEALTH IN PREDICTING ELDERS’ SOCIAL CAPABILITIES IN CHINA: MEDIATING ROLE OF SOCIAL NETWORK." Innovation in Aging 3, Supplement_1 (November 2019): S369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igz038.1348.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Despite an established positive link between social wealth, health, and social capability among older adults, the effect and mechanisms among these factors are understudied. This paper uses the WHO Study on Global Ageing and Adult Health (SAGE) data and a mediation analysis method, combing social capital theory and a social capabilities approach, to provide new evidence on the effects of financial resource, physical function, and cognitive function on the social capabilities of older adults (aged 55 and above) in China and the possible mediating role of social network in this relationship. The descriptive analysis results show that urban older adults (n=5,274), on average, had lower freedom of expression, lower sense of living safety, and less frequent community participation, while having better self-perceived health, higher physical and cognitive functions, more household income, and higher educational background than their rural peers (n=5,270). The Baron and Kenny’s mediation analysis results show that social networks accounted for a substantial proportion of the effects of wealth and health on social capabilities, but wealth and health still had strong, positive direct effects of its own. Higher mediating effects of social networks were found in the association between functions and social capabilities of freedom of expression (9.46%) and sense of safety (36.33%) among rural older adults. Results of this study urge for further social policies and intervention programs to enhance older adults’ social capabilities, including social cohesion, sense of trust and safety, physical and mental functioning, and subjective well-being.
11
Dorsey, James M. "Illiberals and Autocrats Unite to Craft a New World Media Order." China and the World 02, no. 04 (December 2019): 1950024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s259172931950024x.
Full textAbstract:
Underlying global efforts to counter fake news, psychological warfare and manipulation of public opinion is a far more fundamental battle: the global campaign by civilizationalists, illiberals, autocrats and authoritarians to create a new world media order that would reject freedom of the press and reduce the fourth estate to scribes and propaganda outlets. The effort appears to have no limits. Its methods range from seeking to reshape international standards defining freedom of expression and the media; the launch and/or strengthening of government-controlled global, regional, national and local media in markets around the world; government acquisition of stakes in privately-owned media; advertising in independent media dependent on advertising revenue; funding of think-tanks; demonization; coercion; repression; and even assassination. The effort to create a new media world order is closely linked to attempts to a battle between liberals and non-liberals over concepts of human rights, the roll-out of massive Chinese surveillance systems in China and beyond and a contest between the United States and China for dominance of the future of technology. The stakes in these multiple battles could not be higher. They range from basic human and minority rights to issues of transparency, accountability and privacy, human rights, the role of the fourth estate as an independent check on power, freedom of expression and safeguards for human and physical dignity. The battles are being waged in an environment in which a critical mass of world leaders appears to have an unspoken consensus on the principles of governance that should shape a new world order. Men like Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Victor Orbán, Benjamin Netanyahu, Mohammed bin Salman, Mohammed bin Zayed, Narendra Modi, Rodrigo Duterte, Jair Bolsonaro, Win Myint and Donald J. Trump have all to varying degrees diluted the concepts of human rights and undermined freedom of the press. If anything, it is this tacit understanding among the world’s foremost leaders that in shaping a new world order constitutes the greatest threat to liberal values.
12
Tomilenko, Serhii, and Lina Kushch. "The Safety and Freedom of the Press Guarantees in Ukraine: International Standards." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 772–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-52.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the main activities of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine. The authors note that the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine is engaged in vigorous cooperation with international organizations, the primary objective being to protect the rights of journalists and ensure the physical safety of journalists in the country. The European Federation of Journalists and the International Federation of Journalists have been the essential partners for many years. The authors state that for the first time, the governing bodies of the European Federation of Journalists included Ukrainians, namely Serhii Tomilenko, who has joined the European Federation of Journalists Executive Committee. The latter is the largest journalistic organization in Europe consisting of 70 journalistic associations and unions from 44 countries. The article emphasizes the international support of the persecuted Ukrainian journalists. The authors mention that the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine called for the presidential candidates and Ukrainian political forces (prior to the presidential and parliamentary elections) to sign a ‘Declaration in Defence of Freedom of Expression’. The International Federation of Journalists supported the call. If elected President and to the Parliament, they will have to comply with 7 basic principles. The authors note that there is also expertise-sharing and cooperation with journalists from other countries. Keywords: National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, international cooperation, defence of freedom of expression and assistance to journalists, International Federation of Journalists, European Federation of Journalists, cooperation with All-China Journalists Association, contacts with journalists from Egypt, Bulgaria and other countries, Declaration in Defence of Freedom of Expression.
13
Hua, Lu, and Matthew Galway. "Freedom and its limitations: The contemporary mainland Chinese debate over liberalism." China Information 32, no. 2 (March 8, 2018): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18760849.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence of Chinese liberalism carries with it a specific China-centric character that reflects both a Chinese and a foreign focus on the nation’s complicated domestic situation. As part of the research dialogue on the intellectual public sphere in China, this article provides a historical perspective of the development of contemporary Chinese liberalism and explores the complexities of those Chinese liberals’ engagement with a number of key issues in political thought, both among themselves and with their principal opponents, the New Left. We review four themes in these ongoing debates: the relationship between freedom and equality; the liberals’ demands for a more open civil society; their call for balanced social structures, including a mechanism for expressing interest; and their search for a new synthesis of Chinese tradition with a strong nation state. Contemporary Chinese liberals propose their visions for a China that operates within and against a Euro-American-dominated system. Thus, their interpretation of classical liberal texts is characterized by one of creative adaptation, and informed by both local and foreign intellectual resources. The article’s ultimate goal is to provide a deeper understanding of the internal debates among Chinese liberals, which may give a sense of the multifarious predicaments and opportunities that China’s intellectuals face as China attempts to pursue wealth, power, and a revitalized role in a new world order.
14
Nolan, Justine M. "The China Dilemma: Internet Censorship and Corporate Responsiblity." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 4 (2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000375.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe ever increasing nexus between human rights and business and the accompanying vagueness of concepts such as a company's ‘sphere of responsibility’ for human rights can, and has, created anxiety amongst companies. Considerations of human rights traditionally take place in the context of a state-based system of global governance; however, the rise of the corporation as a powerful non-state actor in recent decades has seen increased interest in understanding the emerging relationship between human rights and business and what, if any, responsibility business should assume for protecting human rights. This article considers the role played by U.S. technology companies such as Yahoo, Google and Microsoft in working with the Chinese government to censor internet content and thus intrude on the human rights to freedom of expression and opinion and the right to privacy. It concludes by focusing on the practicalities of protection and how human rights responsibilities might be apportioned between states and business and if so, how, when and why such an obligation might ensue.
15
He, Baogang, and Hendrik Wagenaar. "Authoritarian deliberation revisited." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 622–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000257.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis introductory paper reviews the origin and development of the concept of authoritarian deliberation, and highlights the importance of culture and cultural tradition associated with public consultation. This paper summarizes and illustrates six key features of authoritarian deliberation in China. First, deliberation in China is a precarious balance between legal rule and state intervention. Second, the Party appeals to public reason to address and manage social conflict, and develop the soft coercion that accompanies much authoritarian deliberation. Third, this highly controlled deliberative process does, however, allow the freedom of local participants to find spaces for democratic expression, and local experiments to develop elements of deliberative democracy. Fourth, authoritarian deliberation is characterized by mutual instrumentalism. Fifth, there is an importance of an administrative and policy perspective in authoritarian deliberation. Six, the concept of authoritarian deliberation is not limited to China. There is the convergence in real-world deliberative process and outcome between authoritarian and liberal democratic systems.
16
Rodrigues, Usha M., and Jian Xu. "Regulation of COVID-19 fake news infodemic in China and India." Media International Australia 177, no. 1 (August 17, 2020): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x20948202.
Full textAbstract:
During the recent outbreak of coronavirus, the concern about proliferation of misleading information, rumours and myths has caused governments across the world to institute various interventionist steps to stem their flow. Each government has had to balance the dichotomy between freedom of expression and people’s right to be safe from the adverse impact of inaccurate information. Governments across the world have implemented a number of strategies to manage COVID-19 including issuing public advisories, advertising campaigns, holding press conferences and instituting punitive regulations to combat the distribution of false and misleading information. We examine the two most populous countries’ governments’ response to the scourge of fake news during COVID-19. China and India are the most challenging nations to govern in terms of their sheer size and diversity of their population. Each country’s government has taken several steps to minimise the impact of fake news during COVID, within its own political system.
17
Lyu, Chao, and Tatiana Alexandrovna Kemerova. "The influence of Western ideas of women's Enlightenment on women's painting in the Republic of China." Культура и искусство, no. 5 (May 2022): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0625.2022.5.37747.
Full textAbstract:
During the period of the Republic of China, China was in the complex context of the fusion of Eastern and Western cultures. Under the influence of Western women's educational thought, the artists of the Republic of China entered the modern context of the Republic of China as participants. In this article, the object of research is the "new women's painting" from 1912 to 1949. The study includes an analysis of painting practices and artistic concepts of new women artists in the Republic of China. Under the influence of internal and external factors, their participation in the modern transformation of traditional Chinese fine art and contribution to the development of new women's painting. The paper examines the formation of a new women's painting in the Republic of China from the standpoint of culture, sociology and education. Studying the background of the appearance of new women's paintings in the Republic of China, the artistic value and historical significance of new women's paintings in the Republic of China were discovered. It is demonstrated how new masters were born and developed in the clash of Chinese and Western art, new and traditional ideas and concepts. They freed themselves from the shackles of feudal female ideas and pursued an independent personality, rights and freedom. In art, he promotes the modern transformation of traditional painting with its unique emotional expression and fusion of Chinese and Western styles.
18
Tanzim, Zerine, and Fatema Tuj-Juhra. "SOFT POWER STRATEGY OF CHINA IN 21ST CENTURY:STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 459–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12860.
Full textAbstract:
Generally speaking, hard power refers to the coercion and payment through military and economic means, while soft power refers to attraction through cultural diplomacy. This paper aims to analyze how Chinese state policies are being influenced by soft power strategy of government. Further the paper focuses on four areas such as health, culture, Human Rights and Information and technology to analyze Chinese governments soft power strategy globally.The paper confines the concept of the soft powerwhich has followed four consecutive sections analyzing Chinese soft power strategies in 21st century based on government initiative during the spread of COVID 19, usage and policiesregarding television shows and movies, consideration of Human Rights and last of all strategies in controlling of Information and communication technology. The paper concludes discussing some strengths and shortcomings of Chinas soft power and suggests measures that can be taken to improve Chinas soft power practice while West has disclosed the idea of sharp power contesting Chinas authoritarian attitude towards freedom of expression and human rights as well.
19
Sullivan, Lawrence R. "Assault on the Reforms: Conservative Criticism of Political and Economic Liberalization in China, 1985–86." China Quarterly 114 (June 1988): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100002676x.
Full textAbstract:
Following Hu Yaobang's resignation as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party on 16 January 1987, the political and economic reforms sponsored by Deng Xiaoping since 1978 came under intense criticism. Warning against “bourgeois liberalization” and renewed “spiritual pollution” from the west, Party conservatives reacted to student demonstrations in December 1986 by reversing the “Double Hundred” policy of literary and scientific freedom and by engineering the purge of the ardent westernizers Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan and Wang Ruowang. Deng Liqun's “Leading Group to Oppose Bourgeois Liberalism,” Chen Yun's Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC), and the outspoken Peng Zhen emerged as the main ideological watchdogs favouring restrictions on individual expression. But even the pro-reformer Zhao Ziyang condemned western ideas as “pernicious,” just as his chief secretary Bao Tong, warned intellectuals against “writ[ing] only about (the merits) of developed capitalist countries.”
20
Shen, Simon. "A constructed (un)reality on China's re-entry into Africa: the Chinese online community perception of Africa (2006–2008)." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003991.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTChina's 21st-century re-entry into Africa has been made with considerable new fanfare and in a manner that contrasts sharply with the Maoist ideologist policy of the 1960s. However, how the Chinese perceive Africa, as expressed by the online community, has been little studied. In a country where full democracy and complete freedom of expression are still lacking, online communication arguably plays a particularly significant role. When it comes to topics in China which are not frequently addressed in the public domain, the flow of information among the online community is paramount in shaping public perceptions. The result of systematic qualitative research on the online community in China, this paper aims to bridge the gap between formal studies of Sino-African relations and online perceptions. Reconstructing the online image of Africa is essential in understanding not only contemporary Sino-African relations from the popular perspective but also the distorted nature of information that circulates in Chinese cyberspace.
21
Wikle, Thomas A., and Jonathan C. Comer. "Facebook’s Rise to the Top." International Journal of Virtual Communities and Social Networking 4, no. 2 (April 2012): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jvcsn.2012040104.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, the authors examine Facebook’s rise as an emerging standard for Internet-based social networking. Within the past four years Facebook has evolved from being the third or fourth most popular social networking site in many counties to the top position in much of the world. An exploration of Facebook registrations by country reveals an expected strong correlation with broadband availability, but also a relationship with Internet-capable mobile telephones in countries with limited broadband access. The analysis also reveals Facebook’s difficulty expanding in some countries including BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) where it faces non-Western cultural mores regarding personal privacy, state challenges to freedom of expression, and competition from well-established international and indigenous sites.
22
Dalillah, Nurul Indah. "The Role of OIC to Tackle Discrimination against Uighur Muslims by the Chinese Government in Xinjiang." Insignia: Journal of International Relations 8, no. 2 (October 6, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4284.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
The Uighur are a minority Muslim group living in Xinjiang, China. Muslim Uighurs are prohibited from performing religious rituals in mosques and praying by the Chinese government. Human rights violations committed against Uighur Muslims such as being prohibited in freedom of expression, barriers to education, and discrimination against Uighur still occur in Xinjiang, China. Therefore, this paper will analyze the efforts of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as an organization that assists in resolving conflicts in Muslim countries and liberating Muslim rights to contribute to the prevention, management, and resolution of world conflicts that can make their efforts to free discrimination among Muslim Uighur. In this study the researcher using the theory of the role of international organizations from several experts. At the same time in this study using a qualitative method with a descriptive approach through books, journals, or news related to Uighur Muslim issues. The type of data collected also uses secondary data from several studies that have been conducted. The OIC has coordinated and dialogued with the Chinese government through a meeting of the OIC Secretariat General with the delegate of China to report the OIC's direct visit to Xinjiang but this has not freed Uighur Muslims.
Keywords: Discrimination, OIC, Uighur Muslim
23
Ma, Ling, Orlando Woods, and Hong Zhu. "Restoration of an ancestral temple in Guangzhou, China: re-imagining history and traditions through devotion to art and creation." cultural geographies 26, no. 1 (August 29, 2018): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474018796649.
Full textAbstract:
Rapid modernization has brought about massive changes in the urban and rural landscapes of China. While many old places and ancient buildings have been pulled down and replaced with more modern alternatives, others have been protected and restored. These include ancient ancestral temples, an important cultural space in China. Previous research has shown how different level governments and rural communities work together to restore ancient temples, but didn’t bring to light artistic and non-government financed and patronized cases of restoration projects. This article adopts a bottom-up perspective to examine a case in Guangzhou how an individual artist transforms an ancient ancestral temple into a new cultural space. Through an ethnographic-style exploration of the practice of restoration, we unfold the interconnections between an individual’s social memory of the past, their love of place, and their enthusiasm for restoration work. Differing from the government’s ‘standardized’ and functionalist restoration of ancestral temples, this case study shows an individual’s emotional and material devotion to transforming a neglected ancestral temple into an eclectic cultural space where the art works are a result of freedom of creative expression.
24
Chong, Eric King-man. "Hong Kong under COVID-19: Active self-mobilization, freedom and responsibilities, and learnings." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 273–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00063_1.
Full textAbstract:
Hong Kong society became the site of active self-mobilization when there was a virus outbreak in early 2020. Hong Kong residents quickly adopted voluntary protective measures such as minimizing social contacts and buying personal protective equipment. After the presence of a new Coronavirus was confirmed, medical and health care workers went on strike in early February, clamouring for the Hong Kong SAR government to close border crossings with China. They feared the medical and health care system would not be able to bear the rising numbers of infection. The government responded with a pronouncement that the strike was endangering lives, and that a complete closure of border checkpoints was unfeasible. Generally, Hong Kong residents exercised self-protection and self-restraint, voluntarily choosing to stay home except to go to work or buy daily necessities. As a result, Hong Kong did not adopt a citywide lockdown. More people began to leave their homes when infection rates slowed, but this led to further waves of infection. The Hong Kong experience raises a number of questions about society that are relevant to education and citizenship. What are individuals’ responsibilities during a pandemic? Does a state of pandemic make it acceptable to limit freedom of movement and freedom of expression, and if so, how can this principle be applied in relation to the right to strike for the purpose of compelling the government to take stronger public health measures? Specific to education, how can young people be taught to follow safety advice amid the temptation to go outdoors for exercise under restrictive measures? There is a need for engaging students in social compassion and dialogues to face a persistent pandemic.
25
A. R., Mubarak. "A Study on Internet Industry Self-regulation in China and Its Implications for Child Protection in Cyberspace." International Journal of Community and Social Development 2, no. 3 (June 26, 2020): 297–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2516602620930944.
Full textAbstract:
Self-regulation of the Internet industry has been a popular policy approach adopted by many countries. However, unlike self-regulation of more traditional industries, self-regulation of the Internet industry has been a challenging process due to the sheer volume of cyberspace and involvement of stakeholders located beyond any single country’s jurisdiction. The industry has achieved limited success in self-regulation, specifically in the area of child protection in cyberspace. China has actively adopted a policy of Internet industry self-regulation and public supervision of the Internet industry, in order to remove online material that is not suitable for children. This article critically reviews China’s pre-emptive government regulation and stern actions to regulate the Internet industry to monitor the material that the Internet industry allows through its network. Despite criticism of the Chinese government for its attempts to control freedom of expression through the Internet, this article argues that China has in its own unique ways managed to monitor the contents in cyberspace. There are many valuable lessons to be learnt from the Chinese experience. Studying the unique working relationship that has evolved between the Chinese government and the Internet industry may be beneficial in understanding the ways in which vulnerable population groups like children can be protected in cyberspace.
26
CHEN, GE. "Piercing the veil of state sovereignty: How China’s censorship regime into fragmented international law can lead to a butterfly effect." Global Constitutionalism 3, no. 1 (February 13, 2014): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381713000282.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article seeks to address China’s entrenched censorship regime in the constitutionalist dimension of international law. First, the article probes into China’s censorship regime and the way it is linked to the country’s foreign policies. Second, the article explores the tension between China’s national censorship regime and international law. Such tension is rendered sharper than ever in the context of fragmented international law, as exemplified by two UPRs of China and two WTO rulings. Finally, the article advances a constitutionalist premise that eventually China’s self-motivated step into the fragmented domain of international law could boomerang against China’s censorship regime. As the international standards of freedom of expression are evolving into a fundamental right with constitutional status, the functional interrelatedness between different subsystems of international law gives rise to the accountability of state actors, which in turn compels them to comply with universal rules.
27
Tuluș, Arthur. "Trends in Communist Propaganda. A CIA Investigation from 1970." Eminak, no. 4(36) (December 31, 2021): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2021.4(36).564.
Full textAbstract:
Our study analyses a detailed report, issued on November 18th, 1970, by The Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), which was subordinated to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the Cold War. The role of the FBIS was to collect, translate into English, and make extensive summaries of information in foreign media, especially those within the Communist Bloc, summaries which would later be made available to U.S. decision-makers. The FBIS was an important branch of the CIA, seeing that the United States sought to identify any vulnerability to the adversary, and that the communist media did not enjoy freedom of expression, but instead precisely reflected the official position of the regime. The late 1970s are all the more interesting as the Communist Bloc`s monolithic unity breaks down and distinct positions emerge (e.g., the Soviet Union versus China, or Romania versus the Soviet Union), while the United States find themselves in a difficult situation in Indochina, the Middle East, or Latin America.
28
Macikas, Mantas. "AŠTRIOJI GALIA, KAIP TECHNOLOGINIS FENOMENAS KINIJOS POLITINĖSE PROJEKCIJOSE." Tiltai 88, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/tbb.v88i1.2414.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents the concept of China’s sharp power, and features of its formation that support it. The article deals with theoretical interpretations of soft power that are inseparable from the properties of sharp power. Soft power has been a very influential concept in recent decades to describe a country’s ability to influence others by cooperating, persuading and promoting a positive attitude in other states to achieve the desired results. Nevertheless, the concept of power has changed dramatically in recent years, due to shifts in the international system, and no longer fits definitions of the relationship between authoritarian and democratic systems. It is necessary to introduce a new concept of power, in order to expose the new world order posed by China as an emerging normative power. Authoritarian methods of influence can no longer, in principle, be described as soft power. There is a need to introduce a new term for power in academic discourse, in order to conceptualise the influence of authoritarian states on democracies. The article highlights the problem that sharp power can restrict freedom of expression and distort the political environment, by taking advantage of asymmetric levels of freedom between democratic and authoritarian systems. Having identified and clarified the terminological framework, the article presents three components of China’s sharp power, which allows for empirical research into its mechanisms for spreading influence, expanding the country’s interests abroad, and damaging democratic systems.
29
Magnus, Charlotte. "„Human Rights With Chinese Characteristics“ – Ein Beitrag Chinas zur Weiterentwicklung internationaler Menschenrechte?" Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht / Heidelberg Journal of International Law 82, no. 3 (2022): 541–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0044-2348-2022-3-541.
Full textAbstract:
“Human Rights With Chinese Characteristics” – China’s Contribution to the Development of International Human Rights This paper analyses China’s voting behaviour, draft resolutions, and statements regarding human rights issues at the United Nations. First, the paper focuses on China’s position on respect for state sovereignty in human rights issues. Whereas Chinese criticism of “external interference” through country- specific resolutions of the Human Rights Council is well known, this paper adds to the scholarly discourse by evaluating China’s underlying rationale. In doing so, the paper identifies where Chinese behaviour is contradictory and explains China’s strategy of “mutually beneficial cooperation”. The second part of the paper is devoted to China’s insistence on substantiating the duties of the individual under international law. The EU fears that rights of the individual will be made dependent on the fulfilment of duties. The paper examines this accusation regarding its argumentative persuasiveness. The final section analyses Chinese drafted resolutions on the right to development. China’s prioritisation of economic development over political rights proves to be problematic. This article finds that political rights, such as freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, must be guaranteed regardless of a state’s economic development.
30
Zhang, Yalu, Yiyi Xiong, and Gong Chen. "PATHWAYS OF IMPROVING SOCIAL CAPABILITY OF OLDER ADULTS WITH FUNCTIONAL LIMITATIONS: FINDINGS FROM MIXED METHODS." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 811–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.2924.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Objectives Social capabilities are the opportunities to realize people’s potential. Despite an established positive link between health status and social capabilities among older adults, the relationship mechanisms are understudied. Methods Using the China Longitudinal Aging Social Survey data 2014–2018, this paper examined the possible mediating role of community participation through which older adults (aged 60 and above) in China with functional limitations improved or maintained their social capabilities. By conducting the 12 in-depth interviews, this study explores how community participation altered the negative associations between functional limitations and social capabilities among Chinese older adults. Results Findings from the quantitative study show that both physical (-.136, p < 0.001) and cognitive (-.149, p < 0.001) functional limitations showed consistent and negative effects on the social capabilities of older adults, and the effects varied between males and females. The mediation analysis results show that community participation accounted for a substantial proportion of the impact of functional limitations (36.33%) on social capabilities. However, functional limitations still had strong, negative direct effects of their own. Findings from the qualitative narrative synthesis show that peer companionship, regular physical activities, and reduced digital obstacles to accessing online social media during social participation are the self-perceived driving force in enhancing their sense of security, freedom of expression, and sense of social cohesion. Discussion: Findings from this study highlight the need for more social policies and services to encourage community participation among older adults.
31
Lin, Lu. "If you are in, you will understand: A new ‘dress code’ on TikTok is reframing lesbian teens’ safe space." Fashion, Style & Popular Culture 00, no. 00 (July 20, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fspc_00145_1.
Full textAbstract:
I intend to offer in this article a visualized research of teenager lesbian style on TikTok and a discourse of queer safe spaces in networked contexts. Due to the influence of the queer feminist movement, the social acceptance of queerness has increased in most countries. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and questioning groups are no longer limited by the gay ‘dress code’, which is historically used to protect queer identity from discrimination and violence. During my personal nomadic experience moving from China to the Netherlands, I noticed that it is hard to pick out someone who ‘looks gay’ in the street. The freedom of dressing and self-expression has gradually become universal in western countries. Whereas, without legalized same-sex marriage in mainland China, visibility in style is still a signification of sexuality and a way of communication. Beyond the diversity of style, a new form of lesbian ‘dress code’ on TikTok has triggered me to examine safe spaces for teenagers. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the fashion industry finds itself in a challenging condition, which is accelerating its digital transformation. An increasing number of fashion labels see potential in TikTok as a new public territory to practise self-exploration for numerous teens. By analysing the visual content and interviewing four TikTok creators, this article addresses the gap between public and insider prejudice around codes of dressing. It proposes not only to rethink the relation between fashion and identity but also to ruminate on queer safe space through researching ways of dressing.
32
Tan, Seow Hon. "Religion in the Abortion Discourse in Singapore: A Case Study of the Relevance of Religious Arguments in Law-Making in Multi-Religious Democracies." Journal of Law and Religion 26, no. 2 (2010): 505–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000692.
Full textAbstract:
I … appeal to hon. Members to face up to the challenge on this important social issue and give their full support to the Bill. I do hope that they will not falter just because of some pressure, social or otherwise, brought to bear on them by some minority groups outside who, on account of their religious dogmas, desire to impose their will on the majority… I am certain that the opposing stand to this Bill taken by this minority group will also in the course of time end up in the dustbins of history.Abortion, along with same-sex unions, is perhaps one of the world's most polarizing issues today. Laws on abortion vary across different jurisdictions, from prohibiting abortion under all circumstances to freely allowing it without restriction as to reason. Unlike rights such as freedom from torture or of speech, failure to recognize abortion rights is not necessarily the product of illiberal governments known to abuse human rights, nor is allowing abortion indicative of a good human rights record. Extensive rights to terminate a pregnancy may be symptomatic of a government's policy for population control, as in the case of China, or it may be an expression of the liberal philosophy of autonomy, as in the case of Canada.
33
Lancashire, Edel. "The Lock of the Heart Controversy in Taiwan, 1962–63: A Question of Artistic Freedom and a Writer's Social Responsibility." China Quarterly 103 (September 1985): 462–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003071x.
Full textAbstract:
The early 1960s marked a period of intellectual and literary ferment in Taiwan. The East-West Controversy, which had its roots in the debate that took place in the middle of the last century regarding the continued validity of the Chinese tradition in the face of western military and economic superiority and in the controversy regarding westernization as the road to modernization in the 1930s, had broken out afresh. Creative writers, musicians and painters were experimenting with new forms and new techniques. As early as 1954 the writers of modern Chinese poetry had started the search for a more contemporary expression of their art form; and modern poetry societies, each with its own philosophy on how modernization should take place, had come into being. Writers of fiction who up till then had been almost exclusively concerned with the Sino-Japanese War; the mainland before the communist takeover in 1949, or the various aspects of the struggle against communism, were moving away from this kind of “propaganda-motivated writing” towards the production of “pure literature.” However, there were few modern Chinese creative writers of stature on whom either the poet or fiction writer could model himself. This was because of the ban imposed by the government in Taiwan on the works of writers prior to 1949 due to the association of many of them with communism or with ideologies unacceptable to the authorities. This meant that they had to seek for inspiration in the works of western writers which could be found in translation or in pirated versions of the original texts in the major cities of Taiwan. The traditionalists viewed this growing trend with alarm as did those writers who were closely associated with the Kuomintang. The latter had formed themselves during the early 1950s into three writers' associations, the China Association of Literature and Art, the Chinese Youth Writers' Association, and the Taiwan Women Writers' Association.
34
Hino, Nobuyuki. "Language education from a post-native-speakerist perspective: The case of English as an international language." Russian Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 528–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2021-25-2-528-545.
Full textAbstract:
Language education has traditionally been based on native-speakerism, which is defined in the present article, by simplifying Hollidays original definition, as a belief in the authority or superiority of native speakers. With the prevalence of native-speakerism, it tends to be taken for granted that non-native speakers should strive to accommodate themselves to native speaker models. However, in todays globalized world, such a conventional attitude is quickly becoming outdated. Above all, a most serious problem with native-speakerism is that it suppresses the freedom of thought and expression as fundamental human rights. Drawing on the case of English as an international language, this study aims to analyze the need for post-native-speakerism (a term attributed to Houghton and Hashimoto) in language teaching, or the need for relativizing native speaker norms for language learners. After illustrating major issues of native-speakerism, three theoretical paradigms for post-native-speakerism in global Englishes are presented, namely EIL (English as an International Language), WE (World Englishes), and ELF (English as a Lingua Franca), along with a prospect for integrating those different frameworks especially for pedagogical purposes. Then, educational objectives are summarized in terms of language skills, followed by the authors own examples of teaching methodologies and actual classroom practices in higher education. Several key concepts for EIL education emerge from these pedagogical efforts, including authenticity and critical literacy. In view of the urge to embrace diversity in the world today, this paper argues that post-native-speakerism is of vital importance as it allows language users to express their true selves in global communication. While many of the discussions in the present article stem from linguacultural and educational situations in Japan, it is assumed that the insights should often be applicable also to other Expanding Circle, or EFL (English as a Foreign Language), countries such as Russia and China.
35
Morgan, Sir Declan. "Freedom of Expression." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 73, no. 1 (May 12, 2022): 162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v73iad1.995.
Full text
36
McCormick, Douglas. "Freedom of Expression?" BioTechniques 43, no. 3 (September 2007): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2144/000112539.
Full text
37
Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00350.
Full text
38
Canela, Guilherme. "Freedom of Expression." Brazilian Journalism Research 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2007): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/bjr.v3n1.2007.102.
Full text
39
Verghese, B. G. "Freedom of Expression." Media Asia 23, no. 3 (January 1996): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.1996.11726503.
Full text
40
Toula, Christopher M. "Freedom of Expression." Southern Communication Journal 85, no. 3 (February 23, 2020): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1041794x.2020.1731846.
Full text
41
Riddihough, G., B. A. Purnell, and J. Travis. "Freedom of Expression." Science 319, no. 5871 (March 28, 2008): 1781. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.319.5871.1781.
Full text
42
Sutherland, Sue. "Freedom of expression." Practical Pre-School 2011, no. 123 (April 2011): ix—x. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/prps.2011.1.123.ix.
Full text
43
Sorabjee, Soli K. "Freedom of expression." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 19, no. 4 (October 1993): 1712–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1993.9986320.
Full text
44
Lester of Herne Hill. "Freedom of expression." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 19, no. 4 (October 1993): 1722–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1993.9986321.
Full text
45
ARNALDO, CARLOS A., JANUSZ SYMONIDES, ALAIN MODOUX, PHILIP QUEAU, ISKRA PANEVSKA, and JOHN BENNETT. "Freedom of expression." Journal of International Communication 5, no. 1-2 (December 1998): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.1998.9751863.
Full text
46
Hodge, Pam. "Freedom of expression." Lancet Psychiatry 1, no. 3 (August 2014): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s2215-0366(14)70327-x.
Full text
47
Saxby, S. "Freedom of expression." Computer Law & Security Review 21, no. 6 (January 2005): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.clsr.2005.04.003.
Full text
48
He, Qinglian. "Academic Freedom in China." Academe 88, no. 3 (2002): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40252159.
Full text
49
Restrepo, Ricardo. "Democratic Freedom of Expression." Open Journal of Philosophy 03, no. 03 (2013): 380–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojpp.2013.33058.
Full text
50
Dimbleby, Jonathan. "On freedom of expression." Index on Censorship 42, no. 3 (September 2013): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422013500179.
Full text