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Academic literature on the topic 'Freedom of debate'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Freedom of debate"

1

Carleo, Robert A. "Confucian freedom: assessing the debate." Asian Philosophy 31, no. 3 (May 4, 2021): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09552367.2021.1899439.

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Fischli, Roberta, and Thomas Beschorner. "Digital Freedom –Opening up the Debate." Morals & Machines 2, no. 1 (2022): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2747-5174-2022-1-11.

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This paper contributes to the normative analysis of digital technologies and data-driven practices by broadening the analytical perspective on freedom. Many contemporary discussions of the digital context tend to operate with a relatively narrow conception of freedom, which centers on the absence of interference. While this approach is in line with liberalism’s on-going paradigmatic standing in much of the Western world, we argue that digital theorists have much to gain from opening their discussions to social and positive conceptions of freedom. Drawing on the work of Axel Honneth and John Christman, we show how such a change in perspective gives rise to new considerations for freedom in the digital context, such as collective self-determination, capabilities, and mutual recogni- tion. Building on these ideas, we sketch three demands that follow from such an inclusive conception of freedom: empowering people via new forms of political participation, increasing diversity and collective awareness in the digital industry, as well as using progressive political regulation to unleash digital technology’s social potential.

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Vural, Hasan Sayim. "Two Generations of Debate on Freedom of Religion in Turkey." Religion and Human Rights 8, no. 3 (2013): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341258.

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Abstract Within the debate on freedom of religion in Turkey, we can identify two distinct generations, both of which are alive with an oscillating degree of vibrancy. The first generation of debate has evolved around the question on the proper place of Islam in the secular nation-state; while the second one has encompassed the plural concerns of protecting the rights and freedoms, pertaining to religion or belief, of a diverse multitude, under the rule of law. The first generation of debate resulted in a dual deadlock: Freedom to religion versus freedom from religion. The second generation is informed by a pluralisation of parties and concerns. The first generation has produced well-established results in jurisprudence, where the effect of the second generation is far from being significant. Yet, as this paper will explain in conclusion, we have good reasons to expect the second generation to prevail over the first one.

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Shnayderman, Ronen. "Liberal vs. Republican Notions of Freedom." Political Studies 60, no. 1 (August 8, 2011): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00900.x.

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One of the most interesting current debates about the ideal of freedom is the debate between the adherents of the recently revived republican notion of negative freedom, most notably Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit, and the adherents of the prevailing liberal notion of negative freedom, most notably Ian Carter and Matthew Kramer. The debate between these two parties concerns the question of what negative freedom is. While Carter and Kramer argue that negative freedom is simply the absence of interference, Skinner and Pettit argue that negative freedom is first and foremost the absence of arbitrary power to interfere (or, in short, domination) and only in a secondary sense also the absence of interference. In this article I argue that the republican notion of negative freedom is implausible, since it entails that situations involving only domination are as inimical to negative freedom as situations involving both domination and dominating interference; and, moreover, that Pettit and Skinner themselves find the idea that these two situations are equally inimical to negative freedom implausible.

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Chadwick, Ruth. "Freedom and responsibility in the COVID debate." Bioethics 35, no. 7 (September 2021): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bioe.12937.

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CARTER, IAN. "Debate: The Myth of ‘Merely Formal Freedom’." Journal of Political Philosophy 19, no. 4 (October 28, 2010): 486–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2010.00371.x.

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Gómez-Rodríguez, Víctor-Gustavo, and Roberto Tolozano-Benites. "LA AUTONOMÍA UNIVERSITARIA A DEBATE." Identidad Bolivariana 6, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37611/ib6ol11-6.

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Academic freedom and institutional autonomy, from all its edges, are not a privilege. Responsible university autonomy is a condition for the development of each institution of higher education and of the country itself. Today there is a debate about what should be the University of the 21st century in Ecuador and what role or roles should be adopted, depending on the autonomy, to each of the actors of the Higher Education System (SES).

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Harcourt, Mark, and Helen Lam. "Freedom of Association, Freedom of Contract, and the Right-to-Work Debate." Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal 18, no. 4 (November 15, 2006): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10672-006-9022-y.

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RAKIĆ, VOJIN. "Moral Bioenhancement and Free Will: Continuing the Debate." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 26, no. 3 (May 25, 2017): 384–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180116001043.

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Abstract:This article continues and expands differences I have with Ingmar Persson and Julian Savulescu concerning issues of moral bioenhancement and free will. They have criticized my conception of voluntary moral bioenhancement, claiming that it ignores the extent to which freedom is a matter of degree. Here, I argue that freedom as a political concept (or as one that is analogous to a political concept) is indeed scalar in nature, but that freedom of the will is to be understood as a threshold concept and therefore not as subject to degree. Consequently, I contend, by asserting that freedom is a matter of degree, that Persson and Savulescu have not undermined my arguments favoring voluntary moral enhancement. In addition, I add three further arguments against compulsory moral bioenhancement.

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Carter, Ian, and Ronen Shnayderman. "The Impossibility of “Freedom as Independence”." Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (May 23, 2018): 136–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918771452.

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Most of the recent work on freedom is concerned with the liberal-republican debate. The latest move in this debate has been made by List and Valentini who argue in favor of a conception of freedom (called “freedom as independence”) that is located midway between the liberal and republican conceptions. In this article, we review some key aspects of the debate that led to List and Valentini’s move and then argue that their midway position is untenable. We first show how the debate has given rise to List and Valentini’s (republican-inspired) view that unfreedom is created not merely by more or less probable constraints (as liberals have claimed) but by the sheer possibility of constraints. We then argue that this position on possible-but-improbable constraints makes unfreedom ubiquitous and that “freedom as independence” is therefore an impossible ideal. In the course of our argument, we rebut some possible rejoinders that appeal to the difference between positive normative and non-normative constraints and to the ways in which “freedom as independence” is an open and versatile concept.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Freedom of debate"

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Jeffries, Alison Margaret. "#Freedom' in contemporary British political debate : a conceptual case study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333276.

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SCARPI, VINICIUS DA SILVA. "HABERMAS AND THE REPUBLIC: A DEBATE ABOUT LAW, DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=8678@1.

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O termo liberdade tem sido trabalhado na teoria política moderna em torno da dicotomia liberdade positiva - liberdade negativa. Nesta dissertação, a partir da obra de Pettit e Skinner, foi defendida a tese da existência de um ideal alternativo a esta dicotomia presente na tradição política republicana. Ideal esse que, nas palavras dos citados autores, descreve a liberdade como não-dominação. Num segundo momento, foi defendida a idéia de que os modelos de democracia e de direito presentes na obra de Jürgen Habermas permitem a realização do ideal republicano de liberdade tendo em conta a realidade e as necessidades das sociedades contemporâneas, marcadas pelo pluralismo.
The term freedom has been treated in modern political theory around the dichotomy between positive and negative. In this work, based on Pettit and Skinner´s thesis, it is proposed the existence of an alternative ideal, which can be found in the republican tradition and, according to the mentioned authors, defines freedom as non-domination. After that, it is argued that the models of democracy and law developed by Jürgen Habermas allow the achievement of the republican freedom considering the reality and the needs of the contemporary societies, characterized by pluralism.

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Rabin, M. Jeffrey. "The idea of freedom in Michael Oakeshott and the contemporary liberal-communitarian debate." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2873/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to ask: what are the issues that divide today's Liberals, Rawls, Dworkin, and Kymlicka for example, from their Communitarian critics, Sandel, Taylor, MacIntyre and so forth, and how may we see the political theorizing of Michael Oakeshott as going some way to answering, explaining and criticizing these issues. At root, it would appear that the principal issue that divides the Liberals from the Communitarians is agency: what it is, how it ought to be understood, and the normative consequences that are regarded as following from such differing understandings. In the case of the Liberals, they are said to employ an "unembedded" or "emotivist" conception of the self plainly indebted to Kant, with the normative consequences being that of the justification and promulgation of the procedural republic in which impartial justice is regarded as "the first virtue of social institutions." The Communitarians, by contrast, are regarded as employing a more "Hegelian" conception of agency, one in which practice precedes principal, justice is an important element in a complex whole, and the normative consequences are that of the promulgation of a perfectionist "politics of the good." However, in this dissertation, I dispute that the issue that divides the Liberals from the Communitarians is one of philosophy. I prefer in-stead to suggest it is actually one of politics and that such politics as it is composed can best be seen by examining the respective political dispositions, though not philosophies, of Kant and Hegel, and through the lenses of Oakeshott's understanding of Rationalism in Politics. I say this because while the Liberals and the Communitarians borrow the political dispositions of Kant and Hegel, they eschew the metaphysics with which Kant and Hegel underwrote their political philosophies, and it is from such metaphysics that they acquire their normative legitimacy. However, without such metaphysics, they merely become examples of what Oakeshott terms Rationalism in Politics. Once I have staked out these two 'dispositions' in political theorizing in Chapters 4 and 5, I then examine the respective relevant expositors of these dispositions in the current debate. John Rawls's A Theory of Justice will be examined in Chapter 6 as the paradigm example of Deontological Liberalism. Chapters 7 and 8 will examine Alasdair MacIntyre and Charles Taylor's critique of the contemporary theory and practice of Liberalism respectively. Chapter 9 will examine Richard Rorty's attempt at a post-modern ideal. Liberal utopia as a response to our current condition, and lastly, in chapter 10, I shall examine Oakeshott's ideal character of civil association as presented in On Human Conduct as a non-normative resolution of certain important facets of the Liberal-Communitarian debate. Chapter 11 shall provide a summary of the dissertation so far, as well as examine the alternative politics of truly rational conduct. By constructing the dissertation in this way, I hope to demonstrate the following points: One, that today's debate is as much about politics as it is philosophy; two, that there really is much more common ground between the Liberals and the Communitarians than either side is willing to recognize; three, that the Liberal-Communitarian debate is much more parochial and historically bound than might otherwise be thought; and lastly, that in Oakeshott's critique of what he calls Rationalism in Politics, which I examine in Chapter 3, standing on the shoulders of his idealist conception of philosophy presented in Experience and its Modes, we may gain a perspective and critique of the debate that would otherwise remain hidden.

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Acikoz, Haci Mustafa. "An investigation of the question of human agency and freedom in Thomas Reid's philosophy of action." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU076912.

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In philosophy the 'free will question' viz., "do we have free will by which we can freely perform an action of our own?" has been the cause and interest of one of the oldest debates of philosophy. The historical background of the 'free will debate' and of its participants can be traced back to the philosophy of Hellenistic (era) that covers the Peripatetic, Epicurean and Stoics schools. Then, it is extended from the Medieval tradition (St. Augustine, St. Thomas Aquinas and so on) through the Modern (era) philosophy (the Cartesian, the Empiricists and the Common Sense Schools) to the Contemporary philosophy of action. Almost all philosophers of these schools have either directly or indirectly been involved in the debate. Today what we have inherited from this debate, which still continues, is three main doctrines. These are: 'libertarianism', 'determinism', 'compatibilism' (or 'soft determinism'). In fact all these doctrines give rise to the idea that today "there is no single philosophical problem that is the problem of free will. There are rather a great many philosophical problems about free will." (01). This thesis, in the historical frame that has been given above, shall undertake the evaluation of the free will question in "Thomas Reid's (1710-1796) philosophy of action' in the eighteenth century 'Scottish School of Common Sense'. Thus it aims to show the dimensions of Reid's contributions to the free will debate as regards his 'approach', 'method', 'suggestions', 'solutions', 'originality' and his 'influence' on other philosophers.

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CYLLENO, TACIELA CORDEIRO. "FROM DEBATE TO LAW: STATUE OF LIMITATIONS AND FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION IN THE MAKING OF THE BRAZILIAN 1988 CONSTITUTION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19654@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
Nesta dissertação, busca-se investigar todo o processo decisório – sugestões, considerações, imposições e concessões – relativo à implementação dos direitos sociais dos trabalhadores na Constituição Federal, especificamente no que tange ao prazo prescricional qüinqüenal, previsto no inciso XXIX do art. sétimo e à estrutura sindical, como disposta no artigo oitavo. Pretende-se, assim, oferecer uma contribuição que sirva para futuras perspectivas histórico-políticas de interpretação da letra fria do texto constitucional no que tange aos seus artigos sétimo e oitavo. A partir do estudo documental que permite apreender o processo dialético que levou à promulgação do texto final da constituição brasileira, analisar-se-ão as propostas iniciais, os debates que demonstram o embate de forças progressistas e conservadoras e, finalmente, a crítica à concepção final resultante deste longo e rico processo jurídico, histórico e social. Na maior parte dos debates sobre interpretação constitucional, parte-se do texto constitucional. O escopo do presente trabalho é buscar a gênese do direito positivado na CF/88, tomando-se o processo constituinte como marco inicial da pesquisa sobre a sistematização e efetividade dos direitos sociais no Brasil.
In this thesis, we seek to investigate all decision-making process - suggestions, considerations and concessions - on the implementation of worker’s social rights in the Federal Constitution, specifically with respect to the five-year limitation period provided for in Article XXIX of the. 7 and the union structure, as laid out in Article 8. The aim is thus to offer a contribution that will serve for future historical and political perspectives of interpretation of the cold letter of the Constitution in relation to Articles 7 and 8. From the documental study that allows to understand the dialectical process that led to the promulgation of the final text of the Brazilian constitution, shall review the initial proposals, the discussions that demonstrate the clash of forces progressive and conservative and finally, the criticism of the final design that resulted from this long and rich legal, social and historical process. In most debates about constitutional interpretation, we start from the constitutional text. The scope of this paper is to seek the genesis of positive law in CF/88, taking the constitutional process as a landmark for the systematic research on the effectiveness of the social rights in Brazil.

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Gelok, Ryan Adrian. "Freedom and process using process accounts from Dewey and Whitehead to shed light on the contemporary free will debate /." Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1637.

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Elias, Maria Ligia Ganacim Granado Rodrigues. "Liberdade como não interferência, liberdade como não dominação, liberdade construtivista: uma leitura do debate contemporâneo sobre a liberdade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-16012015-152209/.

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Esta tese se insere no campo da teoria política normativa e tem como tema o estudo do debate sobre o conceito de liberdade. Nossa proposta consiste em analisar o conceito de liberdade como não interferência, de Isaiah Berlin; o conceito de liberdade como não dominação, de Philip Pettit; e a ideia de liberdade construtivista, de Nancy Hirschmann, para assim colocar esses conceitos em relação entre si. Objetivamos indicar a possibilidade de diálogo entre as diferentes correntes teóricas apontadas, como também propor uma leitura sobre o conceito de liberdade, para assim ampliarmos o nosso entendimento sobre o que é ser livre. Acreditamos que articular elementos das diferentes teorias pode enriquecer essa reflexão que pretende ser teórico-normativa, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ambiciona refletir sobre as condições de liberdade para os diferentes sujeitos, tendo em vista as suas vidas nas sociedades contemporâneas e plurais. Nosso argumento é de que o exercício de compreender diferentes visões de liberdade de forma articulada é um caminho profícuo para abordarmos a indagação sobre quem é o sujeito livre. Desse modo, procuramos não apenas retomar criticamente os conceitos dos autores citados, mas também oferecer um possível diálogo entre as distintas concepções de liberdade tratadas nesta tese. Além disso, propomos usar o tema da opressão para articular elementos do pensamento dos três principais autores retomados aqui: Isaiah Berlin, Philip Pettit e Nancy Hirschmann. Defendemos que a ideia de não opressão pode ser uma abordagem teórica e política para discutirmos a liberdade. Tal chave de leitura nos permite pensar não só os espaços de liberdade, mas as diferentes experiências das pessoas. Assim, a liberdade considerada como não opressão relaciona a liberdade com a liberdade de escolha e, ao mesmo tempo, indica a necessidade da não dominação e atenção à construção do sujeito que escolhe. As escolhas se inserem em relações complexas, e a leitura da liberdade pela ideia da opressão é uma ferramenta normativa atenta a importantes aspectos políticos dessas escolhas
This thesis belongs to normative political theory field and has as its theme the study of the debate on the concept of freedom. Our proposal is to analyze Isaiahs Berlins concept of freedom as non-interference, Philip Pettits concept of freedom as nondomination, and Nancy Hirschmanns idea of constructivist freedom, and thereby to put these concepts in relation to each other. We intend not only to indicate the possibility of a dialogue between these different theoretical views, but also to propose a new way of developing the concept of freedom in order to expand our understanding of what is to be free. We believe that the articulation of elements taken from different theories can enrich this reflection that intends to be theoreticalnormative, but at the same time aspires to reflect about the conditions of freedom of the different subjects regarding their lives in plural and contemporary societies. Our argument is that the exercise of understanding different views of freedom in an articulated manner is a fruitful way to approach the question of who is the free subject. Thus, we not only approach critically the concepts of these authors, but we also offer a possible dialogue between the different conceptions of freedom treated in this thesis. In addition, we propose to use the theme of oppression to articulate elements of the thoughts of the three main authors discussed on this thesis: Isaiah Berlin, Philip Pettit and Nancy Hirschmann. We defend that the idea of non oppression, can be a theoretical and political approach to discuss freedom. This key of reading allow us to think not only spaces of freedom, but the different experiences of people. Thus, freedom considered as non oppression relates freedom to freedom of choice and, at the same time, indicates the necessity of non domination and attention to the construction of the choosing subject. The choices are embedded in complex relationships, and reading freedom by the idea of non oppression is a normative tool aware of important political aspects of these choices

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Sowerbutts, Anne Marie. "Towards a theology of freedom : a critical engagement with the stem cell debate in dialogue with the theology of Hans Urs von Balthasar." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494070.

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Freedom is a key element in contemporary Western thinking and one which is central to all bioethical discussions, including the stem cell debate. However, the adequacy of the current understanding of the concept has not been subject to sufficient analysis. In order to address this deficiency, using the stem cell debate as a case study, I engage with the current understanding of freedom in a particular area of social activity. Examining the stem cell debate, I consider that freedom is defined in three ways; as the freedom of research, as the consent of gamete and embryo donors to create stem cells and as the freedom to transcend physical limitations. I argue that Isaiah Berlin’s categorization of freedom as negative and positive is useful in examining the understandings of freedom in the stem cell debate. I conclude that all of the currently accepted understandings of freedom in the stem cell debate tend to be focused on the individual and I argue that they are consequently problematic, resulting in individualism, conflict, subjectivism and inappropriate attitudes toward natural resources. In response to the problems identified, in the second part of the thesis I draw on the theology of Hans Urs von Balthasar in order to offer an alternative conception of freedom. Von Balthasar argues that although freedom entails individual willing and choosing, it also is relational, involving interaction with other people and God, both in the realisation of the possession of freedom and in the fulfilment of that freedom. Thus I argue that von Balthasar’s theology provides an effective counter to the neglect of relationships in the contemporary understanding of freedom. However von Balthasar, in his analysis, focuses on interpersonal relationships and he can be criticised for underplaying the role of society. I therefore expand upon his work employing the concept of the common good. This provides a means of examining freedom in the context of wider society. The conception of freedom thus arrived at is then considered in relation to the original case study of the stem cell debate. In doing this I provide a more nuanced rendering of the issues involved; one that is better able to accommodate the social and personal aspects.

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Bergdahl, Becky. "Yo ban? Rape rap and limits of free speech in India : An argument analysis of the debate about banning the artist Honey Singh." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-200874.

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This thesis consists of an argument analysis of three columns published in the Indian newspaper The Indian Express in the aftermath of the gangrape and murder of a young woman in Delhi in December 2012, and the following debate about glorification of rape in Indian popular culture. One of the columnists is arguing in favour of including gender as a category in the Indian law on hate speech, thereby banning an artist called Honey Singh and his lyrics about rape. The two other columnists are arguing against new restrictions on free speech in India. The analysis of the columns shows that there are several relevant arguments for and against including gender in the Indian hate speech legislation. The argumentation against a new law is similar to argumentation found in Western liberal theory, and the argumentation in favour of a new law is similar to argumentation found in Western radical feminist and critical race theory. However, both strands of philosophy are contested by postcolonial theorists, arguing that no Western theory is applicable in a non-Western context, such as India. Indian postcolonial feminists argue in favour of a third approach to sexist speech in India; a counter-speech approach. Counter-speech theorists agree with liberals about the importance of freedom of speech, and with feminists about the harm in hate speech. According to counter-speech theory, hate speech shall thus not be outlawed, but the state shall try to counter the harmful effects of hate speech, for example by strengthening groups targeted by hate speech so that they can speak back to hatemongers. The conclusion of this thesis is that a counter-speech approach is the most sustainable regarding freedom of speech and gender in India. Such an approach does not only appeal to Indian postcolonial theorists, it is also a middle way in-between a liberal and a radical feminist approach. In the conclusion, the relevance of hate speech legislation as a whole is also questioned. Laws such as in India, that protect only racial and religious groups from being targeted by hate speech while categories such as gender, sexual orientation and disability are not included, can be deemed discriminatory. An abolishment of hate speech prohibitions and an adoption of a counter-speech approach to all forms of hate speech is discussed.

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Fanta, Daniel. "A neutralidade valorativa: a posição de Max Weber no debate sobre os juízos de valor." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-03112014-105253/.

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O texto procura reconstruir a posição de Max Weber no debate acerca dos juízos de valor nas ciências sociais. Com base nos argumentos elencados por Weber, identificam-se duas dimensões na tese da neutralidade valorativa, uma metodológica e outra ética e tenta-se investigar a relação entre as duas dimensões. Em anexo, ainda se apresenta a tradução de três textos de Weber, inéditos em português
The text seeks to reconstruct Max Webers position in the debate concerning the value-judgments in the social sciences. Based on the arguments given by Weber, it identifies two dimensions in the value-freedom thesis, a methodological and an ethical one. Finally, it tries to investigate the relation that links the two dimensions. At the end, there is a translation of three Max Weber texts, still unavailable in Portuguese

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Books on the topic "Freedom of debate"

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Ribeiro, Milton. Liberdade religiosa: Uma proposta para debate. São Paulo, SP: Editora Mackenzie, 2002.

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1933-, Carey George Wescott, ed. Freedom and virtue: The conservative/libertarian debate. Wilmington, Del: Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 1998.

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1949-, Aby Stephen H., ed. The academic bill of rights debate: A handbook. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2007.

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Neave, Guy R. Thematic debate: Autonomy, social responsibility and academic freedom. Paris: Unesco, 1998.

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Neave, Guy R. Thematic debate: Autonomy, social responsibility and academic freedom. Paris: Unesco, 1998.

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Noel, Peattie, American Library Association. Social Responsibilities Round Table., and American Library Association. Intellectual Freedom Round Table., eds. The freedom to lie: A debate about democracy. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland, 1989.

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Commission of the Churches on International Affairs., ed. Religious liberty: Some major considerations in the current debate. Geneva, Switzerland: Commission of the Churches on International Affairs, World Council of Churches, 1987.

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Mathew, P. D. Freedom of religion and a "debate" on religious conversion. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute, 1999.

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Tessa, Mayes, ed. Disclosure: Media freedom and the privacy debate after Diana. London: London International Research Exchange Media Group, 1998.

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Elizalde, María Angeles Sotés. Universidad franquista: Debate sobre la libertad de enseñanza (1939-1962). Pamplona: EUNSA, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Freedom of debate"

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Francome, Colin. "Debate Between the Wars." In Abortion Freedom, 52–77. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003478348-3.

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Francome, Colin. "British Debate After 1967." In Abortion Freedom, 158–83. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003478348-7.

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Francome, Colin. "Early Debate on Fertility Control." In Abortion Freedom, 23–51. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003478348-2.

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Ringenberg, William C. "The Origins Debate (I)." In The Christian College and the Meaning of Academic Freedom, 131–39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137398338_20.

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Ringenberg, William C. "The Origins Debate (II)." In The Christian College and the Meaning of Academic Freedom, 141–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137398338_21.

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Welch, Shay. "Social Contract Theory and Social Freedom: Entering the Feminist Debate." In A Theory of Freedom, 1–17. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137295026_1.

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Neves, Catarina, Roberto Merrill, Ricardo Miguel, and Rui Forte. "The Impact of Measures Against COVID-19 on Freedom of Press and Expression." In International Series on Public Policy, 133–49. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52096-9_8.

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AbstractThis chapter aims to analyse the impact of the first measures against COVID-19 regarding freedom of press and freedom of expression in the first pandemic wave (from January to June 2020). To do this, we used EXCEPTIUS data and discuss whether the policies used to fight COVID-19, particularly those targeting the spread of information, contributed to the erosion of fundamental rights and freedoms in the European context. Our chapter describes how restrictive measures varied across Europe and engages in a normative debate on the extent to which liberal democracies had a legitimate claim to restrict freedom to fight COVID-19. It is a debate on whether freedom of expression should be curtailed or not, a process that might lead to the erosion of democracy, or instead contribute to making it more robust, particularly in the context of a public health crisis, such as the one imposed by COVID-19.

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Dimova-Cookson, Maria. "Positive and Negative Freedom: Green’s Contribution to the Debate." In T. H. Green’s Moral and Political Philosophy, 105–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509542_5.

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Pauha, Teemu, and Johanna Konttori. "“There Is Freedom of Religion in Finland, But…” The Helsinki Mosque Debate." In The Challenges of Religious Literacy, 9–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47576-5_2.

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"Politicians Debate Religious Liberty." In A Perfect Freedom, 86–104. Cambridge University Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511572418.008.

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Conference papers on the topic "Freedom of debate"

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Assami, Sarah. "The debate between freedom speech and government protection." In Qatar Foundation Annual Research Conference Proceedings. Hamad bin Khalifa University Press (HBKU Press), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/qfarc.2018.ssahpd1040.

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Lukmanova, Olga B. "Freedom And Responsibility In American Public Health Debate Around Covid-19." In International Forum «Freedom and responsibility in pivotal times». European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2022.03.64.

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Liansheng, Zhang, and Sun Xiaodan. "Notice of Retraction: Debate of Academic Freedom and University Autonomy." In 2010 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icee.2010.611.

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DONOAGĂ, Diana. "Reflections on the progressive process of conceptualizing freedom from the perspective of philosophy of education." In Probleme ale ştiinţelor socioumanistice şi ale modernizării învăţământului. "Ion Creanga" State Pedagogical University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46728/c.v3.25-03-2022.p170-174.

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The subject of freedom in education, with profound ethical implications, has been and will remain one of the cardinal landmarks of educational thinking. In the theoretical debate of the problems of freedom, in the history of philosophical thinking, illustrious concepts have been developed in this sense by researchers such as I. Kant, J. J. Rousseau, Plato and others. We will present some of them, not in their chronological order, but in the order in which the transition from one interpretation to another allows us to capture the phases that the progressive process of conceptualizing freedom goes through. The philosophical theme of freedom, aims at the possibility of the manifestation of the human being in individual acts of action, taking into account the premises of value and decision. This is the maxim that concentrates the ideas of the philosophy of education in the space between the XV-XVIII centuries, which remains current until today.

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Senanayake, H. R. Chiranthi. "The Legal Debate on the Commercial Use of Personal Data - A Discussion of the Eu Gdpr Precedent." In SLIIT INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON ADVANCEMENTS IN SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES [SICASH]. Faculty of Humanities and Sciences, SLIIT, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54389/pnox5200.

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Although the adoption of the Personal Data Protection Act No. 9 of 2022 in Sri Lanka marked a significant milestone in the commercial use of personal data, the regulation of data use is often debated among international policymakers due to the inherent controversy of the subject. This is especially seen in the European Union (EU) which has a stringent data protection scheme. In light of this legal debate, the discussion in this study centres around the key concern of appropriate regulation and balancing between two competing rights, namely, the freedom to commercially utilise user data in the digital economy, and the protection of the right to privacy and protection from unlawful processing of personal data of the consumer/user. Such an academic conversation is engaged in by deliberating on the legal implications of commercial use of personal data. To this end, the essay will first examine the existing legal systems for commercially processing personal data with specific attention to the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of 2016 and the associated case law. Next, the essay will discuss three concerns on the present protectionist trajectory of the law, and its impact on the dual role of the law in the digital economy, i.e. as a facilitator of lawful commercial use of personal data and a guardian of privacy rights of data subjects. Thereafter, the essay will discuss three concerns on the present protectionist trajectory of the law, and its impact on the dual role of the law in the digital economy, i.e., as a facilitator of lawful commercial use of personal data and as a guardian of privacy rights of data subjects. The legal analysis is centralised on the EU personal data protection regime because it is a microcosm of development in general data protection law, which is widely accepted as a global persuasive precedent on the regulation of transnational commercial use of personal data. Keywords: Legal debate, personal data, Eu Gdpr Precedent.

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Grigorazh, Daria S. "Justification And Excuses Tactics In Presidential Debates." In International Forum «Freedom and responsibility in pivotal times». European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2022.03.69.

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Vitória Abrahão Cabral, Marina, and Valdir Júnio dos Santos. "Restorative justice and the resolution of judicial conflicts: na analysis of the restorative justice Program of the General Department of Social and Education Actions (DEGASE –RJ)." In 7th International Congress on Scientific Knowledge. Perspectivas Online: Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25242/8876113220212436.

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The analytical and practical field of restorative justice is linked to the debates on the new social conflict management that challenge the institutional design of criminal justice and the Brazilian legal system. When starting from the problematization of the Brazilian criminal justice, we assume that the penalty under neoliberalism presents itself as a societal project that is sustained by the paradox of the potentiation of the police and penitentiary State and the minimization of the economic and social areas of action of the State. Thus, restorative justice emerges as an efficient conflict resolution mechanism, mainly because its criminal approach is based on equating relationships and repairing the damage caused to individuals and communities. In this context, this research aims at analyzing the impact of the implementation of the Restorative Justice Program of the General Department of Social and Education Actions (DEGASE, abbreviation in Portuguese) established by Ordinance 441 of September 13, 2017, within the scope of the social and education units, as well as the challenges presented to those responsible for implementing the law in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (judges, public defenders, members of the Public Prosecution Service and the DEGASE System) inthe management of restorative practices directed at juvenile offenders deprived of freedom. This problematization raises questions about the limits of the definition of crime and punishment; the relationship between criminal law; and the protection of human rights. The research is structured in three stages: systematic review of the academic field of restorative justice and the Brazilian criminal justice system; elaboration of a framework of the experiences of policies developed in the field of restorativejustice in the state of Rio de Janeiro; and the elaboration of the sociodemographic profile of adolescents and their family structure –analyzing the variables:gender, infraction, age group, monthly family income, education, family structure, and territoriality. It is expected to obtain a critical view of the state of the art of literature on restorative justice in the Brazilian criminal justice system and the debate in the field of conflict resolution criminalized by juvenile offenders served by the Restorative Justice Program of the General Department of Social and Education Actions (DEGASE).

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Chubarova, Anna Sergeevna. "RESTRICTION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF AGREEMENT FREEDOM OF THE DEBT IN BANKRUPTCY." In Актуальные аспекты развития современной науки. Самара: Самарский государственный экономический университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46554/cadms-2020-pp.519.

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Ковалёв, М. А. "Debates in the British Parliament about Martial Law in Ireland in 1803." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.013.

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В статье рассматривается роль ирландского фактора в борьбе политических элит в Великобритании начала XIX в. В качестве основного вопроса для раскрытия темы выбрана проблема введения военного положения в Ирландии в ходе восстания 1803 г. Автором исследованы позиции представителей торийского кабинета, вигской оппозиции, а также «третьей партии». Проблема военного положения была важным инструментом в руках британского правительства. Поэтому вопрос о его применении на территории зависимой страны мог отразиться на правовом положении самих англичан как жителей метрополии. Дебаты по данному вопросу можно понимать как составную часть общей полемики о полномочиях центральной власти. Проанализированы точки зрения на данный вопрос государственных деятелей, офицеров и других коммонеров, среди которых – известные личности своего времени: У. Уиндхэм, Г. Аддингтон, У. Уилберфорс, С. Персиваль. Рассмотрена также предыстория взаимоотношений Англии и Ирландии в XII–XVIII вв. в контексте складывания «островной империи». На основании материалов британского парламента сделаны выводы о том, что характерный для консервативного сознания «образ врага» оказался важнейшим аргументом в ходе принятия решения о военном положении. «Третья партия» У. Уиндхэма имела при этом особую позицию. Защищая гражданские права и свободы, она тем не менее не вполне вторила своим коллегам из партии вигов. Их аргументация скорее отталкивалась от принципа сохранения целостности государства, укладывалась в логику стратегии уступок и в целом была прагматичной. The article examines the role of the Irish factor in the struggle of political elites in the UK at the beginning of the XIX century. The problem of the adopting of martial law in Ireland during the uprising of 1803 was chosen as the main issue for the disclosure of the topic. The author investigated the positions of representatives of the Tory cabinet, the Whig opposition, as well as the “third party”. The issue of martial law was an important tool in the hands of the British Government. Therefore, the question of its application on the territory of a dependent country could affect the legal position of the British themselves as residents of the metropolis. The debate on this issue can be considered as an integral part of the general debate about the powers of the central government. The points of view of statesmen, officers and other members of parliament on this issue are analyzed, among which are famous personalities of their time: W. Windham, H. Addington, W. Wilberforce, S. Percival. The prehistory of the relationship between England and Ireland in the XII–XVIII centuries is also considered in the context of the forming of the “island empire”. Based on the materials of the British Parliament, conclusions were drawn that the “image of the enemy” which is characteristic of the conservative mind turned out to be the most important argument during the decision on martial law. The “third party” of W. Windham at the same time had a special position. Defending civil rights and freedoms, however, it did not fully echo her colleagues from the Whig Party. Their argumentation was rather based on the principle of preserving the integrity of the state, fit into the logic of the strategy of concessions and was generally pragmatic.

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Mort, Martin. "A Comparison of Chinese and Western Interpretations of Cause, Will, and Free Will." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/ijeb9256.

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A cross-cultural comparison of how constructs overlapping with cause, will (human cause), and free will (human cause of a controversial kind) have evolved from concrete origins reflected by Chinese pictographs and the Indo-European etymologies of Greek written words. Cause-related constructs compared are Zhang Dainian’s 元 (yuán), 因 (yīn), 故 (gù), and 所以 (suóyǐ) and the Greek terms aitia (αιτια; “cause”), archē (αρχε; “origin”) and genesis (γενεσις, “genesis”). 因 (yīn) is said, for example, to show a man enclosed (by determinants, possibly prison walls), while aitia (“cause”) is said to be related to aisa (“fate”) and ultimately to the Indo-European root *aito- (“share,” “allotment,” what fate has—concretely, it is contended here—allotted to a person). Reflections on cause lead to interpretations of the more specific cause called will, encountered as 志 (zhì) and 意志 (yìzhì) in Mandarin. Whether the ancient Greeks relied on a construct like will has been debated, but volition in some sense underlies the hekusion (εκούσιον), the voluntary. Volition immediately raises the much debated issue of whether the will is “free.” i.e., whether there is a subset of willed acts without antecedents, spontaneous, emerging ex nihilo. Examination of the etymologies of the characters used to translate the term free will into Chinese—自由的意志 (zìyóu de yìzhì, “freedom of the will”)—and of the Indo-European etymologies of Greek terms like hekusion and prohairesis (προαιρεσις, “deliberated choice”), suggest that neither the Chinese nor the ancient Greeks postulated the existence of free will.

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Reports on the topic "Freedom of debate"

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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.

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Nascimento, José Rente. Forest Vocation Lands and Forest Policy: When Simpler is Better. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008948.

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This paper addresses forest policies concerned with the adequate provision of forest related externalities. Despite the use of the forest vocation land (FVL) in the legislation of many Latin American countries, the discussion in the scientific literature about forest policies based on it is modest. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate. The paper presents facts, defines concepts, examines analytical frameworks, and investigates policy alternatives related to these externalities in private lands. The paper concludes that FVL is a useful model for the design of forest policies that seek to assure the provision of forest related externalities. Such policies are: especially adequate for developing countries because they are relatively easy to understand; are less intrusive in the forest business decision making processes and, thereby, allow for greater freedom of action; are less costly to monitor, enforce, and comply with; reduce corruptive activities and illegality associated with forests; and do not require adjustments as technologies and market conditions change.

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Koltai, Júlia, Imola Wilhelm, Gábor Kecskés, István Gábor Hatvani, Katalin Lipták, Ákos Lencsés, Gábor Kemenesi, and Balázs Lengyel. Exclusion of Universities from EU Funds Hurts Young Researchers – Research Report. Hungarian Young Academy, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36820/fka.2024.eufunds.eng.

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In 2022, citing the erosion of transparency and academic freedom in Hungary, the Council of the European Union suspended research related EU funding and exchange programmes to Hungarian universities run by newly established public interest trusts. There has been unceasing debate between the EU and Hungary since then, while the recent initial hearings of the universities’ appeals in the Court of Justice of the European Union suggest that lasting suspension will be the outcome. Here we summarize a comprehensive survey that reveals a troubling landscape for the Hungarian academic and research communities as a consequence of the ban. Particularly alarming is the pronounced impact on early career researchers, not just from institutions directly affected by the suspension but, strikingly, from those still eligible for funding. The findings of the survey underscore a pervasive uncertainty among non-Hungarian EU consortia leaders about whether to engage with Hungarian universities and research institutes at all. This climate of doubt may well result in detrimental effects on the international stature of Hungarian research, hinting at long-lasting impediments to the country's scientific competitiveness on the European stage.

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Marshall, Katherine. Towards Enriching Understandings and Assessments of Freedom of Religion or Belief: Politics, Debates, Methodologies, and Practices. Institute of Development Studies, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.001.

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Promoting the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is a foreign policy priority for several countries, their concerns accentuated by considerable evidence of rising levels of violations of this right worldwide. This puts a premium on solid evidence and on clear assessment criteria to serve as objective guides for policy. This paper reviews the complex landscape of approaches to assessing and measuring both the status of FoRB and the degree to which this human right is being violated or protected. It introduces and describes various transnational methodologies, both qualitative and quantitative, which focus, in differing ways, on violations. Several are widely cited and have express policy applications, while others have more indirect application to FoRB. The analysis highlights the diversity of approaches, which both reflect and contribute to a tendency to politicise FoRB issues. Challenges include differing understandings of the nature and relative significance of violations and their comparability. Country analysis is crucial because the specific context has vital importance for a granular appreciation for causes and impact of FoRB violations. This granularity, however, is poorly reflected in broader quantitative transnational and time series indices that highlight trends and comparative impact. The review highlights the limited degree to which FoRB issues, specifically violations and religiously related discrimination, are integrated in the policies and practice of development approaches (including social change and progress towards wellbeing) internationally and nationally. Effective approaches to addressing violations are few and far between, especially at the international level. The review notes strengths and weaknesses of specific approaches to assessment and reflects on possible improvements focused on development challenges and better integration among aspects of human rights.

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Álvarez Berastegi, A. Freedom of the Press and violence in the Basque Country and Colombia. A historical approach to current debates. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, January 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2019-1320en.

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Penna, Clemente. The Saga of Teofila Slavery and Credit Circulation in 19th-Century Rio de Janeiro. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/penna.2021.39.

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This paper follows the enslaved woman Teofila from captivity to freedom in 19th-century Rio de Janeiro. To become a free woman, Teofila had to navigate the complex private credit networks of the West African community of the Brazilian capital city. With limited banking activity, the cariocas relied on one another for their financial needs, making for a highly convivial credit market that reflected and reinforced the vast inequalities of Brazilian slave society. While following Teofila through the courts of Rio de Janeiro, this paper will demonstrate that one of the cornerstones of the city’s credit market was the presence of an intertwined relationship between credit and private property. The commerce in human beings like Teofila produced thousands of negotiable titles, with slavery working as a propeller for credit circulation and one of its pillars – slave property was the primary collateral for unpaid debts.

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Los, Josyp. Панорама сенсів: аргументи авторитетів світоглядної публіцистики. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11731.

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The article deals with the problem of the meaningfulness (essence) of the worldview journalism in the context of the argumentative resources of the work of influentive authors, for which the missionary role of the word is decisive. The search for meaning has been debated for centuries by orators, philosophers, psychologists, writers, sociologists, historians, journalists, and so on. In addition to other factors, a combination of the principles of worldview journalism and conceptual humanitarianism gives effective results. The author explores the acute problem of the effectiveness of a journalistic text through the prism of knowing the truth, meaning, since this is precisely where the source of wisdom is found; we are talking about spirituality, culture, historical memory. As influental authors proved with their arguments, the collection of facts is not enough, it is important to find the meaning of the existence of the individual, communities, and humanity. A number of examples show how the speakers of worldview journalism use all texts, not only from the archives: we are talking about poetry, art, in general, about literature, which revealed the most truth. Figuratively speaking, it is not only about the world of borders, it is important to consider horizons. Turning information into a commodity, focusing on “seasonal” interest based on the materialism of facts, or the inadequacy of many concepts and categories, the faking of media, relativity, obscurity of texts, anti-culture, in other words, the revolution of nihilism inevitably relativizes the very essence of journalism. If creative life is a manifestation of the freedom of the spirit, based on authentic truth, then we should strive to achieve the “extension of vision”, to master combinatorial (combinative) thinking. The ability to think in this way differs from ordinary logic in which the main universal thing remains in the center of attention, and the personality is not lost in individual details. Consequently, we can build a genealogy of ordered things and concepts, feel their inner relationship. Key words: meaning, worldview, journalism, argument, influence, moral principles, creativity.

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Relationship Between ‘Civil Society’ and ‘Democratic Freedoms’. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.086.

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Notwithstanding the point that definitions of ‘civil society’ and ‘democracy’ are themselves actively debated, this rapid review defines democracy as ‘liberal democracy’, which goes beyond elections to include liberal components such as equality before the law, individual liberties, rule of law, and independent judiciary and legislature that constrains the executive (Grahn and Lührmann, 2020, p.8). Civil society is defined as “an organizational layer of the polity that lies between the state and private life composed of voluntary associations of people joined together in common purpose” (Coppedge et al. 2016, p.413). Thus, this rapid review seeks to find out what evidence is there on the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms? The overall sense from the vast array of literature that looks at the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms is that civil society is important for democracy, but there is no “automatic flow” from one to the other. Rather, the relationship is contingent on the nature of civil society, in addition to other dynamic, context-specific factors. Most of the evidence found during this rapid review was in studies that break down this broad topic into smaller sub-questions. They tended to be case studies that look at specific elements of ‘democratic freedoms’ (e.g., human rights, or anti-corruption), focus on specific countries, or were related to specific mechanisms (e.g., collective action) or processes (e.g., democratic regression). Each of these sub-topics is itself a large and contested area of research. According to some scholars, these case studies are overwhelmingly positive about civil society’s relationship to liberal democratic norms and practices. Some studies show that democratic regression occurs where the demands of a highly mobilised civil society cannot be effectively channelled by the party system or occur in contexts characterised by ethnic and regional differences or socio-economic inequalities.

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Land But No Freedom: Debt, poverty and human suffering in the Philippine banana trade. Oxfam, June 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2018.2647.

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