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Journal articles on the topic 'Freedom of association – Italy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Denu, Mawulorm K. I., Alberto Montrond, Rachael Piltch-Loeb, Marco Bonetti, Veronica Toffolutti, Marcia A. Testa, and Elena Savoia. "Freedom of Choice to Vaccinate and COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in Italy." Vaccines 10, no. 11 (November 21, 2022): 1973. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10111973.

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Despite the availability of effective vaccines that lower mortality and morbidity associated with COVID-19, many countries including Italy have adopted strict vaccination policies and mandates to increase the uptake of the COVID-19 vaccine. Such mandates have sparked debates on the freedom to choose whether or not to get vaccinated. In this study, we examined the people’s belief in vaccine choice as a predictor of willingness to get vaccinated among a sample of unvaccinated individuals in Italy. An online cross-sectional survey was conducted in Italy in May 2021. The survey collected data on respondents’ demographics and region of residence, socioeconomic factors, belief in the freedom to choose to be vaccinated or not, risk perception of contracting and transmitting the disease, previous vaccine refusal, opinion on adequacy of government measures to address the pandemic, experience in requesting and being denied government aid during the pandemic, and intent to accept COVID-19 vaccination. The analysis employed binary logistic regression models using a hierarchical model building approach to assess the association between intent to accept vaccination and belief in the freedom to choose to vaccinate, while adjusting for other variables of interest. 984 unvaccinated individuals were included in the study. Respondents who agreed that people should be free to decide whether or not to vaccinate with no restrictions on their personal life had 85% lower odds of vaccine acceptance (OR = 0.15; 95% CI, 0.09,0.23) after adjusting for demographic and socioeconomic factors and their risk perception of contracting and transmitting COVID-19. Belief in the freedom to choose whether or not to accept vaccinations was a major predictor of COVID-19 vaccine acceptance among a sample of unvaccinated individuals in Italy in May 2021. This understanding of how individuals prioritize personal freedoms and the perceived benefits and risks of vaccines, when making health care decisions can inform the development of public health outreach, educational programs, and messaging.

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Mariti, Chiara, Federica Pirrone, Mariangela Albertini, Angelo Gazzano, and Silvana Diverio. "Familiarity and Interest in Working with Livestock Decreases the Odds of Having Positive Attitudes towards Non-Human Animals and Their Welfare among Veterinary Students in Italy." Animals 8, no. 9 (August 22, 2018): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani8090150.

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We investigated the attitudes of veterinary students towards animals and their welfare in Italy. Regression analyses revealed predictors that are significant in differentiating students’ scoring tendency based on their gender, familiarity, and intention to work with a specific animal species, type of diet, and membership in an animal rights association. Female students, who were mostly familiar with pets and aspired to work with species other than livestock, following an animal-free diet and being a member of an animal rights association, had a significantly greater odds of having a high Animal Attitude Scale score (AAS), i.e., very positive attitude towards animals, versus a less positive attitude. Conversely, the familiarity with livestock and preference for working with livestock significantly increased the odds of a low AAS. Overall, students considered all of the Brambell Report’s Five Freedoms important for animal welfare protection. However, students scored higher for companion animals than for livestock, particularly regarding the freedom to express normal behaviour and the absence of fear and distress. This study suggests that veterinary students place less importance on the psychological aspects of welfare for livestock, and there is a tendency for students who are mostly familiar, or aspire to work, with livestock to have a less positive attitude towards non-human animals and their welfare. These findings should be considered within the veterinary educational curriculum due to their potential impact on animal welfare.

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Rak, Joanna. "Neo-militant Democracy and (Un)fulfilled Destination of Consolidated Democracies? The Inner Six in Comparative Perspective." Historia i Polityka, no. 40 (47) (August 14, 2022): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.010.

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Drawing upon the methods of qualitative source analysis and process tracing, the study addresses the following research questions: How was the national legislation of consolidated democracies positioned to neo-militant democracy measures during the recovery from the great financial crisis (2007–2009)? To what extent was democracy prone to authoritarian abuse depending on a neo-militant democracy rule implementation? It advances arguments to reject Carlo Invernizzi Accetti’s and Ian Zuckerman’s hypothesis that if the freedom of political actors is restricted through militant democracy measures, democracy becomes more prone to authoritarian abuse in the long run. In the founding states of the EU, neo-militant democracy measures functioned in the legal structures long before the outbreak of the great financial crisis, during the crisis (2007–2009), and in the period of recovery. The states restricted democratic freedoms of speech, the press, association, and assembly. Belgium, Luxembourg, and Germany also limited organization in political parties. Moreover, during the recovery from the crisis, that is, a period of particular vulnerability of democracy to authoritarian abuse, the lists of relevant precautions were extended in France, Italy, and Germany. In these states, strengthening neo-militant democracy measures was neither a factor undermining democracy nor making it prone to drift towards a hybrid or authoritarian regime.

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Ferrandino, Vittoria, and Valentina Sgro. "Associazionismo industriale e corporativismo: l’American Chamber of Commerce in Italy nell’epoca fascista = Industrial association and corporatism: The American chamber of commerce in Italy during the fascism age." Pecvnia : Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, Universidad de León, no. 19 (February 2, 2016): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/pec.v0i19.3584.

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<p>Il contributo in oggetto si propone di approfondire i rapporti tra le corporazioni e i gruppi industriali italiani da un’ottica particolare, quella dell’associazionismo che si concretizza con l’American Chamber of Commerce in Italy, instituita nel 1915 per agevolare le relazioni commerciali tra Italia e Stati Uniti. La grave crisi economica del 1930 e del 1931 e, poco dopo, le gravissime restrizioni portate agli scambi con l’estero dal programma autarchico del Governo fascista, influirono notevolmente sullo sviluppo della Camera. L’autorità dell’istituzione venne a diminuire, i rapporti con gli Stati Uniti si fecero più rari e il numero dei soci diminuì notevolmente.<strong> </strong>Alle corporazioni furono affidate le autorizzazioni sui nuovi impianti, la costituzione delle compagnie per la valorizzazione dell’Africa orientale italiana, il controllo sulle iniziative economiche nelle colonie, la collaborazione col fisco nella determinazione e nell’applicazione dei tributi ed infine il controllo sul commercio estero e sulle valute. Di conseguenza, la funzione che lo Stato avrebbe dovuto esercitare servendosi delle corporazioni finì col ricadere nelle mani dei grandi industriali, che le dominavano attraverso i loro rappresentanti. Da un lato, quindi, vi erano le corporazioni, che garantivano piena libertà ai gruppi industriali, avallandone le scelte; dall’altro lato, invece, vi erano le autorità governative che riconoscevano i limiti di competenza e d’intervento di quelle istituzioni e la necessità di una migliore definizione degli obiettivi.</p><p>This contribution aims to examine the relationship between corporations and the Italian industrial groups from a particular perspective, which is that of associations through the American Chamber of Commerce in Italy, established in 1915 to facilitate the commercial relations between Italy and the United States. The economic crisis of 1930 and 1931 and, shortly after, the very serious restrictions on foreign trade of the Fascist government program influenced significantly on the Chamber’s development. The authority of the institution was to decline, the relations with the United States became more and more rare and the number of members decreased considerably. Corporations obtained the authorizations on new systems, the establishment of companies for the development of the Italian East Africa, the control on economic initiatives in the colonies, the cooperation with the tax authorities in the determination and application of taxes, and finally control over foreign trade and currencies. So the function that the State should have exercised using the corporations ended up falling into the hands of big businessmen, who ruled through their representatives. Therefore, Corporations guaranteed full freedom to industry groups supporting them, and government authorities recognized the competence and intervention limits of those institutions and the need for a better definition of the objectives.</p>

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Donini, Annamaria, Michele Forlivesi, Anna Rota, and Patrizia Tullini. "Towards collective protections for crowdworkers." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 2 (April 18, 2017): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258916688863.

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The ‘sharing economy’ and the collaborative economy are shaping new forms of employment in which digital platforms enable multilateral work relationships. This article discusses some initiatives aimed at the collective protection of crowdworkers. The first section investigates whether it is possible to extend EU labour protection – in particular, collective rights – to independent digital contractors. The second section looks at whether the national level may offer more effective measures for economically dependent digital workers or for distance workers, by comparing three selected countries: Italy, France and Spain. The article then explores the possibility of extending to crowdworkers the protections offered by collective bargaining and addresses how trade unions could have a role in implementing guarantees for crowdworkers. Comparative analysis is used to show how different constitutional systems recognise freedom of association, especially in relation to ‘subordinated’ workers. A strategy of viewing collective rights as human rights could be applied in order to reduce the contractual weakness of self-employed workers on digital platforms – and might even form the basis of a bill of rights.

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Lowe, Kate. "Visible Lives: Black Gondoliers and Other Black Africans in Renaissance Venice*." Renaissance Quarterly 66, no. 2 (2013): 412–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/671583.

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This article contributes to the study of the early sub-Saharan African diaspora in Europe by analyzing both visual and documentary evidence relating to black gondoliers in Renaissance Venice. Gondolas and gondoliers were iconic features in fifteenth-century Venice, yet most gondoliers were not Venetian. Although black Africans were highly visible in a predominantly white society, naming practices and linguistic usages rendered them virtually invisible in the documentary sources. It is now possible not only to investigate representations of black gondoliers in paintings, but also to identify black gondoliers in the lists of gondoliers’ associations and in criminal records. Slavery was an accepted institution in late medieval Italy, and nearly all black Africans arrived in Venice as slaves, yet usually ended their lives free. Being a gondolier gave a few black Africans a niche occupation that allowed them to manage their transition to freedom, and to integrate successfully into Venetian society.

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V. V., Novitskyi. "Political and legal mechanisms for the protection of human rights through the lens of the European Union countries." Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no. 11 (August 2020): 180–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-32.

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The author of the article, first of all, draws attention to the current problems of protection and protection of human rights, which unfortunately are traced within the territorial jurisdiction of the European Union. Such problem is quite well demonstrated by Berbel Koffler, as the Commissioner of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on human rights and humanitarian aid policy. Indeed, the Ombudsman of Germany has raised a number of deep dilemmas: violence against human rights defenders on the grounds of their professional activity, the relation of human rights institutions with public security and economic development. In fact, these questions, in varying percentages, are equally relevant to many countries in the world. In the outlined context, the case of the European Court of Human Rights “Gabriel Weber and Caesar Richard Saravia v. Germany” of 29.06.06 was analyzed. Actually, this case covers directly the issues of human rights and national security of Germany. Grounds for initiating this case have arisen in connection with the legislative provisions of the Law of Germany on the Restriction of the Secret of Correspondence, Mail and Telecommunications of 13.08.68., ("Law G-10"), taking into account changes made under the Anti-Crime Act of 28.10.94, which extend the powers of the Federal Intelligence Service, within the so-called strategic monitoring. It is about collecting information by listening to telephone conversations in order to identify and prevent serious threats to the Federal Republic of Germany, such as: armed attacks on its territory, international terrorist attacks, other serious crimes. According to the applicants who worked as journalists, strategic monitoring can be used against individuals to prevent effective journalistic investigations. In view of these suspicions, the applicants argued that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to privacy and correspondence, the violation of press freedom, and the right to an effective remedy. The ECHR Judges, having examined the circumstances of the case, concluded that there were no grounds to satisfy the complaints on the basis of the following arguments: 2) German legislation, as part of strategic monitoring, is endowed with adequate and effective safeguards against abuse by authorized entities. In addition, the article analyzes the multi-vector issue of banning citizens of some European Union countries from wearing hats that completely or partially hide their faces. The fact is that, under such restrictions, in particular, the traditional clothing of women adherents of Islam has fallen. It is a “burqa” and a “niqab”. The presented study is mainly based on the legislative practice of France, Belgium, which provides for administrative as well as criminal penalties for non-compliance with the stated prohibition. In such cases as S.А.С. France, Belkacemi and Oussar v. Belgium, Dakir v. Belgium, the applicants, alleged that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, including: the right to respect for their private life; the right to freedom of expression of one's religion or belief; the right to freedom of expression; the right to freedom of association; humiliating treatment and discrimination against the enjoyment of the abovementioned human rights. According to most ECHR judges, who have dealt with the said cases, the disputed prohibition is not necessary in a "democratic society for public safety" but its main task is to preserve the conditions of "cohabitation" as an element of "protection of the rights and freedoms of others." In the context of this debate, attention was paid indirectly to such EU Member States as: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Switzerland. Keywords: human rights, legal guarantees, security, privacy.

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Martinico, Giuseppe, Richard Albert, Antonia Baraggia, and Cristina Fasone. "An Opportunity for Reflection – A Special Issue on “The Constitution of Canada: History, Evolution, Influence and Reform”." Perspectives on Federalism 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): Ed—I—Ed—VII. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0027.

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Abstract Canada is and will for the foreseeable future be a peaceful and prosperous liberal democracy whose Constitution Act, 1867, now 150 years old as of 2017, has become a model for the modern world. The Constitution of Canada has exerted considerable influence on other countries, particularly since the coming into force of its Constitution Act, 1982, which included the celebrated Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Just as Canada drew from foreign and international experiences in drafting its Charter, the world has learned a great deal from Canada, not only as to rights protections but also as to the separation of powers, the judicial function, and the structure of government. In light of these impressive achievements, an international symposium on the Canadian Constitution was held in Pisa at the Scuola Sant’Anna under the auspices of the Sant’Anna Legal Studies project and with the support of the DIRPOLIS (Law, Politics and Development) Institute at the Scuola Sant’Anna, the Canadian Embassy in Italy, and the International Association of Constitutional Law. This special issue collects some of the papers presented on that occasion.

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9

Fleszer, Dorota. "Freedom of association." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, no. XIX (December 31, 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0425.

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Everyone is guaranteed freedom of association. Its characteristic feature is that it is the source of a number of subjective rights. These include, in particular, the freedom to join existing associations, the freedom of unhampered association, the freedom of organization and the activities of associations. The essence of freedom of association is therefore the right to self-organize citizens, which is a possibility for the functioning of civil society.

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FITZPATRICK, BARRY, and BILL REES. "FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION." Industrial Law Journal 16, no. 1 (1987): 201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/16.1.201.

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FREDMAN, SANDRA, and GILLIAN MORRIS. "FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION." Industrial Law Journal 17, no. 1 (1988): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/17.1.105.

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Nemtoi, Gabriela. "Freedom of Association versus Freedom of Assembly." European Journal of Law and Public Administration 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 01–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/eljpa/9.1/165.

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Freedom of assembly occupies an “eminent place” in the system of international acts aimed at the protection of human rights. In this sense, we mention that freedom of association and freedom of assembly are instruments of expression, of collective opinion and as such, due to their role in the existence and development of a democratic society, they assign a central place in establishing the democratic framework of state governance. Freedom of association and freedom of assembly outline the essence of democracy which resides in its ability to resolve issues through public debate. The protection of freedom of assembly targets precisely this exchange of ideas and the collective manifestations of social and political activity. Freedom of assembly covers both private and public assemblies. In this sense, states have a positive obligation to protect those who exercise this freedom against the violence of counter-demonstrators. For this purpose, the states have a wide margin of appreciation of the necessary measures.

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NOVITZ, T. "Negative Freedom of Association." Industrial Law Journal 26, no. 1 (March 1, 1997): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/26.1.79.

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Bighi, Corrado. "UNIVERSITY AUTONOMY AND ACADEMIC FREEDOM IN ITALY." Higher Education in Europe 18, no. 1 (January 1993): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0379772930180110.

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Sarat, Austin. "Freedom of Association. Amy Gutmann." Journal of Politics 61, no. 4 (November 1999): 1212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2647580.

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Hawkins, Deborah. "Tolerance and Freedom of Association." Social Theory and Practice 30, no. 4 (2004): 589–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract200430428.

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Wellman, Christopher Heath. "Immigration and Freedom of Association." Ethics 119, no. 1 (October 2008): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/592311.

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Bernstein, David E. "EXPRESSIVE ASSOCIATION AFTER DALE." Social Philosophy and Policy 21, no. 2 (June 4, 2004): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504212080.

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The right to join with other people to promote a particular outlook, known as the right of expressive association, is a necessary adjunct to the right of freedom of speech, which is protected by the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. Freedom of speech would be of little practical consequence if the government could suppress ideas by bluntly prohibiting individuals from gathering with others who share their perspective. Freedom of expression must consist of more than the right to talk to oneself.

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Onelli, C. "Freedom and censorship: Petronius' Satyricon in seventeenth-century Italy." Classical Receptions Journal 6, no. 1 (October 13, 2012): 104–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/cls010.

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Hegele, Robert A. "SNP Judgments and Freedom of Association." Arteriosclerosis, Thrombosis, and Vascular Biology 22, no. 7 (July 2002): 1058–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/01.atv.0000026801.56080.14.

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Presser, Stephen B. "FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE." Social Philosophy and Policy 25, no. 2 (June 2, 2008): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052508080229.

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This paper seeks to examine two conflicting strands in the United States Supreme Court's treatment of “freedom of association,” by exploring some aspects of the historical development of the doctrine. It suggests that there are two conceptions of “freedom of association,” an older, traditional one, that eschews forcing odious contact on members of associations, and a newer one which privileges antidiscrimination doctrines over “freedom from association.” These two conceptions still exist on the Court, resulting in irreconcilable decisions such as those permitting the Boy Scouts to exclude gay scoutmasters, but forcing the Jaycees to accept women. The preference of one conception over the other is also evident in the work of different scholars, whose doctrinal approaches are similarly irreconcilable. The Supreme Court has explained the discontinuities in the doctrine by seeking to characterize it in terms of the First Amendment's “freedom of speech” clause, but the paper argues that it makes more sense, in the context of these two cases, to regard them as related to the First Amendment's “freedom of religion” clauses.

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Molatlhegi, B. "Workers' freedom of association in Botswana." Journal of African Law 42, no. 1 (1998): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300010494.

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The year 1992 saw significant reforms to the Botswana labour law and industrial relations system. Before then, as was the case elsewhere in Africa, the Botswana government had adopted highly interventionist policies with respect to industrial relations. The changes introduced in 1992 were aimed at shifting labour relations to the market place. State intervention, though not completely eliminated, has been greatly reduced as a result. The changes in labour law and the industrial relations system have brought to the fore the debate about the nature, content and extent of workers' freedom of association in the country. The changes mean that more than ever before collective bargaining will play a significant role in the determination of wages, terms and conditions of employment.

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Thorpe, Mindy, and Jim McDonald. "Freedom of Association and Union Membership." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 9, no. 2 (December 1998): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.1998.10669191.

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Trivellato, Benedetta, Mattia Martini, Dario Cavenago, and Elisabetta Marafioti. "A case of employment services in Italy." International Journal of Public Sector Management 29, no. 5 (July 11, 2016): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-02-2016-0031.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the recent evolution of the employment services system of a Northern Italian region (Lombardy), which was planned according to principles inspired by quasi-markets and horizontal subsidiarity theories, with a focus on its design and implementation challenges. It aims to provide practical and theoretical insights for the design of public services’ governance systems that similarly feature public-private competition and/or cooperation and users’ freedom of choice. Design/methodology/approach – The paper reviews and integrates previous empirical research analysing the programmes that are part of the recent evolution of Lombardy’s employment services system, in order to draw insights and lessons. Findings – The paper suggests areas where closer scrutiny and related intervention is warranted on the part of the institution in charge of the system’s design (in this case the regional administration), especially in terms of appropriate design of incentive mechanisms for partnership creation, and adequate consideration of the equity implications of the chosen solutions. Originality/value – The paper may be of interest to public officials aiming to implement systems with similar characteristics (public-private competition vs collaboration, users’ freedom of choice), in order to consider challenges and possible implications of their decisions during the planning phase. From a theoretical perspective, this case suggests that reliance on freedom and responsibility, both on the demand and the supply side, may not be adequate to reach the desired outcomes, and may produce negative equity implications. Focused partnerships may be more effective, but may experience similar shortcomings from the viewpoint of equity.

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Boyd, Richard. "THE MADISONIAN PARADOX OF FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION." Social Philosophy and Policy 25, no. 2 (June 2, 2008): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052508080254.

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Freedom of association holds an uneasy place in the pantheon of liberal freedoms. Whereas freedom of association and the abundant plurality of groups that accompany it have been embraced by modern and contemporary liberals, this was not always the case. Unlike more canonical freedoms of speech, press, property, petition, assembly, and religious conscience, the freedom of association was rarely extolled by classical liberal thinkers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Indeed Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Adam Smith, and others seem to have regarded freedom of association with some trepidation because of the violent, irrational, and factional behavior of groups. This chapter illuminates these anti-associational assumptions in the writings of James Madison. Although Madison famously deplored political associations as sources of faction and civil dissension, he differed from other members of the Founding generation in his willingness to defend associational freedom. Madison's writings also shed light on the unenumerated status of the freedom of association in American constitutional law.

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Ji-Ung Park. "Freedom, Individual and Association in the Association of Free Individuals." MARXISM 21 10, no. 1 (February 2013): 214–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.10.1.201302.007.

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Harcourt, Mark, and Helen Lam. "Freedom of Association, Freedom of Contract, and the Right-to-Work Debate." Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal 18, no. 4 (November 15, 2006): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10672-006-9022-y.

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Borgna, Cecilia Laura. "The Aids Challenge in Italy: Authentic Sexual Freedom and Justice1." Heythrop Journal 53, no. 5 (March 7, 2011): 768–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2010.00647.x.

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DECANINI, L. D., L. LIBERATORE, and F. MOLLAIOLI. "DAMAGE POTENTIAL OF THE 2009 L'AQUILA, ITALY, EARTHQUAKE." Journal of Earthquake and Tsunami 06, no. 03 (September 2012): 1250032. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793431112500327.

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On April 6, 2009 (1:32 UTC) an earthquake of magnitude MW 6.3, caused by a normal fault rupture, shook the Abruzzo Region of Central Italy causing 309 deaths, hundreds injured and thousands homeless. L'Aquila city, which is located very close to the causative fault in hanging wall position, was severely damaged by the event. In this work, after a description of the damages observed in reinforced concrete (RC) buildings, a study on the characterization of damage potential of strong ground motions recorded during the main shock and the strongest aftershocks is presented. Elastic and inelastic spectral demands, in terms of displacement, forces, and energy are estimated and different parameters related to the "ground motion records destructiveness" are calculated. Moreover, the demand imposed on multi degree of freedom systems is estimated by means of nonlinear dynamic analyses and compared to the single degree of freedom systems demand.

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Wedderburn, Lord. "Freedom of association or right to organise?" Industrial Relations Journal 18, no. 4 (December 1987): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.1987.tb00906.x.

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Fine, Sarah. "Freedom of Association Is Not the Answer." Ethics 120, no. 2 (January 2010): 338–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/649626.

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Moles, Andres. "The Public Ecology of Freedom of Association." Res Publica 20, no. 1 (July 18, 2013): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-013-9222-x.

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Christian, Timothy J. "FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION - LABOUR STRIKES OUT AGAIN." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 2, no. 1 - 4 (October 11, 2011): 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9k66k.

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Faraguna, Pietro. "Regulating Religion in Italy." Journal of Law, Religion and State 7, no. 1 (February 7, 2019): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00701003.

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This article focuses on state-church relations and on the peculiar implementation of the “idea of secularism” in Italy. First, it explores the formal provisions of the 1848 Constitution. Next, it investigates constitutional provisions that came into force in 1948. Finally, it examines how the actors of the living constitution (legislators, the government, judges, and the Constitutional Court in particular) tried to balance and develop the potentially conflicting principles included in the 1948 Constitution in the area of religious freedom, equality, and state-church relations. The article explores three particularly controversial examples: the teaching of religion in state schools; the display of the crucifix in classrooms; and state funding mechanisms of religious denominations. The main claim of the article is that, with regard to the regulation of religion in Italy, the transformation of the constitutional position of religion did not occur within the formal constitution, but in the “living constitution.”

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Connolly-Ahern, Colleen, and Guy J. Golan. "Press Freedom and Religion: Measuring the Association Between Press Freedom and Religious Composition." Journal of Media and Religion 6, no. 1 (June 22, 2007): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15348420701338526.

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Urbaniak, Monika. "Lex coronavirus. Włoskie prawo w walce z pandemią." Studia Prawa Publicznego, no. 1(29) (March 15, 2020): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/spp.2020.1.29.1.

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An epidemic caused by the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 has been existed in Europe and worldwide for several weeks now. On 11 March 2020, the WHO declared it a global pandemic. At the time of writing, Europe, in particular Italy, is the largest outbreak of coronavirus. Italy is attempting to tackle the virus with increasingly drastic legal measures. On 31 January 2020, its Council of Ministers declared a state of emergency related to the sanitary risk of coronavirus infection. Italy has started the fight against the virus using two legal instruments: the first is the Council of Ministers’ declaration of a six-month state of emergency on 31 January 2020, and the second is a decree-law (decreto legge) issued by the Prime Minister temporarily restricting the freedom of movement throughout the state. In exceptional cases, the Italian Government has the right to issue normative legal acts. Recent legislative acts issued in Italy have undoubtedly limited the fundamental rights granted by the Constitution of 1947. These limited rights include the right of movement, but also freedom of assembly, the right to work, freedom of economic activity and freedom of conscience and religion. As a result of the legal solutions introduced, fundamental human rights are subject to justifiable restrictions in order to protect the constitutionally guaranteed right of the community to health care. In situations of epidemiological threats, protecting the lives and health of citizens is essential. Any restrictions on rights and freedoms are intended to protect these goods. However extensive these restrictions may be, in a democratic state this must be introduced under strict control and for a specified period of time linked to the duration of an epidemic.

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Milani, Geoffrey, and Elizabeth Handsley. "Finding the Foothold: Freedom of Political Association in the Australian Constitution." Federal Law Review 47, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 306–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x19831805.

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The High Court has not definitively explained the legal status of the constitutionally implied freedom of political association since its existence was first raised in 1992. Tajjour v New South Wales affirmed the majority view that any constitutional protection enjoyed by political association is derived from the freedom of political communication; or, in the words of the Court, a ‘corollary to’ that freedom. In this article, we argue that the High Court should acknowledge the freedom of political association as a free-standing freedom rather than a corollary of political communication. The reasoning that gave rise to the implied freedom of political communication can also be applied to political association. The Court’s approach to the implication of freedom of communication, of building on the text of ss 7, 24 and 128 of the Constitution and the structures they establish, does not appear to be at odds with the implication of freedom of association. Consequently, we argue the Court has erred in favouring the corollary form of political association (pt IV). The corollary freedom has not been justified and appears either entirely unnecessary (being subsumed by political communication) or overly subjective in application. By contrast, the free-standing freedom could adopt the well-established Lange test of validity with only minor adjustments and therefore represent only a modest development of existing jurisprudence.

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Osaulenko, S. V. "POLITICAL PARTIES AND FREEDOM OF ASSOSIATION." Знання європейського права, no. 5 (December 22, 2021): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/chern.v0i5.274.

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The content of the constitutional right to freedom of association in political parties in Ukraine is one of the elementsof this subjective right. Traditionally, the structure of any subjective right is analyzed in the composition of the subjectsof this right, its object (objects), as well as the content, and constitutional subjective rights are not an exception to thisrule. It should be emphasized that this approach is fully justified and should be followed. In studying the content of theconstitutional right to freedom of association in political parties in Ukraine, the question of distinguishing between theconcepts of “union” and “association” arises.The relevance of the research topic is that European integration processes are currently underway in Ukraine,which provide for the harmonization of national legislation with human rights standards adopted in the EU. It is withinthese processes that the author analyzes and substantiates the need to move to a wider application of the concept of"association" in national legislation and Ukrainian legal literature.So far, experts in constitutional law have not analyzed the issue of distinguishing between the concepts of “union”and “association” in the context of the study of the right to freedom of association in political parties in Ukraine. Inthis regard, in writing the article used works devoted mainly to general issues of the theory of state and law (primarilythe development of professors Krestovskaya, Matveeva), as well as general issues of constitutional law in terms ofsubjective rights (primarily developed by professors Shapoval, Mishyna). We should also take into the account thedissertation for the degree of Candidate of Law, devoted to the constitutional right to unite in political parties, that wassubmitted by A.M. Moiseev on the materials of foreign law and case law.The author argues that the need to distinguish between the concepts of “union” and “association” in relation to theconstitutional right to freedom of association in political parties in Ukraine.The author recommends to abandon the use of the concept of “association of citizens” in favor of the concept of“association” in Art. 36-37 of the Constitution of Ukraine and bring other laws and bylaws in line with the Constitutionof Ukraine, first of all – the Law “On Political Parties in Ukraine”, where in Art. 2 “The concept of a political party”gives this definition. Prospects for further research are to use the same thesaurus used by foreign scholars working inEU countries when studying the right to freedom of association in political parties in Ukraine

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Lægaard, Sune. "Territorial Rights, Political Association, and Immigration." Journal of Moral Philosophy 10, no. 5 (2013): 645–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-4681011.

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Liberals conceive of territorial rights as dependent on the legitimacy of the state, which is in turn understood in terms of the state’s protection of individual rights and freedoms. Such justifications of territorial rights have difficulties in addressing the right to control immigration, which is therefore in need of additional justification. The paper considers Christopher Heath Wellman’s liberal proposal for justifying the right to control immigration, which understands the right as derivative of a general right to freedom of association held collectively by the people of the state. The paper argues that state legitimacy and freedom of political association fail to connect in the way required to justify a right to control immigration. Wellman’s argument conflates the state as an institution and the people as a political collective and elides the difference between territorial jurisdiction and associational freedom.

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Robie, David. "Freedom of speech." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2002): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v8i1.734.

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In spite of the hot air about governments pressuring the media in Pacific countries—and this does happen all too frequently—I believe a greater threat to press freedom comes from a small clique of media veterans, many of whom are of palagi origin, who have disproportionate influence. [Keynote address at the inaugural Pacific Islands Media Association (PIMA) conference in Auckland, 5-6 October 2001.]

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Ganbarov, Dashgin. "Forms of Stating the Right to Freedom of Association in International Regulatory Acts." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 21, no. 2 (July 2018): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2018.21.2.92.

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The protection of freedom of association can be acknowledged as the protection of fundamental human rights. The enforcement of freedom of association is the indicator of the protection of human rights in general. In modern times, the enforcement of freedom of association means the observance of democratic principles. It should be taking into consideration that mechanisms of the protection of human rights emerged actively after the World War II. Actually, the legal basis for the protection of human rights was for the first time reflected in the UN Charter. The reason, why the UN pays special attention to the protection of human rights, was explained in the preamble of the charter of the organization. International regulatory basis of freedom of association deserves attention for its thoroughness. Numerous conventions of non-regulatory nature or with full legal force ensure effective regulation of freedom of association. The existing international legal standards or acts clearly prescribe everyone’s right to freedom of association and belong to any existing associations to achieve their goals. Different efficient mechanisms have been developed to prevent violation of these rights.

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Grand, Jérôme. "The Political Value of Social Association." Ethics, Politics & Society 5, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 93–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/eps.5.1.170.

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This study focuses on the paradigmatic category of social association to question the general treatment of freedom of association in theories of justice. Social associations are organised, voluntary, and secondary associations that do not have any particular economic or political function and are not related to any external authority. This category is deployed to re-examine the relationship between freedom of association and the two moral powers. I support the argument that freedom of social association is not only an institutional condition for conscience, as stated by Rawls, but also has an evident direct connection with both moral powers, because they enable individuals to lead a life that they collectively affirm to be reasonable and valuable and develop a sense of value and confidence in their own abilities. This is the fundamental associative interest we have in self-respect, which has been rendered philosophically invisible in political liberalism by the category of non-political association.

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Abu Salem, Miriam. "Religious dietary rules and the protection of religious freedom: some evidence from practice in Italy." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 26 (April 13, 2015): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67453.

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In the Italian system freedom of worship provided by the Constitution is safeguarded by unilateral and contractual norms, sanctioned for minority confessions by an agreement, named intesa, that also concerns dietary issues. Muslim communities, however, as they have no intesa with the Italian state, are always compelled to negotiate in respect of their religious norms. Religious freedom concerns- not only ritual acts, but also behaviours including dietary ones, which are based on religious beliefs. The aim of this paper is to critically reconstruct how Italy takes charge of religiously-motivated needs concerning food and beverages, both for those confessions holding an intesa (such as Hebraism) and for those not (Islam), in order to trace the real degree to which freedom of worship is guaranteed in Italy. The analysis will be focused on the bargaining for religious dietary rules in schools and in constraining institutes, as they are main social spaces of confrontation between believers and the state.

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Whittington, Keith E. "INDUSTRIAL SABOTEURS, REPUTED THIEVES, COMMUNISTS, AND THE FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION." Social Philosophy and Policy 25, no. 2 (June 2, 2008): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052508080199.

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The idea of a constitutional freedom of association was embraced by the U.S. Supreme Court in the mid-twentieth century as implicit in the First Amendment. Although initially endorsed by the Court as a fundamental freedom that was necessarily entwined with the freedom of speech when confronted with cases in the 1930s and 1940s of local government officials cracking down on speakers and assemblies discussing strikes and labor unions, the justices were far more divided and skeptical of freedom of association claims in cases from the mid-1940s through the early 1960s when state and national government officials were pursuing a variety of anticommunist measures. This article examines the early jurisprudential development of the constitutional freedom of association and its grounding in the First Amendment, and suggests some of the limits that the notion always carried with it. Politics and jurisprudence combined to limit its applicability in the anticommunism cases.

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Milman-Sivan, Faina. "Freedom of Association as a Core Labor Right and the ILO: Toward a Normative Framework." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 3, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 110–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1034.

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Freedom of association operates as an organizational "meta-norm," appreciated both as an independent value and as a touchstone for the institutional design of the International Labour Organization (ILO). Despite the renewed interest of the ILO in various aspects of the norm, its understanding of freedom of association lacks a comprehensive normative framework. This article presents such a conceptual framework and a critical in-depth analysis of current ILO freedom of association jurisprudence. Freedom of association should be understood in terms of equitable dialogue (ED), a term offered and developed herein, as an understanding that is already partly embedded in ILO jurisprudence.

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Brownlee, Kimberley. "Freedom of Association: It’s Not What You Think." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 35, no. 2 (August 22, 2014): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/gqu018.

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White, Stuart. "Freedom of Association and the Right to Exclude." Journal of Political Philosophy 5, no. 4 (December 1997): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9760.00039.

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Pietrogiovanni, Vincenzo. "(Inconsistent?) Freedom of Association for Italian Military Personnel." International Labor Rights Case Law 5, no. 2 (August 29, 2019): 174–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056901-00502009.

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Caraway, Teri. "Freedom of association: Battering ram or Trojan horse?" Review of International Political Economy 13, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290600625462.

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Rose, Julie L. "Freedom of Association and the Temporal Coordination Problem." Journal of Political Philosophy 24, no. 3 (June 8, 2016): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12098.

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