Journal articles: 'Free-trade policies'

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Nollen, Stanley D., and Dennis P. Quinn. "Free trade, fair trade, strategic trade, and protectionism in the U.S. Congress, 1987–88." International Organization 48, no. 3 (1994): 491–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028277.

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What conditions led the One Hundredth Congress of the United States to enact fair trade and strategic trade policies into law during 1987-88? Political partisanship is an important force, with Democrats supporting and Republicans opposing all types of trade intervention. Otherwise, the coalitions of support for and opposition to the various trade policies differ, particularly in the Senate. In that body, international business is associated with support for fair trade policies and with opposition to classical protectionism, while domestic U.S. business is associated with support for classical protectionism. Liberalism is strongly associated with support for fair and strategic trade policies but is not associated with classical protectionism. In the House of Representatives, the long-standing protectionist coalition remains an influence. Few forces in support of free trade remain in U.S. politics. Changing international market conditions rapidly affect the making of U.S. trade policy.

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De Santis, Roberto A., and Frank Stähler. "Trade Policies for Exporting Industries under Free Entry." German Economic Review 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 327–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00043.

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Abstract This paper computes optimal export taxes and domestic production subsidies for exporting industries under free entry.We show that domestic welfare is not at maximum, as is typically believed, when the export price is a monopoly price, and the domestic price is a competitive price, because a market structure effect has to be taken into account. Furthermore, we show that the optimal tax/subsidy formulas for an oligopoly coincide with those under perfect competition, if foreign and domestic demand functions are both linear. We also discuss optimal trade policies when only one instrument is available, and we run numerical simulations to determine and compare optimal trade taxes under endogenous and exogenous market structures.

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Chalkual, Thanawat, Jeanne Peng, Shijia Liang, and Yao Ju. "Trade Policies and Economic Growth." Deakin Papers on International Business Economics 6 (July 30, 2013): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dpibe2013vol6no0art46.

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This paper aims to examine the relationship between trade policies and economic growth. In order to test whether restrictive trade policies have a positive impact on economic growth, we investigate America, Australia and China, and, analyse how their economic performance varies between a free trade environment and a relatively protective trade environment. In this paper, we focus on comparative advantage and use various data such as tariff rate, GDP growth rate, unemployment rate, etc. to test the influence of trade policies on economic growth.We find some support that less restrictive trade policy leads to better economic growth; however overall tariff rates do not seem to have a strong effect on economic growth rates

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Azmeh, Shamel, Christopher Foster, and Jaime Echavarri. "The International Trade Regime and the Quest for Free Digital Trade." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (September 6, 2019): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz033.

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Abstract The global economy is experiencing the digitalization of production, exchange, and consumption of goods and services. The internet and cross-border data flows are becoming important channels of trade as more products are traded through the web or integrate features that rely on digital connectivity. Reflecting the autonomy states have to enact such policies, national variations in internet governance have expanded over the previous decade, with states increasingly looking to use internet and data policies for economic and trade objectives. These dynamics are having important implications on the international trade regime through challenging existing trade rules and creating demands for new rules. This has resulted in growing debates in the trade arena around “digital trade,” as a number of states, led by the United States, push for rules as a way to discipline national internet policies and support trade in digital goods and services. This paper examines the political economy of this campaign. We argue that the objectives of this campaign go beyond updating rules to better fit the “Internet age” into achieving further liberalization of trade in goods and services. We highlight the technological contingency of existing international rules and show how technological shifts have been a driver of competitive regime creation and forum shifting contributing to processes of fragmentation of the international trade regime.

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Gantz, David A. "Introduction To U.S. Free Trade Agreements." British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 299–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0010.

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Abstract This introduction explores the historical changes in the trade policies of the United States (U.S.), namely, the shift from the support of multilateral rules to the embracement of regional trade agreements and provides an overview of the political and economic considerations behind the conclusion of the major U.S. free trade agreements.

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Kono, Daniel Y. "Insuring Free Trade: Unemployment Insurance and Trade Policy." Business and Politics 13, no. 3 (October 2011): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1353.

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Research shows that trade openness and high social spending go hand in hand, at least in wealthy democracies. It is not clear, however, exactly why this is so. Many scholars and policymakers argue that generous social spending facilitates trade liberalization, but there is no direct empirical support for this claim. This paper is the first to show directly that social spending promotes freer trade. Specifically, I show that U.S. state-level unemployment insurance makes Congress members significantly more likely to vote for freer trade. Since state unemployment insurance is exogenous to individual congressional votes, my analysis shows clearly that the former affects the latter. My results imply that social spending insures not only citizens but also open trade policies against hard economic times. They also highlight the importance of subnational policy choices to national policy outcomes.

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KANG, Yoo-Duk. "Designing Trade Policies with Labor Standards: Comparative Analysis of EU’s Free Trade Agreements." Korean Society for European Integration 11, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 187–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2020.20.187.

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KANG, Yoo-Duk. "Designing Trade Policies with Labor Standards: Comparative Analysis of EU’s Free Trade Agreements." Korean Society for European Integration 11, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 35–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2020.20.35.

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Figueredo, Darío Salinas. "The United States and Latin America: Beyond Free Trade." Critical Sociology 38, no. 2 (September 9, 2011): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920511419905.

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Trade policies have long been configured into the history of Latin America. In virtually all such policies, US interests can be readily discerned. Recent experiences in a neoliberal context have witnessed a rearrangement of interests, forces, and scenarios at the global level. The weakening of the role of the state in allocating resources and in defining national agendas has been notable. Wherever proposals for democratization have appeared and have sought to distance themselves from hegemonic policies, the issues of free trade and commerce begin to reveal important aspects of interrelationship between development, regional integration, cooperation, and security.

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Monteiro, Maristela G., and Itzhak Levav. "EU alcohol policies and free trade: consequences beyond its borders." Lancet 368, no. 9535 (August 2006): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(06)69197-6.

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Huang, Dechun, Ebenezer Nickson Neequaye, Jonathan Banahene, Vu Thi Van, and Stella Fynn. "A Comparative Analysis of Effective Free Trade Zone Policies in Ghana: A Model from Shanghai Free Trade Zone." Open Journal of Business and Management 06, no. 04 (2018): 900–922. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojbm.2018.64066.

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Cruz, Moritz. "CAN FREE TRADE GUARANTEE REAPING THE GAINS FROM TRADE?" PANORAMA ECONÓMICO 4, no. 7 (April 26, 2017): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.29201/pe-ipn.v4i7.131.

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Static and dynamic gains from trade are the theoretical reasons that explain why countries embark in free trade, expecting this to promote industrialization and development. There is nothing, however, in the conventional theory of international trade that guarantees that these gains will materialise and even when they do so they might not accelerate industrialization and growth. This is because, there are a number of deleterious effects that the same theory omits and/or ignores. They refer to, inter alia, the monetary effects of trade specialization on the balance of payments, loss of policy autonomy, deindustrialization and jobless growth. When the costs of free trade overwhelm its benefits, the retarding of industrialization and development are the likely results. To avoid this, gradual openness and government intervention are necessary. In this paper, by contrasting the experiences of China and Mexico since trade liberalisation took place in these economies, the arguments mentioned are supported. The comparison sheds light on the sort of policies that both opened and still closed developing economies must currently implement if they want to reap the static and dynamic gains from trade, thus make real economic progress.

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Nye, John Vincent. "The Myth of Free-Trade Britain and Fortress France: Tariffs and Trade in the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Economic History 51, no. 1 (March 1991): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700038341.

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This examination of official commercial statistics suggests that the conventional wisdom regarding early free-trade efforts of Britain and France is wrong. French average tariff levels were, surprisingly, consistently below those of Britain throughout most of the nineteenth century, even after the abolition of the Corn Laws and before passage of the 1860 Treaty of Commerce. Previous scholarship has focused on French commercial policies covering a narrow range of items and has largely ignored the overall trade policies of both nations. This study moves us further away from stories of development and trade confined to a few “leading”sectors.

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KELSEY, JANE. "New-generation free trade agreements threaten progressive tobacco and alcohol policies." Addiction 107, no. 10 (May 8, 2012): 1719–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-0443.2012.03874.x.

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Obolenskiy, V. "Protectionism and Free Trade in Modern World." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2013): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-12-14-23.

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In the second part of XX century the world saw a steady strengthening and consolidation of liberalization trend in trade policies of many nations. This helped to establish the GATT in 1947 and, later on as a result of Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations (1986-1994), the new international economic institution - the WTO. However, the pace and scale of multilateral liberalization do not satisfy the participants of international trade. This triggers a widespread drive for concluding bilateral, regional and then transcontinental agreements on economic cooperation. The article is devoted to an in-depths analysis of the contradictions that arise between the WTO and regional trade agreements, as well as to the available ways of their reconciliation.

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Mukherji, Indra Nath. "South Asian Free Trade Area and Indo-Pakistan Trade." Pakistan Development Review 43, no. 4II (December 1, 2004): 943–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v43i4iipp.943-958.

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Preferential trading is one of the mildest forms of an integrative arrangement. Under the arrangement, the Contracting States (CS) offer a preferential margin with respect to trade barriers in relation to their MFN rates. CS having disparate levels of development as well as trade regimes, find this an acceptable instrument for initiating regional trade liberalisation. Such an arrangement nevertheless provides the building blocks towards accelerated regional trade liberalisation culminating in a free trade area within a defined time frame. Under a free trade area the CS eliminate all trade restrictions on their mutual trade, while maintaining restrictions in their trade with non-CS at a level they deem appropriate. When all CS decide on a common external tariff, then the arrangement translates itself in a more cohesive customs union. The arrangement translates to a common market when all CS agree not only to allow free movement of goods and services, but all the factors of production including capital and labour. Finally, the most comprehensive form of an integrative arrangement results from an economic union, which integrates national economic policies of CS and leads to the adoption of a common currency. The Agreement on South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA), which became operational since December 7th, 1995 thus, symbolises the beginnings of the very first stage of an integrative arrangement among the member countries of SAARC. The decision made at the Twelfth SAARC Summit at Islamabad in January 2004 to launch South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) from January 2006 would mark the second stage of the process of integration in the region. The main focus of this paper is to assess the impact of SAPTA on Indo-Pak trade.

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Heyl, Katharine, Felix Ekardt, Paula Roos, Jessica Stubenrauch, and Beatrice Garske. "Free Trade, Environment, Agriculture, and Plurilateral Treaties: The Ambivalent Example of Mercosur, CETA, and the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (March 13, 2021): 3153. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063153.

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Transnational trade holds opportunities for prosperity and development if accompanied by a robust political and legal framework. Yet, where such a framework is missing, transnational trade is frequently associated with, among others, negative impacts on the environment. Applying a legal comparison, this article assesses if recent free trade agreements, i.e., the Mercosur Agreement, CETA and the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement, negotiated by the European Union, have been underpinned with effective environmental standards so that they are in line with global environmental goals and avoid detrimental effects on climate and biodiversity. Besides that, we evaluate the extent to which these agreements at least enable and incentivise environmental pioneering policies in the trading Parties. In particular, we discuss the likely impacts of the agreements on the agricultural sector. The analysis finds that, while a few mandatory standards concerning, e.g., deforestation have been established, overall, the agreements lack a comprehensive legal framework to uphold/enhance environmental protection. Moreover, weak dispute settlement mechanisms to ensure compliance with sustainability measures limits their effectiveness. In addition, the provisions on regulatory cooperation and investor-state dispute settlement are likely to negatively affect the decision-making processes and (thus) discourage ecological pioneering policies in the trading Parties. Hence, there is a long way to go so that transnational trade is compatible with global environmental goals.

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Firoozi, Fathali. "On the Second-Best Foreign Investment Policy and Pattern of Commodity Trade." American Economist 42, no. 1 (March 1998): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/056943459804200103.

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An agreement on free commodity trade often does not preclude countries from protecting their national interests through restrictive policies toward cross-border movements of production factors (e.g., capital and labor). A number of studies have suggested second-best international capital flows (welfare maximizing under free commodity trade) that officials of a country must encourage via various policy measures. However, an emerging literature indicates that policy toward foreign direct investment is being increasingly utilized as a new form of protectionism under free trade. Utilizing a generalized Heckscher-Ohlin model, this study characterizes the necessary adjustments to the suggested second-best foreign investment policies of a country when there is an extraneous protectionist objective regarding the pattern of trade in a commodity. An implication is that until all production factors can freely move internationally without policy impediments of a participating country, unrestricted commodity trade alone cannot achieve its full potential in removing protectionism and setting comparative advantage as the basis for trade. (JEL F21, F15)

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Drope, Jeffrey, and Abdur Chowdhury. "The puzzle of heterogeneity in support for free trade." Business and Politics 16, no. 3 (October 2014): 453–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2013-0039.

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Over time and across countries, researchers have noted frequent and mostly unexplained gender differences in the levels of support for policies of free or freer trade: according to aggregate results from many surveys, women tend to be less favorable toward policies of liberalizing trade than men. Positing an economic security explanation based largely on a mobile factors approach, we ask if it is women generally who are more negative toward trade or rather women who are more economically vulnerable – i.e., women from the scarce labor factor. We utilize data from two recent surveys on individuals’ attitudes toward different facets of trade and its effects to examine this hypothesis empirically. Rejecting a monolithic definition of “women,” we find that disaggregating by education level illuminates to some extent what underlying characteristics might be helping to drive some of these findings. Lower-skilled women in the US are much less likely to support free trade compared to higher-skilled women and this may largely explain previous negative findings. The low versus high-skill dynamic is, however, much less clear in the findings using survey data from a small sample of developing countries.

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Borges, Fabian A. "Debating Trade: The Legislative Politics of Free Trade Agreements in Latin America." Government and Opposition 54, no. 2 (October 25, 2017): 336–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.28.

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Stereotypes of Latin American legislatures as either rubber stamps or obstructionist obscure important cross-national differences. This article argues that the ability and willingness of legislatures to serve as counterweights to presidents are functions of their capabilities, electoral rules and the president’s powers. These arguments are assessed by comparing the legislative debates of free trade agreements with the US and accompanying legislation in Chile, Costa Rica and Peru. The cases reveal that legislatures with strong capabilities behave proactively, proposing their own policies that challenge the executive’s. If they challenge the president, congresses with weaker capabilities do so primarily through obstruction. Further, electoral rules shape the way legislators go about challenging the executive. Whereas legislators elected under personal vote systems take their cues from constituents, those elected under party-vote systems follow the party line. Worryingly, however, even a capable and motivated legislature may be sidelined by a powerful executive.

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Chen, Shumei, and Dandan Li. "China-United Kingdom free trade area." Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2017): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcefts-11-2016-0032.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to predict the likely economic effects of a free trade area (FTA) on both China and the United Kingdom (hereafter the UK). Design/methodology/approach Following literature review and trade relationship briefing, this paper uses the Global Trade Analysis Project simulation to predict the economic effects of such a FTA on both China and the UK. Findings The simulation results indicate that a China-UK free trade area (hereafter CUFTA) will bring more benefits than harm to both China and the UK, and achieving zero tariff or reducing technological barriers to trade (TBT) is mutually beneficial for both China and the UK, with the growth in GDP, economic welfare as well as import and export. Combining zero tariff and the reduction of TBT in exceptional departments is the most favorable way to improve the macroeconomic effects without bringing damaging effects on the comparative disadvantage industries such as transport equipment, chemicals industries for China and textiles and apparel industry for the UK. Originality/value After the UK voted to leave the European Union, CUFTA is put on the agenda by both the governments, yet there are fewer studies on CUFTA, with this paper being one of the early trials. Besides, based on the simulation results, some policy suggestions will be put forward for future negotiations and industrial policies’ adjustment.

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Thacker, Strom C. "Private Sector Trade Politics in Mexico." Business and Politics 2, no. 2 (August 2000): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1007.

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Business plays a critical yet poorly understood role in trade policymaking. This paper develops an analytical framework that focuses on the distribution of business trade preferences, the forces that cause those preferences to change, and the ability of different groups to exert political influence over policy. It then applies this framework to Mexico in the 1980s and 1990s. Large, exporting firms increased their weight due to shifts in the international context, the condition of the domestic economy, and previous government policies. Policymakers granted political access to actors whose economic and political leverage had risen, typically those who controlled numerous investment resources and sought out a direct role in policymaking. Many of these actors also favored free trade. Business participation in trade policy reflects these patterns. Large, outward-oriented firms played an increasingly important role in Mexico's adoption of free trade policies over the 1980s and early 1990s.

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Burfisher, Mary, Sherman Robinson, and Karen Thierfelder. "Agricultural and food policies in a United States-Mexico free trade area." North American Journal of Economics and Finance 3, no. 2 (September 1992): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1062-9408(92)90004-b.

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Haroon, Maryiam. "Free Trade: Does Myopic Policy Overlook Long-Term Gains?" LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2017.v22.i2.a3.

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This article analyzes the correlation between trade liberalization and welfare in Pakistan from 1986 to 2015. Using consumption expenditure as a measure of welfare, we estimate the relationship using a vector error correction model. The empirical results show that trade liberalization does not have an immediate correlation with welfare: it takes some time for liberalization policies to enhance welfare. The findings also suggest that trade liberalization can help reduce poverty, decrease inequality and increase enrollment levels in the long run. But in the short run, trade liberalization has led to higher income inequality.

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Zuev, V. N., E. Ya Ostrovskaya, and V. Yu Skryabina. "The EAEU Free Trade Agreements as a New Viable Format for the Russian Trade Policy." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-4.

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The Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) as a legal format of trade between countries has been actively developed within the last decades. Russian involvement in RTAs until recently was modest. However, after the EAEU creation in 2015, trade policies of the member countries have changed. Setting up the RTAs has become an important priority of the EAEU’s common trade policy. In this study, the assessment is made of the significance for the Russian domestic policies of the already signed and planned FTAs. The focus of the methodology of the study lies in computations of three trade indices: export significance index (suggested by authors and based on the revealed comparative advantage index), trade intensity index and symmetric trade introversion index, which were calculated for the totality of trade partners of Russia for 2019 (193 countries) in order to identify the most promising countries to conclude new FTAs. Authors come to a conclusion that the already signed Russian RTAs and newly planned Russian common FTAs on behalf of the EAEU have a potential to generate trade. Another important result of the study is that it provides the list of the first-priority countries for the new-coming FTAs for Russia and the EAEU partners in terms of efficiency in generating trade, that are - Egypt, Turkey, Algeria, Republic of Korea and Mongolia. The authors suggest to make similar calculations for other countries to support the revealed pattern.

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Nurfadillah, S., D. Rachmina, and N. Kusnadi. "Impact of trade liberalization on Indonesian broiler competitiveness." Journal of the Indonesian Tropical Animal Agriculture 43, no. 4 (December 11, 2018): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jitaa.43.4.429-437.

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International trade has been growing rapidly and requires high competitiveness. Broiler industry is one of the sectors that might be threatened by trade liberalization. This study aims to analyze the competitiveness and government policies impact on the broiler competitiveness in actual and free trade condition. This research was conducted in Bogor and Subang using survey method. The sample consisted of 30 local farmers selected by random sampling and an integrated company selected purposively. Further data is analyzed using Policy Analysis Matrix (PAM). Privat Cost Ratio (PCR) and Domestic Resource Cost Ratio (DRCR) analysis showed that small farm has a competitive advantage, but does not have a comparative advantage. While the production by integrated company has comparative and competitive advantages. The policy analysis indicates that overall policies is protective and give benefit to producers. There are three scenarios that are used to portray free trade: reduction in import tariffs, interest rates, and logistics costs. The implementation of free trade will reduce competitiveness in actual price but increase competitiveness in the undistorted market condition.

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AARONSON, SUSAN. "Why Trade Agreements are not Setting Information Free: The Lost History and Reinvigorated Debate over Cross-Border Data Flows, Human Rights, and National Security." World Trade Review 14, no. 04 (April 13, 2015): 671–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745615000014.

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AbstractHerein, we examine how the United States and the European Union use trade agreements to advance the free flow of information and to promote digital rights online. In the 1980s and 1990s, after US policymakers tried to include language governing the free flow of information in trade agreements, other nations feared a threat to their sovereignty and their ability to restrict cross-border data flows in the interest of privacy or national security.In the twenty-first century, again many states have not responded positively to US and EU efforts to facilitate the free flow of information. They worry that the US dominates both the Internet economy and Internet governance in ways that benefit its interests. After the Snowden allegations, many states adopted strategies that restricted rather than enhanced the free flow of information. Without deliberate intent, efforts to set information free through trade liberalization may be making the Internet less free.Finally, the two trade giants are not fully in agreement on Internet freedom, but neither has linked policies to promote the free flow of information with policies to advance digital rights. Moreover, they do not agree as to when restrictions on information are necessary and when they are protectionist.

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NAGHAVI, ALIREZA. "Trade sanctions and green trade liberalization." Environment and Development Economics 15, no. 4 (April 15, 2010): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x10000094.

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ABSTRACTThis paper studies the impact of a World Trade Organization withdrawal of trade concessions against countries that fail to respect globally recognized environmental standards. We show that a punishing tariff can be effective when environmental and trade policies are endogenous. When required standards are not too stringent with respect to the marginal damage of pollution, compliance along with free trade as a reward is the unique equilibrium outcome. A positive optimal tariff in the case of non-compliance prevents complete relocation to pollution havens, but only works as a successful credible threat and does not emerge in equilibrium.

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Pujiati, Riska, Muhammad Firdaus, Andriyono Kilat Adhi, and Bernhard Brummer. "THE IMPACT OF REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS TO THE COMMODITY TRADE FLOWS (CASE STUDY: INTERNATIONAL PALM OIL TRADE)." Forum Agribisnis 4, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/fagb.4.2.193-206.

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Indonesia and Malaysia are the major exporters of palm oil in South East Asia. South East Asia Regional Trade Agreement can affect worldwide trade flow of palm oil. The objective of this study is to examine the effect of the Regional Trade Agreement on the trade flows of Indonesian and Malaysian palm oil. The effect is analyzed with gravity model. The result shows positive dynamic effect of Free Trade Agreement to palm oil trade flow. Regional Trade Agreement has higher impact to Malaysia than Indonesia due to dissimilar government policies.

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Kiyota, Kozo, and Robert M. Stern. "An Assessment of the Economic Effects of the Menu of U.S. Trade Policies." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850070. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1157.

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The Michigan Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) Model of World Production and Trade is used to calculate the aggregate welfare and sectoral employment effects of the menu of U.S. trade policies. The menu of policies encompasses the various preferential U.S. bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) negotiated and in process, unilateral removal of existing trade barriers, and global (multilateral) free trade. The welfare impacts of the FTAs on the United States are shown to be rather small in absolute and relative terms. The sectoral employment effects are also generally small but vary across the individual sectors depending on the patterns of the bilateral liberalization. The welfare effects on the FTA partner countries are mostly positive though generally small, but there are some indications of potentially disruptive employment shifts in some partner countries. There are indications of trade diversion and detrimental welfare effects on nonmember countries for some of the FTAs analyzed. In comparison to the welfare gains from the U.S. FTAs, the gains from both unilateral trade liberalization by the United States and the FTA partners and from global (multilateral) free trade are shown to be rather substantial and more uniformly positive for all countries in the global trading system. The U.S. FTAs are based on “hub” and “spoke” arrangements. It is shown that the spokes emanate out in different and often overlapping directions, suggesting that the complex of bilateral FTAs may create distortions of the global trading system, which could be avoided if multilateral liberalization in the context of the Doha Round were to be carried out. Kozo Kiyota is Associate Professor of International Economics in the Faculty of Business Administration, Yokohama National University. He is also a Research Fellow at the Manufacturing Management Research Center (MMRC), the University of Tokyo and a Faculty Fellow at the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI). He received his Ph.D. from Keio University, Tokyo, Japan. His research focuses on empirical microeconomics. He has published articles in the International Journal of Industrial Organization, Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, and The World Economy. Robert M. Stern is Professor of Economics and Public Policy (Emeritus) in the Department of Economics and Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan.

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TODD, DAVID. "JOHN BOWRING AND THE GLOBAL DISSEMINATION OF FREE TRADE." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 373–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006754.

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ABSTRACTThe international diffusion of ideas has often been described as an abstract process. John Bowring's career offers a different insight into the practical conditions that permitted a concept, free trade, to spread across national borders. An early advocate of trade liberalization in Britain, Bowring promoted free trade policies in France, Italy, Germany, Egypt, Siam, and China between 1830 and 1860. He employed different strategies according to local political conditions, appealing to public opinion in liberal Western Europe, seeking to persuade bureaucrats and absolute rulers in Central Europe and the Middle East, and resorting to gunboats in East Asia. His career also helps to connect the rise of free trade ideas in Europe with the ‘imperialism of free trade’ in other parts of the world. Bowring upheld the same liberal ideals as Richard Cobden and other luminaries of the free trade movement. Yet unlike them, he endorsed imperial ascendancy in order to remove obstacles to global communications and spread civilization outside Europe.

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Laurenza, Eugenia Costanza. "The Scope of ‘Patent Linkage’ in the US–South Korea Free Trade Agreement and the Potential Effects on International Trade Agreements." European Journal of Risk Regulation 6, no. 3 (September 2015): 439–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00004918.

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This section is devoted to giving readers an inside view of the crossing point between intellectual property (IP) law and risk regulation. In addition to updating readers on the latest developments in IP law and policies in technological fields (including chemicals, pharmaceuticals, biotechnology, agriculture and foodstuffs), the section aims at verifying whether such laws and policies really stimulate scientific and technical progress and are capable of minimising the risks posed by on-going industrial developments to individuals’ health and safety, inter alia.

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Khan, Rabnawaz. "Impact of Monetary Policies on the Exchange Rate and Global Trade Evidence from Ghana." American International Journal of Business and Management Studies 2, no. 1 (March 19, 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijbms.v2i1.143.

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The impact of monetary policies and their implementation by the exchange rate covered the economic condition of Ghana. The social inclusion and conversion factors change the implemented policies of nations, where the real price, trade, technology, a price rate, and price level of ratio take an important part of growth. The reform of the financial sector favors the free-floating of the exchange rate and global trade under the premise of flexible exchange rates. The tragedy of country growth and exchange rate toward a trajectory of growth with the growth-enhancing effect through social inclusion, conversion factors, price level ratio, exchange rate, merchant rate, export, and trade services. The research study is based on the secondary study and social inclusion equity indicators with public resources, building human resources and social protection for economic development has determined. Different evidence and trade indicators classify the monetary policies. The significant influence of growth and internal policies has affected trade and exchange rates with growth and reserve policies. The results have computed by linear regression and it proved that social inclusion and alternative conversion factors impact on global trade and create short term binary relationships.

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Dadpay, Ali. "Domestic Policies as Strategic Measures in Multinational Markets." International Journal of Economics and Finance 9, no. 1 (December 13, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v9n1p1.

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<p>This paper studies the role of privatization and subsidization policies as trade strategies in a single multinational market where private and public firms of different nationalities interact. It finds out when a country subsidizes its industry the rival country would have the incentive to retaliate by adopting a subsidization regime to prevent a free riders’ situation from happening when it moves to liberalize the market. However this step does not eliminate the free rider problem governments are facing in this market when they privatize their public firms unilaterally. </p>

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Anbumozhi, V., and J. Radhakrishnan. "Effects of Agricultural Free Trade on Environmental Quality." Outlook on Agriculture 34, no. 2 (June 2005): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/0000000054224355.

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The World Trade Organization (WTO) initiated the globalization of world trade, and increasing concerns for the quality of the environment have resulted in discussions about agricultural policy involving many different perspectives. There are several issues linking trade liberalization, agriculture and the environment, one implicitly assuming that the more efficient allocation of resources and high income are associated with the improvement of agro-environmental quality. Another view is that agricultural trade policies influence crop-production patterns, farming practices and input use. The net effect is that each approach cancels out some of the influence of the other. Two examples from Mexico and Bangladesh point out that agro-environmental responses to free trade are non-linear and that it is not easy to draw a simple causal relationship between free trade and the agroenvironment. A basic challenge before the research community is to confront reductionist approaches, as traditional research into trade–agriculture–environment interactions reveals difficulty in dealing with the knowledge gaps. A transdisciplinary, systems approach provides one possibility for dealing with the needs of free trade in agriculture.

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Yu, Wence, Hao Chen, and LiQiang Yang. "Overall Planning of Shanghai New Trade Zone from an Ecological Economic Perspective." Open House International 42, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-03-2017-b0009.

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Since the reform and opening up, the economy of China has rapidly developed. The system, structure, mode, and pattern of the foreign trade in China must be adjusted accordingly to adapt to new economic normality. In this study, the main types of free trade areas worldwide were analyzed, and the necessary conditions for their successful development were examined on the basis of an ecological economic perspective. The Shanghai free trade area is a typical representative of a new type of Trade Zone in China. It introduces the principles of sustainable development, people oriented, green, low-carbon and other eco free trade zones. The planning characteristics of Shanghai free trade zone were studied from the point of view of planning economy and land use. Taking Shanghai Yangshan land free trade zone as an example, the planning research was carried out in terms of functional zoning, environment, transportation and facilities. In summary, this study provided theoretical and technical references for the construction of free trade areas and for the formulation of significant policies.

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Choi, Myoung Shik, Bongsuk Sung, and Woo-Yong Song. "The Effects of the Exchange Rate on Value-Added International Trade to Enhance Free Trade Sustainability in GVCs." Sustainability 11, no. 10 (May 14, 2019): 2740. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11102740.

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This study investigates the role of value-added bilateral trade focused on global value chains to achieve sustainable economic development. Our findings address trade policy implications that help to mitigate the global imbalances and exchange rate conflicts. These policies are expected to provide a competitive advantage that can be crucial to the sustainability of free trade. We apply traditional trade models to the value-added framework to examine the effects on value-added trade. Empirically, we investigate the bilateral value-added trade for recent years. Our major findings are that currency devaluation has a positive effect on value-added exports but has a negative effect on gross exports because of the effect on intermediate goods trading dominating the effect on international trade, i.e., the effect on foreign content of intermediate imports dominating the effect on the domestic content of exports. The same effect applies to imports. Also, we confirm that foreign income has a positive effect on exports and value-added exports, and domestic income has a positive effect on imports and value-added imports. However, their effects on trade balance are not consistent. Our major findings imply that the analysis of value-added trade can best contribute to the sustainability of global free trade by considering trade policies as a result of reflecting the easing of the global imbalance and the exchange rate war.

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Vingilis, Evelyn, Richard Lote, and Jane Seeley. "Are trade agreements and economic co-operatives compatible with alcohol control policies and injury prevention?" Contemporary Drug Problems 25, no. 3 (September 1998): 579–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145099802500308.

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In the past 20 years, dramatic changes have occurred in the movement toward global economies and free/liberalized markets. Various trade agreements have been increasing international trade, challenging “unfair” trade practices and pushing to “harmonize” and coordinate regulations, taxation, policies and other public and private enterprises. Could these trade agreements affect alcohol and injury control policies? Furthermore, could trade agreements ultimately affect injury trends? Unfortunately research studies and data on this topic are scarce. This paper presents information on the principles underlying international trade agreements and indicates how these principles could potentially affect the sales, regulations and taxation of alcohol and impact on injuries. The call is for researchers to conduct the research needed to address these questions and potential impacts.

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Grainger‐Brown, Lucas. "The Language of Security: Reassessing Australia's Policies of Free Trade and Offshore Detention." Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, no. 2 (May 2019): 246–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12566.

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Abrego, Lisandro, and Carlo Perroni. "Free-riding, carbon treaties, and trade wars: the role of domestic environmental policies." Journal of Development Economics 58, no. 2 (April 1999): 463–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0304-3878(98)00121-7.

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Milner, Helen V., and David B. Yoffie. "Between free trade and protectionism: strategic trade policy and a theory of corporate trade demands." International Organization 43, no. 2 (1989): 239–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032902.

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Conventional theories of the political economy of trade argue that industries in import-competing businesses favor protectionism, while multinational firms and export-dependent corporations advocate unconditional free trade. However, many multinational industries have recently advocated “strategic” trade policies: that is, they are willing to support free trade at home only if foreign markets are opened or foreign governments reduce subsidies to their firms. If demands for strategic trade policy were adopted by the United States, they could represent a threat to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the multilateral trading system. This article seeks to explain the emergence of these new corporate trade demands and thereby broaden theories of the political economy of trade. The article begins with the widely supported position that multinational and export-oriented firms prefer unconditional free trade. Building on concepts from theories of industrial organization and international trade, the article then hypothesizes that rising economies of scale and steep learning curves will necessitate that these firms have access to global markets via exports. If growing dependence on world markets is combined with foreign government subsidies or protection, the trade preferences of firms will shift from unconditional free trade to demands that openness at home be contingent on openness overseas. The manner in which firm demands then get translated into industry demands will vary with the industry's structure. If the industry consists of firms with symmetric strategies, it will seek strategic trade policy; but if the industry is highly segmented, it will turn toward protectionism. The article concludes with a preliminary test of these hypotheses in four brief studies of the politics of trade in the semiconductor, commercial aircraft, telecommunications equipment, and machine tool industries.

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Martin, Pierre. "Représentation des intérêts et législation commerciale au Sénat des États-Unis." Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 2 (June 1995): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018849.

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AbstractWhat explains the action of United States legislators in matters of international trade? Do they only respond to protectionist pressures or are they also responsive to pressures from groups favourable to free trade? Is their vote primarily influenced by diffuse or concentrated interests? What is the role played by ideology and partisanship in determining their vote? Given the increasingly important share of exports in the US economy in recent years, the presence in their constituencies of industries potentially hurt by more protectionist policies should influence the voting patterns of members of the US Congress to a similar extent as would the presence of import-sensitive industries. The analysis of a composite index of support for free trade suggests that US senators are not sensitive only to the protectionist demands of import-sensitive industries, but also to exporters' demands for the maintenance of policies consistent with a liberal trade regime. In sum, the political responsiveness that leads legislators to defend industries in their constituencies is not a one-way street. Interdependence means that it can also work to foster the maintenance of existing liberal policies.

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Tsifopoulou, Eirini. "Renewable-Energy Support Schemes in the Case Law of the Court of Justice of the eu: Tensions Between Trade and Climate Objectives." Climate Law 6, no. 3-4 (October 11, 2016): 264–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18786561-00603004.

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This article discusses the application of eu law by the Court of Justice of the eu to the renewable-energy promotion policies. The key question in the case law is whether national policies designed to promote locally produced renewable energy are consistent with eu law, and specifically with the principle of the free movement of goods. The article analyses the recent Ålands Vindkraft and Essent Belgium cases, focusing on the interaction and potential conflict between trade objectives and the objective of promoting renewable energy. It is argued that the Court has consistently accommodated national support policies with competing trade objectives while emphasizing the need for proportionality in restrictions on trade. The article also discusses the impact of the Court’s rulings on eu renewables policies against the backdrop of recent developments towards increased market integration of renewable energy.

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Bar-Tura, Asaf. "Economic Policy and World Organization." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 10, no. 1 (2011): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914911x555198.

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AbstractThe global economic crisis and the responses to it have brought to the fore questions of sovereignty and cosmopolitanism. In a world so interlinked, what is the proper way to order the global arena, politically and economically? This essay examines Habermas’ multilayered approach to world organization, as well as Pogge and others. Focusing on the question of trade policies, I argue (contra Habermas) for robust global economic governance policies, but (contra Pogge) that these policies should uphold fair trade instead of free trade. This approach has the advantage of alleviating world poverty while at the same time strengthening local communities in developing countries. To this effect, I show why borders should matter more when it comes to capital, and less when it comes to people.

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Becerril, Anahiby. "Cybersecurity and E-commerce in Free Trade Agreements." Mexican Law Review 13, no. 1 (July 2, 2020): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2020.1.14808.

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We are facing a digital age characterized by constant flows of goods and services, financial assets, people, information and communication. As a consequence, the world economy is increasingly connected, and digitalization has spread to such an extent that today’s world economy is a digital one, which has come to break down commercial barriers that the traditional economy and politics were unable to. Security and trade policy concerns are nothing new. However, given the electronic nature of commercial transactions (e-commerce), this has taken on a new and urgent importance. Cyberspace is a space of flows, a virtual space that grows every day with the transactions that take place through the use of ICT. Governments of many countries have begun to develop cybersecurity strategies, while trying to promote the benefits of a hyperconnected and cyber-enabled world. This article analyzes how e-commerce policies promote the protection of cyberspace. Specifically regarding e-commerce, care must be taken so that the cybersecurity strategy does not become an obstacle or constraint to such electronic transactions. The protection of cyberspace must be carried out with a multi-stakeholder approach. These issues are also of public interest since threats to cyberspace can affect entire countries and societies.

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Bashori, Akmal. "Paradigma baru fiqih perdagangan bebas: Dialektika ulum al-din dan hukum negara." Ijtihad : Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 18, no. 1 (January 4, 2019): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v18i1.81-98.

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The people of the world (Muslim) enter a new era where between free countries do trade relations without any customs duties, this is called free trade. Everything is governed by market players who have strong capital, rooted in the concept of capitalism. Although Islam advocates seeking as much treasure as you live forever, however, Islam does care about each other. With the advent of free trade, what should the Indonesian state do? Do you have to sacrifice the withdrawal of customs levy which has been the country's income? How does Islam see this? What is the concept that offer fiqih about free trade? The key problem must be between the science of religion with the state so that the policies taken by the state bring maslahat to millions of Indonesian people.

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Yúnez Naude, Antonio. "Liberalización y reformas al agro: lecciones de México." Economía Agraria y Recursos Naturales 6, no. 12 (October 17, 2011): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7201/earn.2006.12.03.

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In this article I examine the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to investigate its impact on agriculture and the rural economy in Mexico and assess the policies the country has adopted to support the process. The first conclusion is that NAFTAhas confirmed some predictions (an increase in the trading of agricultural and fresh fish products between member countries and price cuts to Mexican producers of non-competitive crops). The second conclusion is the non-fulfilment of other predictions, an important one of which was an increase in the production of Mexican maize —the country’s main crop and form of human sustenance, and considered non-competitive. The Mexican experience, however, shows that the polarized view of some political agents, which is reflected in their choice of public policies, has led to contradictions between goals and policies, that is, the protection of food safety and sovereignty in the context of an agricultural trade liberalization framework. The article concludes by indicating some of the lessons the Mexican experience has to offer to other Latin American countries with existing or pending free trade agreements.

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Ali, Gulzar, and Zhaohua Li. "An Empirical Investigation on the Role of exports, imports and its Determinants in Foreign Trade of Pakistan." Information Management and Business Review 8, no. 6(I) (January 28, 2017): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/imbr.v8i6(i).1517.

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Abstract: Foreign trade was restrained by fluctuations and depreciations in currencies, nations were under financial pressure to implement protection measures in form of custom duties tariffs. These theories and thoughts have enormous impact on rules and policies of global trade throughout the world. To adopt economic liberalization and free trade zones nations all over the world are connected through number of agreements since last few centuries. In this revolutionized economic system, nations allow free trading of merchandise and services and at the same time don't have to impose tariff in form of import and exports duties. This study attempted to empirically evaluate the role of imports, exports and its determinants in foreign trade of Pakistan applied ARDL Approach for the period of 1972-2015. The study recommends that economies with significant competitiveness and comparative advantage will be greatly benefited from export promoting policies. As far as trade partners are concerned, no considerable efforts have been done to explore new markets in direction of Pakistan's foreign trade since its independence. The key trading partners of Pakistan in the beginning were the developed countries of West and still they are main trading partners of Pakistan.

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Hillebrand, Evan E., Joshua J. Lewer, and Janice Turtora Zagardo. "Backtracking from Globalization." Global Economy Journal 10, no. 4 (December 2010): 1850209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1609.

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This paper offers a global perspective of the political economy of the liberal trading system since the Great Depression and examines four major intellectual and socio-political challenges facing international trade and globalization going forward, including: (1) income redistribution, (2) the rise of Asia and a potential shift in comparative advantage, (3) the rise of China and the national security argument, and (4) the lack of compelling dynamic evidence supporting free trade. Given the growing domestic and global discontent with free trade, and the fact that these exacerbating issues remain, this paper suggests that U.S. and global trade policies may shift away from the liberal trading system.

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Luckstead, Jeff, Stephen Devadoss, and Abelardo Rodriguez. "The Effects of North American Free Trade Agreement and United States Farm Policies on Illegal Immigration and Agricultural Trade." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 44, no. 1 (February 2012): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800000134.

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We analyze the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and United States farm subsidies on U.S.-Mexican illegal immigration and agricultural trade. The theoretical analysis develops an integrated trade-migration model and shows that NAFTA and U.S. subsidies exacerbate the illegal labor flow and increase U.S. exports. The theoretical analysis is empirically implemented by simultaneous estimation and simulation analysis. The analysis shows that NAFTA increased the number of undocumented workers to U.S. agriculture and U.S. farm exports to Mexico by an average of 1573 and $6.82 billion, respectively. U.S. farm subsidy reduction decreases unauthorized entry marginally and U.S. farm exports by an average of $3.2 billion.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Free-trade policies'

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