Journal articles on the topic 'Free trade – east asia'
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1
Cheong, Inkyo. "Regionalism and Free Trade Agreements in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 2 (March 2003): 145–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103772624853.
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This paper gives an overview of the progress of regionalism in East Asia and examines the background of the recent embrace of trade agreements by China, Japan, and South Korea. It discusses the progress toward free trade agreements (FTAs) within East Asia and offers reasons for their slow development. The impacts of eight hypothetical East Asian FTAs are estimated using a computable generalized equilibrium model. The model predicts that countries will benefit from both bilateral FTAs and regional FTAs (such as a Northeast Asian FTA and an East Asian FTA); however, greater economic benefits would be gained under regional FTAs than under bilateral FTAs. Although the simulation used in the study estimates that a Northeast Asian FTA and an East Asian FTA would bring a similar level of economic benefits, results indicate that greater benefits would accrue under an East Asian FTA. Discussions of a Japan–ASEAN FTA are under way, after talks of an FTA between ASEAN and China blossomed in late 2000. China and Japan are competitively promoting bilateral FTAs with ASEAN. As discussions of an FTA with ASEAN heat up in China and Japan, South Korea has also begun reviewing the economic feasibility of an FTA with ASEAN. If China, Japan, and South Korea competitively pursue bilateral FTAs with ASEAN, this may result in several important problems, including spaghetti bowl effects, a hub-and-spoke dilemma, or struggles for regional leadership. This paper tries to show that an East Asian FTA covering the whole region is economically desirable and stresses that East Asian countries should introduce a regionwide FTA, rather than multiple bilateral or subregional FTAs. An East Asian FTA can be realized only in the long term because of economic, political, and social obstacles. East Asia, which already lags behind other regions in terms of regionalism, should not passively wait for the establishment of an East Asian FTA, which is likely to take some time to be established.
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Choi, Nakgyoon. "Global Value Chains and East Asian Trade in Value-Added." Asian Economic Papers 14, no. 3 (October 2015): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00388.
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The rise of global value chains (GVCs) has changed the patterns of trade in East Asia. This paper aims to analyze GVCs since the mid 1990s and to investigate the determinants of East Asian trade in value-added. At the world level, export (measured in value-added) is increasingly sensitive to the capital–labor ratio and high-skilled labor productivity. In East Asia, however, the opposite trend is seen. It is also found that free trade agreements do not promote export in East Asia, only export in intermediate goods.
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Kayani, Farrukh Nawaz. "China’s Mushrooming Free Trade Agreements: New Zealand and China’s Upgraded Free Trade Agreement." WSEAS TRANSACTIONS ON BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS 18 (May 21, 2021): 884–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37394/23207.2021.18.84.
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FTAs have mushroomed and proliferated at very fast pace in East Asia, especially after the Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) of 1997. The East Asian economies were very disappointed with the International Monetary Fund’s handling of the crisis. In particular, it provided some countries, like Thailand and Indonesia, with poor advice. After the AFC, countries like China, Japan, and South Korea signed FTAs with different countries around the world. The first East Asian FTA talks took place between Japan and South Korea in 1998. Like its neighbors, China also pursued FTAs with neighboring countries. The FTA between China and New Zealand was signed on the 7th of April 2008 and was implemented on the 1st of October 2008. As a result of this FTA, China has become New Zealand’s largest trading partner; New Zealand’s exports to China have quadrupled. As of June 2020, the trade between China and New Zealand exceeded NZ$32 Billion. China and New Zealand signed an upgraded FTA on the 26th of January 2021. The upgraded FTA includes rules relating to e-commerce, competition policy, government procurement, and environment and trade issues. The bilateral trade between China and New Zealand is complimentary rather than competitive; while China mainly exports manufactured products to New Zealand, New Zealand primarily exports agricultural products.
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Wu, Chien-Huei. "Brexit in the Eyes of East: How Will It Reshape EU/UK Trade Relations with East Asia?" European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 3 (September 1, 2020): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020028.
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Brexit reshapes not only the EU-UK relations but also impact their trade relations with Asia. This article explores possible directions of EU/UK trade relations with Asia, covering free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaty and the UK’s potential participation in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This article argues that a sense of competitive liberalization motivates their pursuit for trade opportunities with East Asia. The EU has to prove its continuous relevance in the international economic relations as the Brexiters allege it as a constraint for the UK to pursue active and flexible trade relations. In contrast, the UK has to fulfill its promise of Global Britain by delivering measurable progress in trade negotiations instead of renegotiating back what it has already enjoyed under the EU free trade agreements (FTAs). Brexit, Global Europe, Global Britain, Free Trade Agreement, Bilateral Investment Treaty, Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-pacific Partnership, populism, disintegration
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Park, Innwon, and Soonchan Park. "Free Trade Agreements versus Customs Unions: An Examination of East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 8, no. 2 (June 2009): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2009.8.2.119.
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The spaghetti bowl phenomenon expected from the proliferating East Asian regional trade agreements (RTAs) is worrisome. In particular, the complicated web of hub-and-spoke type of overlapping free trade agreements (FTAs) can result in high costs for verifying rules of origin. As an alternative policy option to avoid the negative effect of trade deflection, customs unions (CUs) should be examined. Most of the theoretical analyses on the formation of CUs highlight stronger positive welfare effects compared to FTAs. However, there is a lack of empirical evidence to support the second-best theory of customs unions. This paper is an attempt to fill this gap by applying two methodologies: an ex ante simulation approach and an ex-post econometric approach. We quantitatively estimate the trade effect of CUs and FTAs by adopting a Gravity regression analysis. In general, we find that a CU is a superior type of RTA to an FTA in terms of creating more intra-bloc trade. In addition to analyzing the trade effects of RTAs according to type, we quantitatively evaluate the welfare and output effects of CUs for East Asia (an ASEAN+3 CU and a China-Japan-Korea CU) compared to FTAs by applying a computable general equilibrium model analysis. The East Asian CUs adopt a system of common external tariffs (CET) based on simple-averaged, import-weighted, consumption-weighted, and minimum rates. Overall, we find that the ASEAN+3 CU with the minimum CET are the most desirable type of RTA for both East Asian member countries and the world economy as a whole.
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Chia, Siow Yue. "Whither East Asian Regionalism? An ASEAN Perspective." Asian Economic Papers 6, no. 3 (October 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2007.6.3.1.
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East Asia is catching up with the rest of the world in establishing regional trade arrangements (RTAs). This region is responding to pressures from globalization, regionalism in the Americas and Europe, the rise of China and India, improved political relations in the region with the end of the Cold War, as well as market-driven trade and investment integration and the emergence of production networks. ASEAN formed the first RTA in 1992, and by the turn of the decade, ASEAN was signing or negotiating free trade agreements (FTAs) with Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia–New Zealand, and the European Union. It also entered into bilateral FTAs with the United States and countries in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. ASEAN is also considering an East Asian FTA. Can ASEAN remain in the driver's seat of regional integration and be an effective hub? The FTA proliferation also has important consequences and effects for East Asia and the world trading system.
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Pujiati, Riska, Muhammad Firdaus, Andriyono Kilat Adhi, and Bernhard Brummer. "THE IMPACT OF REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS TO THE COMMODITY TRADE FLOWS (CASE STUDY: INTERNATIONAL PALM OIL TRADE)." Forum Agribisnis 4, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/fagb.4.2.193-206.
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Indonesia and Malaysia are the major exporters of palm oil in South East Asia. South East Asia Regional Trade Agreement can affect worldwide trade flow of palm oil. The objective of this study is to examine the effect of the Regional Trade Agreement on the trade flows of Indonesian and Malaysian palm oil. The effect is analyzed with gravity model. The result shows positive dynamic effect of Free Trade Agreement to palm oil trade flow. Regional Trade Agreement has higher impact to Malaysia than Indonesia due to dissimilar government policies.
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Chia, Siow Yue. "The Emerging Regional Economic Integration Architecture in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 12, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00179.
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This paper examines regional market integration through production networks and free trade agreements in East Asia and their attendant challenges and issues. It examines progress in the ASEAN Economic Community and in various ASEAN+1 free trade and economic integration agreements. It argues that there is a strong case for a region-wide agreement to maximize economic synergy and resolve emerging problems, including market fragmentation and the “noodle bowl” effect. It explores three possible paths to region-wide integration, namely, the East Asia Free Trade Area (encompassing ASEAN+3 [the People's Republic of China, Japan, and Korea]), the Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (encompassing ASEAN+3 countries and Australia—New Zealand and India) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, currently involving nine negotiating countries in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. The paper explores the economic and political benefits and challenges of forming these three regionwide agreements.
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Li, Xinyi. "Free trade agreements and vertical-specialisation in East Asia." Asia Europe Journal 7, no. 1 (November 11, 2008): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-008-0215-x.
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Wu, Wen-Chin. "Big government sentiment and support for protectionism in East Asia." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116682359.
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While previous studies find that individual preferences for trade policies are shaped by economic and non-economic factors, it is still unclear whether people’s perception of their government’s role in citizens’ lives affects their attitudes toward free trade. In view of the “developmental state” legacy in East Asia, I investigate how the “big government sentiment” in East Asians’ mindset is associated with their support for protectionism. Based on the data of the third-wave Asian Barometer Survey conducted during 2010 and 2012, I find that when people think that government should bear a major responsibility for the wellbeing of its people, they are more supportive of protectionist policies. This finding contributes to studies of East Asian political economy as well as the formation of individual trade policy preference.
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Webster, Timothy. "East Asia Institutionalises: China, Japan and the Vogue for Free Trade." Nordic Journal of International Law 77, no. 3 (2008): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181008x324000.
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AbstractIn the past decade East Asia has taken steps to increase regional integration. This paper examines the vogue for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) currently raging in China and Japan. After mapping the regional links that knit East Asia together during the 1990s and 2000s, the focus then shifts to the specific trade agreements that China and Japan have signed. Both countries exhibit a particular FTA “style;” Japan has adopted a more orthodox and comprehensive approach to its treaties, while China has shown greater flexibility and gradualism when dealing with FTA partners. It is still unclear whether these efforts will lead to a region-wide FTA, or a continued crisscrossing of bilateral arrangements. In either case, China's eagerness to adapt to partner country expectations likely gives it an edge in becoming the regional hub of East Asia.
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Sukegawa, Seiya. "ASEAN’s initiatives for free trade in East Asia under AEC." Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.1902068.
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Lee, Jong‐Wha, and Innwon Park. "Free Trade Areas in East Asia: Discriminatory or Non‐discriminatory?" World Economy 28, no. 1 (January 2005): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2005.00673.x.
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Dent, Christopher M. "Taiwan and the New Regional Political Economy of East Asia." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100500024x.
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Regional economic relations in East Asia have experienced a period of profound change since the 1997/98 financial crisis. Two developments are particularly notable. The first relates to the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) framework, under which an increasingly coalescent regional economic grouping has emerged in East Asia. Thus far, APT member states (Japan, China, South Korea and the ASEAN group) have devoted much energy to creating new mechanisms of regional financial governance, such as the Chiang Mai Initiative and Asian Bond Market Initiative. The second development concerns the expansion of bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) projects in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific. Many see this as a precursor to forging wider sub-regional or regional trade agreements. Both developments mark a potentially significant shift from regionalization to regionalism in East Asia, and thus “high politics” becomes de facto more important given regionalism is largely founded on inter-(nation-)state agreements. Beijing's continued ardent contestation of Taiwan's nation-statehood has hence limited Taiwan's ability to engage as it would like in East Asia's new regional political economy. This article considers the nature of regional political economy and applies it to the recent East Asian experience, which in turn provides an analytical framework for examining the significance of the APT framework and new FTA trend, and Taiwan's position in relation to them. Special attention is paid to Taiwan's prospects in East Asia's new regional political economy.
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Sanidas, Elias. "Emerging Economies of East and South East Asia: Some Salient Points about Technology’s Role in Economic Development." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v2i3.9627.
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This area of East and South East Asia is characterized by the following traits: very large population; tendency and ability for detail; imitation rather than creation; ability for organization; tendency for corruption; tendency for autocratic regimes; in the process of an industrial revolution; technological imitation; nationalism without boundaries; wide range of GDP per capita and poverty; litter and pollution problems without solutions; natural disasters; exports oriented; high urban development; Chinese culture influence; FTAs (Free trade agreements) and ASEAN; FDI rather high; disparities between East Asia and other Asian areas; production networks through Japan‟s and South Korea‟s roles in international division of labor.
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Mazyrin, V. "CAFTA – New Format of Economic Interaction in East Asia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2010): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-11-50-58.
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On January 1st, 2010, the free trade zone China–ASEAN (CAFTA) was launched officially. The creation of such zone is of special importance under the conditions when the international financial crisis has not yet come to its end, but trade protectionism is increasing worldwide. Developing countries with lagged economy or other economic problems are suffering from the crisis shock the most. Conversely, the regional trade liberalization allows to overcome contraction of demand for commodities produced in Asia, opens up new export possibilities. The capability of the regional countries to counter crisis developments rises particularly due to extension of trade and economic cooperation with China.
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Francois, Joseph F., and Ganeshan Wignaraja. "Economic Implications of Asian Integration." Global Economy Journal 8, no. 3 (July 29, 2008): 1850139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1332.
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The Asian countries are once again focused on options for large, comprehensive regional integration schemes. In this paper we explore the implications of such broad-based regional trade initiatives in Asia, highlighting the bridging of the East and South Asian economies. We place emphasis on the alternative prospects for insider and outsider countries. We work with a global general equilibrium model of the world economy, benchmarked to a projected 2017 sets of trade and production patterns. We also work with gravity-model based estimates of trade costs linked to infrastructure, and of barriers to trade in services. Taking these estimates, along with tariffs, into our CGE model, we examine regionally narrow and broad agreements, all centered on extending the reach of ASEAN to include free trade agreements with combinations of the northeast Asian economies (PRC, Japan, Korea) and also the South Asian economies. We focus on a stylized FTA that includes goods, services, and some aspects of trade cost reduction through trade facilitation and related infrastructure improvements. What matters most for East Asia is that China, Japan, and Korea be brought into any scheme for deeper regional integration. This matter alone drives most of the income and trade effects in the East Asia region across all of our scenarios. The inclusion of the South Asian economies in a broader regional agreement sees gains for the East Asian and South Asian economies. Most of the East Asian gains follow directly from Indian participation. The other South Asian players thus stand to benefit if India looks East and they are a part of the program, and to lose if they are not. Interestingly, we find that with the widest of agreements, the insiders benefit substantively in terms of trade and income while the aggregate impact on outside countries is negligible. Broadly speaking, a pan-Asian regional agreement would appear to cover enough countries, with a great enough diversity in production and incomes, to actually allow for regional gains without substantive third-country losses. However, realizing such potential requires overcoming a proven regional tendency to circumscribe trade concessions with rules of origin, NTBs, and exclusion lists. The more likely outcome, a spider web of bilateral agreements, carries with it the prospect of significant outsider costs (i.e. losses) both within and outside the region.
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Harada, Kimie, and Shuhei Nishitateno. "Measuring trade creation effects of free trade agreements: Evidence from wine trade in East Asia." Journal of Asian Economics 74 (June 2021): 101308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2021.101308.
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Suominen, Kati. "The Changing Anatomy of Regional Trade Agreements in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (April 2009): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002800.
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The recent proliferation of regional trade agreements in the East Asian region can be seen as the most notable development in the region's trading panorama in recent years. Yet, very little is as yet understood about the anatomy of these agreements and, consequently, their full implications to the regional economy. This article strives to fill this gap by analyzing the structure of four dozen RTAs by their various key component parts, including tariff liberalization schedules, rules of origin, and competition policy, customs, investment, and services provisions. The results reveal that intra-Asian RTAs are generally quite rapidly liberalizing, with the exception of agriculture, but they are also quite thin in trade-related disciplines when compared with the more legalistic US trans-Pacific RTAs and those of Mexico and Chile. The proposed Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific would inherently be a construct of the political economy interests of these various constituent RTAs.
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Ayuso-Díaz, Alejandro, and Antonio G. Gómez-Plana. "More Integrated than Ever? Long-Term Market and Policy Drivers of Intra-Asian Trade." Journal of Economic Integration 38, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 32–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2023.38.1.32.
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Since the Doha Round stalemate after 2001, trade liberalization has progressed through regional trade agreements (RTAs) and East and Southeast Asia is not unfamiliar with this. Before assessing the effectiveness of recent trade agreements, the long tradition of trade exchange in this region that has lasted for more than 2,000 years necessitates an understanding of the evolution of intra-Asian trade across history. In this regard, this study contributes to the literature examining whether present intra-Asian trade is more or less intense than before 1938. This research outperforms previous studies using a gravity model that controls for changes in GDP and trade costs in the region across four different time periods (between 1840 and 2018). The results show that contemporary regional trade in East and Southeast Asia is slightly less intense than before World War II. A second question addressed is the relevance of trade agreements after the 1985 Plaza Accord on trade integration, compared with market determinants. A second gravity model for regional imports after 1986 is regressed on both policy and market indicators, indicating that the latest wave of intra-Asian trade is characterized by trade complementarities that are fueled by regional foreign direct investment, and free trade agreements are less effective. This result is validated through a network analysis demonstrating the symbiosis between trade and investment flows in the region, which should be considered in RTAs that are in place or in negotiation to take intra-Asian trade beyond its historical limits.
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Dent, Christopher. "Bilateral Free Trade Agreements: Boon or Bane for Regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-pacific?" European Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (2005): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006105774711468.
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AbstractSince the late 1990s there has been a rapid proliferation of bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) projects in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific, regions previously largely devoid of FTA activity by comparison to others. As this trend has intensified, so have discussions on whether it will help advance regional co-operation and integration. This paper examines the nature of FTAs themselves and the main causes of East Asia and Asia-Pacific FTAs. The 'lattice regionalism' hypothesis is considered: whether dense economic bilateralism provides a sub-structural foundation on which economic regionalism (i.e. co-operation and integration) can build. Closely related is the issue of competing FTA models and modalities in the Asia-Pacific, and special attention is afforded to the 'asymmetric neoliberal' FTA model of the United States and the 'developmental–industrial' FTA model championed by Japan. It is argued that the contrasts between these make the emergence of an Asia-Pacific FTA unlikely in even the distant future. Japan's FTA model is also considered relative to perhaps East Asia's most important FTA project, the ASEAN–China FTA (ACFTA), and we discuss how bilateral FTA developments in the region more generally may or may not lead to enhanced regional economic co-operation and integration in East Asia.
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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. "Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.
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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
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Lee, Hyun-Hoon, Peter J. Lloyd, and Chung-Mo Koo. "New Regionalism in East Asia and its Relationship with the WTO and APEC." International Area Review 5, no. 2 (September 2002): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590200500205.
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Since the 1997–98 financial crisis, the countries of East Asia have been giving more attention to ways of expanding intra regional trade that include: the establishment of regional trade agreements (RTAs) such as ASEAN+3; plans to establish a free trade area involving the economies of ASEAN and China; as well as moves towards bilateral trade agreements. The trend towards this new regionalism, the reasons for it, its impact upon the region, its future evolution and prospects are of profound regional, and indeed global, significance This paper reviews the new regionalism in East Asia in recent years, and discusses how it relates with the WTO and APEC.
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URATA, SHUJIRO. "The Emergence and Proliferation of Free Trade Agreements in East Asia." Japanese Economy 32, no. 2 (July 2004): 5–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2329194x.2004.11045188.
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Leu, Guanyi. "ASEAN's Preferential Trade Agreements (PTA) Strategy." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 31–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000203.
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This paper provides a diversification explanation in order understand the development of PTAs in Southeast Asia. I argue that an important reason why ASEAN states participate in PTAs has been to diversify existing trade ties and to reduce overdependence on a narrow range of export markets. Southeast Asian countries have formed PTAs with markets with which they had weak or unexplored economic relations, as demonstrated by three case analyses: the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) and the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEP). To maximise the economic gains and the diversification effects of PTA participation, ASEAN countries have pursued a strategy of strengthening economic unity while keeping external economic linkages as diversified as possible. Although East Asia, and especially China, was an important alternative market to reduce ASEAN's dependence on trade with America, ASEAN countries have also pursued PTAs with a number of other trading partners. This paper explains how PTAs have helped ASEAN states to develop more policy autonomy in their trading environment.
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YAMAMOTO, Chika. "Political Economy of Japanese Free Trade Network with ASEAN: Implications for Sino-Japanese Rivalry in East Asia." East Asian Policy 05, no. 02 (April 2013): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000202.
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Many scholars have argued that Japanese involvement in free trade agreements (FTA) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is part of a regional competition with China over leadership in East Asia. However, this paper redefines the vigorous Japanese pursuit of FTA policies with ASEAN as an essential agenda to serve various economic and political domestic interests of Japan.
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Potapov, M. "Status and Prospects of Economic Development in East Asia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2014): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-1-42-52.
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The East Asia region had survived the global economic crisis of 2008–2009. However, the general slowdown in the region indicates many structural problems. The Chinese economy actively switches to the domestic market, giving priority to domestic investment and consumer demand in the maintenance of the economic growth. The development of integration processes in East Asia leaves open the question of the formation of a region-wide free trade area. East Asia is capable to retain the role of economic growth locomotive, moving towards the level of post-industrial development.
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TODD, DAVID. "JOHN BOWRING AND THE GLOBAL DISSEMINATION OF FREE TRADE." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 373–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006754.
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ABSTRACTThe international diffusion of ideas has often been described as an abstract process. John Bowring's career offers a different insight into the practical conditions that permitted a concept, free trade, to spread across national borders. An early advocate of trade liberalization in Britain, Bowring promoted free trade policies in France, Italy, Germany, Egypt, Siam, and China between 1830 and 1860. He employed different strategies according to local political conditions, appealing to public opinion in liberal Western Europe, seeking to persuade bureaucrats and absolute rulers in Central Europe and the Middle East, and resorting to gunboats in East Asia. His career also helps to connect the rise of free trade ideas in Europe with the ‘imperialism of free trade’ in other parts of the world. Bowring upheld the same liberal ideals as Richard Cobden and other luminaries of the free trade movement. Yet unlike them, he endorsed imperial ascendancy in order to remove obstacles to global communications and spread civilization outside Europe.
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Seung Joo, Lee. "The Emergence of an Economic-Security Nexus and the Diversity of FTA Linkage Strategies in East Asia." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 27, no. 1 (April 30, 2012): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps27106.
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While aggressively embracing free trade agreements (FTAs) in general, East Asian countries have incorporated security and political factors in promoting FTAs under the swiftly shifting regional economic and security environments, epitomized by the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, and the intensifying Sino-Japanese rivalry. Therefore, a sole focus on economic factors would fail to shed light on East Asian strategies for linking FTAs and security. While FTAs have mushroomed in East Asia since 2000, East Asian countries have pursued FTAs not merely to increase their economic interests. In many cases, they have attempted to link FTAs to broader security considerations. However, they have demonstrated markedly diverse ways of linking FTAs and security, depending on their primary economic and security imperatives as well as their domestic political situations.
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Urata, Shujiro. "Free Trade Agreements and Patterns of Trade in East Asia from the 1990s to 2010s." East Asian Community Review 1, no. 1-2 (July 30, 2018): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s42215-018-0007-3.
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Koo, Min Gyo, and Vinod Aggarwal. "The Evolution of APEC and ASEM: Implications of the New East Asian Bilateralism." European Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (2005): 233–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006105774711413.
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AbstractThe traditional institutional equilibrium in East Asia—the embrace of the WTO at the multilateral level and a focus on market-driven, informal integration at the sub-multilateral level—is under heavy strain. Increasingly, East Asian countries are pursuing greater institutionalisation at the sub-multilateral level, weaving a web of preferential arrangements in response to similar strategies pursued by the US and the EU. This article examines the likely path of trading arrangements in Northeast Asia, its implications for East Asia and the future of APEC and ASEM. We propose an institutional bargaining game approach, focusing on goods, countries' individual bargaining situations and the fit with existing arrangements, and allowing an exploration of the evolution of trading arrangements in East Asia. An East Asian trading bloc has both benign and pernicious elements, depending on the ideas and beliefs held by regional actors. The contribution of a prospective East Asian bloc to APEC and ASEM primarily depends on the balance of interests between the US and the EU concerning East Asia. In view of the tremendous political and economic uncertainty in the global economy, the path to freer trade in Northeast Asia, East Asia and the world system is likely to be a bumpy one.
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Fedorovskii, A. "Russia and East Asia Challenges." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-58-71.
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The article deals with the prospects for Russia’s “pivot to the East” taking into account main chances as well as risks in the context of growing challenges in East Asia. The author stresses that national and regional misbalances in East Asia are the results of the dynamic development of East Asian countries during the last 15 years. “Middle class trap” is at the agenda as the main common problem in China and ASEAN member countries. The analysis focuses also on such issues as broad scaled corruption and state-controlled legal system, quality of political, social institutions and social lifts, role of nationalism and culture. Regional misbalances in infrastructure and R&D as well as the crisis of regional institutions are characterized as new challenges to integration trends in East Asia and Asia-Pacific area in general. According to the author’s view, there are three different types of policies to meet the domestic challenges and to overcome “middle class trap”: Japanese, South Korean and Chinese. Prime Minister Ikeda’s “income-doubling plan” accompanied by public activity is described as an effective reform-oriented policy. South Korea’s transition from dictatorship to democratic society and more flexible economy is another type of positive reform policy. According to China’s modern domestic strategy, a lot of attention is paid to administrative measures against corruption, modification of social policy, reforms of banks, etc. At the same time, public activities and legal system, in spite of some improvements, are still under rigid administrative control. Meanwhile, the role of law will be crucial factor of successful development of East Asian countries at the stage of “middle class economy”. To a large scale, the prospects for regional integration depend on growing creative role of China (for example, investments into regional infrastructure and establishment of special bank, initiations of the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area). At the same time, China will continue cooperation and dialogue with other countries, first of all with the USA. ASEAN members increase their activity to improve sub-regional cooperation and relations with United States and Japan in order to couterbalance China’s influence in East Asia. Finally, the author describes Russia’s policy towards East Asia and the Pacific, including brief history, main trends and key priorities at the current stage. “Free Vladivostok port” and some other initiatives to realize more flexible economic strategy towards East Asia and Pacific will give opportunity for Russia to promote its integration into the Pacific Area. Transition of Russia’s export structure from resources and energy to innovation goods and services is at the agenda.
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Hong, Jung Ryun. "The China-Led East Asia Free Trade Agreement and its Regional Conflicts." Journal of international area studies 12, no. 3 (October 31, 2008): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2008.10.12.3.457.
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SALLY, Razeen. "Free Trade Agreements and the Prospects for Regional Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Policy Review 1, no. 2 (December 2006): 306–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-3131.2006.00036.x.
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Nazari, Azim, Farshid pourshahabi, Majid Dashtban, and Zohreh Asadi. "Free Trade and Inflation Nexus in Eight Emerging Economies of East Asia." International Journal of New Political Economy 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52547/jep.3.2.51.
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Koo, Min Gyo, and Seo Young Kim. "East Asian Way of Linking the Environment to Trade in Free Trade Agreements." Journal of Environment & Development 27, no. 4 (August 28, 2018): 382–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496518794234.
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This study examines how East Asian countries have responded to the challenges that the trade–environment nexus presents. A total of 85 free trade agreements (FTAs) concluded by 15 East Asian economies are analyzed by using ordered logistic regression and generalized ordered logistic regression techniques. The results show that East Asian countries incorporate strong and specific environmental provisions in their bilateral FTAs when they share concern about environmental issues. These findings reject the view that East Asian countries have adhered to collective ideas that favor weaker and ill-defined environmental commitments related to trade. It is notable that environmentally conscious East Asian countries have responded positively to trade–environment linkages with like-minded partners. Meanwhile, the results partially support the conventional view that an environmentally conscious big country can bully environmentally less conscious small countries into making strong and specific environmental concessions.
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Ong, Eng Chuan. "Anchor East Asian free trade in Asean." Washington Quarterly 26, no. 2 (March 2003): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/01636600360569694.
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Ishido, Hikari. "Economic Impacts of FTAs on Trade in Services: Some Empirics in East Asia." Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 06, no. 02 (June 2015): 1550011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793993315500118.
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While the positive impacts of free trade agreements (FTAs) on liberalization in the services sector are widely noted, detailed quantitative analyses are rather scant. This paper takes a first step in analyzing the impact of ASEAN-related FTAs on mode 3 (commercial presence)-based trade in services. Overall, the results reveal some positive correlations between the degree of service trade liberalization in the host country and the service firms' commercial presence in that country. This points to a need to further promote service trade liberalization possibly under the auspices of the proposed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
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Vityuk, V. V. "VIETNAM: STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP AND FOOD SECURITY IN RUSSIA." Innovations and Food Safety, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31677/2311-0651-2019-25-3-112-125.
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The article analyzes and comments on the content of cooperation between the Russian Federation and Vietnam, based on the status of the parties as strategic partners and the geopolitical position of modern Vietnam in the world, the Asia-Pacific region and South-East Asia. The article characterizes the results of foreign trade activities of the parties, including in the framework of the Free Trade Agreement, as applied to the objectives of ensuring food security of Russia.
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KAWAI, MASAHIRO, and KANDA NAKNOI. "ASEAN’s TRADE AND FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT: LONG-TERM CHALLENGES FOR ECONOMIC INTEGRATION." Singapore Economic Review 62, no. 03 (October 7, 2016): 643–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590818400040.
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This paper explores the long-term challenges for economic integration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). The region has emerged as an important production base for global multinational corporations by joining East Asia’s supply chains. While proceeding to establish the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by the end of 2015, ASEAN has also forged five major free trade agreements (FTAs) with its dialogue partners (China, India, Japan, Republic of Korea, and Australia–New Zealand) and is currently negotiating the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. In addition, four ASEAN member states have completed Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. Econometric evidence suggests that (i) trade flows and inward FDI mutually reinforce each other, i.e., an increase in trade flows stimulates inward FDI and vice versa; (ii) a larger market tends to attract more inward FDI; (iii) FTAs tend to help stimulate inward FDI; and (iv) strong institutions, good physical infrastructure, and low costs of doing business are critical in boosting inward FDI. The paper suggests that in the long run it is ASEAN’s interest to further integrate itself with the rest of Asia and the world (through a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific and an Asia–Europe FTA), while substantially deepening its internal integration (by moving from the AEC to a customs and economic union) and thereby maintaining ASEAN centrality.
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Ahmed, Shahid. "Free Trade among South, East and South-East Asian Countries." Foreign Trade Review 44, no. 2 (July 2009): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515090201.
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Tan, Lay Hong. "WILL ASEAN ECONOMIC INTEGRATION PROGRESS BEYOND A FREE TRADE AREA?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 53, no. 4 (October 2004): 935–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/53.4.935.
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The raison d'être of ASEAN was a political one,1 to secure the region's peace, stability, and development. Against all odds, the founding members, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand signed the ASEAN Declaration on 8 August 1967. Brunei was admitted in January 1984, Vietnam in 1995, which was followed closely by Laos and Myanmar in 1997. Thirty-two years later, on 30 April 1999, ASEAN formally encompassed all ten countries of South-East Asia by admitting Cambodia.2
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Arapova, E. "Integration Potential of Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 1 (2016): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-68-81.
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During the 2014 APEC summit the participating countries agreed to move towards a region-wide economic integration and approved China-backed roadmap to promote the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). The paper examines prospects for economic integration in the Asia-Pacific in the framework of 21 APEC participating members. It aims to measure the “integration potential” of the FTAAP on the basis of quantitative and qualitative analysis of the actual statistic data, to explore key obstacles hampering economic integration in the region. The research comes from the theory of convergence and concept of proximity. They suppose that the higher is the degree of homogeneity in economic development and regulatory regimes of the integrating countries the higher is their “integration potential”. The objective of the author’s analysis is to measure the “integration potential” of APEC countries in four directions: trade liberalization, free movement of investments, monetary and banking integration, free division of labor. Initial estimates of the FTAAP prospects base on the merchandize trade complementarity indices and coefficients of variation analysis. Besides, the research uses hierarchical cluster analysis that helps to classify countries in different groups according to similarity of their economic typologies. This methodology allows to reveal the favorable algorithm of regional economic integration in the framework of the “hybrid approach” (or “open regionalism” adopted for APEC countries in 1989) which encourages the countries to enter into free trade agreements on a bilateral basis or to make offers to the APEC membership as a whole. Final conclusions are based on the results of authors’ calculations with consideration for contemporary trends of the member countries’ economic development and long-term strategies of economic growth. Acknowledgements. The research was supported by the Russian Fund for Humanities, project no. 15-07-00026 “East Asian regionalism in the context of diversifi cation of economic growth model”.
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Park, Sang-Chul. "Mega FTAs and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) in the Asia Pacific Region: Will It Be Cooperation or Competition?" International Organisations Research Journal 18, no. 2 (July 5, 2023): 122–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-02-07.
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The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) are two mega free trade agreements (FTAs) in the Asia and Pacific region. However, theireconomic interests are rather deeply divided and related to political and security issues. Trade conflicts between the U.S.and China have continued since 2018. To tackle Chinese expansion, the Biden administration initiated the Indo-PacificEconomic Framework (IPEF) in 2021 instead of returning to the CPTPP. This article reviews the two mega FTAs and theIPEF, as well as East Asian collaboration and competition in the region. It examines the East Asian countries’ economicinterests in participating in the mega FTAs and the IPEF and considers how to overcome the protectionism caused by thetrade conflicts between G2. Finally, it analyzes the roles and strategies of major economies overcoming protectionism as thenew global supply and value chains are reshaping in the region.
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Kimura, Fukunari. "Defending the Rule-based Trading Regime: The Multilateral Trading System at Risk and Required Responses." Asian Economic Papers 18, no. 3 (December 2019): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00722.
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The current trade turmoil is not limited to negative economic effects stemming from the series of recent trade measures erected by the United States as part of the escalating U.S.–China trade war. The more serious issue that will unfold in the middle to long term is the potential collapse of the rule-based trading regime. The weakening of the multilateral trading system centered by the World Trade Organization (WTO) seems to continue. East Asia has been one of the largest beneficiaries of the rule-based trading regime in its course of extending and deepening international production networks and must now take proactive moves to defend and preserve this stable economic environment. Two crucial tasks in the preservation of the WTO are efforts to maintain the functionality of the dispute settlement mechanism and the revival of the WTO as a forum for future trade negotiations. At the same time, East Asia must develop a network of mega–free trade agreements (FTAs) to partially supplement a possible loss of the multilateral framework.
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Chakravarty, Rishi. "Role of Trade in Promoting Entrepreneurship Development between North East India and South East Asia." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management (IJSRM) 5, no. 8 (August 2, 2017): 6576–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v5i8.02.
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Entrepreneurship plays a vital role for economic growth and development of a nation or a region within the nation. Out of many important benefits of entrepreneurship development, generation of employment opportunities for job seekers is one of the most important issues. India‟s North Eastern Region (NER) is unique in terms of growth opportunities as it has the potential to develop into India‟s economic power house being a vibrant source of energy, oil, natural gas, coal, and limestone, besides being endowed with its largest perennial water system in the river Brahmaputra and its tributaries. Aptly considered as „The Gateway‟ to its South East Asian neigh bours, India‟s North East can emerge as a strategic base for foreign and domestic investors to tap into the South East Asian region, which is getting integrated through the operationalization of the South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) and the Agreement on Trade in Services. At the initiative of the present Government at the center, the slogan of “Make in India” has gained immense popularity with a more vibrant “Act East Policy” now taking over the formerly „Look East Policy‟. The NER's unlimited tourism opportunities, unique performing arts, and varied cuisine and handicrafts provides the ideal setting for its development as a hub for dealing in trade and commerce with India‟s eastern neighbours and boosting entrepreneurship. Development of NER will not only enhance the economy ofIndia but also will foster bilateral integration amongst the East and South East Asian neighbours. This paper therefore is an attempt to understand in what way will trade between the North East India and South East Asian regions can boost entrepreneurship and generate self employment.
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Oktavia, Indriana, and Kiki Verico. "THE AWAKENING OF INVESTMENT CREATION: A CASE STUDY FROM SOUTH-EAST ASIA." Buletin Ilmiah Litbang Perdagangan 14, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30908/bilp.v14i2.438.
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Abstrak
ASEAN membentuk integrasi ekonomi, seperti ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), AFTA+1, dan ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), untuk meningkatkan perdagangan intra dan investasi antarnegara ASEAN. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk meneliti dampak integrasi ekonomi ASEAN terhadap ASEAN FDI (AFDI) dan perdagangan intra ASEAN (AIT). Penelitian ini menggunakan data sepuluh negara ASEAN dan enam negara mitra selama periode 2001-2017 dan di estimasi dengan menggunakan Generalized Least-Square (GLS). Hasil estimasi menunjukkan CEPT-AFTA ASEAN6 tidak dapat meningkatkan AIT dan AFDI. Dampak positif CEPT-AFTA pada AFDI dan AIT hanya terjadi pada tahun 2015, meskipun dampak pada AIT tidak signifikan. Penelitian ini mengindikasikan bahwa AFTA+ dapat meningkatkan AIT dan AFDI antara negara-negara ASEAN+6. AEC memiliki dampak positif pada AFDI dan dampak negatif pada AIT. Penelitian ini juga menyimpulkan bahwa jika dengan kerangka ASEAN+ menyebabkan investment creation di kawasan ASEAN+6. Untuk memperkuat perdagangan dan investasi, maka pemerintah perlu memperkuat kerja sama melalui Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
Kata Kunci: ASEAN, FDI, AFTA, Perdagangan Intra, AEC
Abstract
ASEAN created several economic integrations, such as the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), AFTA+1, and ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), to increase intra-trade and investment between ASEAN countries. This study aimed to examine the impact of ASEAN economic integration to ASEAN FDI (AFDI) and ASEAN Intra-Trade (AIT). The data consists of ten ASEAN countries and six partner countries from 2001 to 2017. It was estimated using the Generalized Least-Square (GLS). Estimation results showed that CEPT-AFTA ASEAN6 could not increase AIT and AFDI. The positive impact of CEPT-AFTA on AFDI and AIT occurred in 2015, with insignificance on AIT. The study also indicated that AFTA+ could increase AIT and AFDI between ASEAN+6 countries. Contrarily, AEC provided a positive impact on AFDI and an insignificant negative impact on AIT. The study concluded that the ASEAN+ framework causes investment creation in ASEAN and partner countries. The government needs to strengthen cooperation through Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to escalate FDI and trade.
Keywords: ASEAN, FDI, AFTA, Intra-Trade, AEC
JEL Classification: F13, F14, F15
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Chang, Shu-Man, Yo-Yi Huang, Kuo-Chung Shang, and Wei-Tzu Chiang. "Impacts of regional integration and maritime transport on trade: with special reference to RCEP." Maritime Business Review 5, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mabr-03-2020-0013.
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Purpose The proposed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) will become a large trade agreement in Asia, which has brought together the ten members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and five of the neighbors’ countries. Under the trend of globalization, the progress of the transportation industry and regional integration will increase the volume of trade, therefore maritime performance is intrinsically linked to trade. In fact, few studies have examined regional integration in the context of seaborne. This paper aims to use the cluster analysis and Poisson quasi-maximum likelihood (PQML) gravity model to investigate the trading bloc phenomenon and relation between trade and marine transportation. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, hierarchical clustering analysis and tree diagrams are used to identify functional areas characterized by bilateral trade intensity and bilateral liner shipping connectivity indices. Regional reorganizations that have occurred within Asian countries were studied. This study illustrates that these trading blocs have a positive impact on trade when maritime transport, production and trading networks have developed between regions. A gravity model was constructed using worldwide trade data for 2007, 2010 and 2015. The study considered free trade agreement (FTA)/common market (CM) of EU, RCEP and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as regional dummies and designed a real trade bloc induction variable. In addition, the study did not use the commonly adopted ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation but used the PQML method to estimate the gravity equation to overcome the problem of a large number of zero trade observations. Preliminary results show that regional integration cannot guarantee the establishment of intraregional trade but depends on the stage of economic development and regional industrial characteristics. Findings The major findings are summarized as follows. Both liner shipping connectivity and logistics performance have significant advantages with positive coefficients in each regression results. The creation of intraregional trade is not guaranteed, depending on the characteristics of the trade and the stage of economic development of the region. For RCEP, the effect created by intra-regional trade is better than the EU. Instead, the “nominal” intra-RCEP trade was significantly below the “real” trading blocs. For RCEP, the effect created by intra-regional trade is better than that of the EU. Instead, “nominal” intra-RCEP trade is much lower than “real” trading blocs. The real trading bloc between East Asia and Taiwan clearly exists, and the bloc phenomenon is becoming more and more significant. This result shows that Taiwan’s trade flow with East Asia is higher than the normal level relationship implied by its corresponding economic and geographical conditions. Originality/value This paper focuses on new empirical work done for this study is on the potential impact on trade. Earlier studies that have discussed and/or provided estimates of the benefits to the RCEP plan from improved transport and supply chain connectivity are cited. Marine transportation performance inherently links to economies of commerce. Few studies have examined regional integration in the context of maritime transportation, which reflects the lack of a mix of trade economists and maritime logistics research in the existing literature. This paper attempts to investigate the trading bloc phenomenon formed by regional integration (such as RCEP) and the relation between trade and marine transportation. With the official entry into force of the RCEP in 2020, it will promote increased trade and demand for logistics and maritime transport services in East Asia.
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Ismanto, Ignatius, and Roy Vincentius Pratikno. "Perubahan Ekonomi Global dan Tantangan bagi Indonesia [Global Economic Change and Challenges for Indonesia]." Verity: International Relations Journal 8, no. 16 (December 1, 2016): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v8i16.726.
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The shifting of global political-economy since early 1990s has been followed by the expansion of regional economy cooperation forum establishment, such as: NAFTA (North America Free Trade Area), EFTA (European Free Trade Area) and APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation). Indonesia, together with the other South East Asia countries who join ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asia), is also actively involved in engaging regional economy cooperation forums, such as: ASEAN-China FTA, ASEAN-India FTA, ASEAN-Jepang Economic Partnership, ASEAN Regional Economi Partnership (ARCEP). The establishment of those economic regionalism is apparently a strategy in responding economical globalization. Indonesia’s involvement in those regional economy cooperations has increased its national commitment, both in going through economical liberization as well as in building its national economy competitiveness. This research describes Indonesian political challanges in responding the dynamic changes of that global economy.
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Park, Innwon. "EAST ASIAN REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS: DO THEY PROMOTE GLOBAL FREE TRADE?" Pacific Economic Review 11, no. 4 (December 2006): 547–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0106.2006.00334.x.
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