Dissertations / Theses: 'Free trade areas'

1

Kuhn, Thomas, Radomir Pestow, and Anja Zenker. "Self-Enforcing Climate Coalitions and Preferential Free Trade Areas." Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-193118.

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In this paper, we discuss the endogenous formation of self-enforcing climate coalitions linked to the issue of a free trade agreement. As a framework, a strategic trade model is used in which countries may discourage greenhouse gas emissions by means of an import tariff on dirty goods. In addition, countries can set an emissions cap being effective on a permit market. Our main focus, however, is on the utilization of terms of trade privileges provided to members of a preferential free trade area. We propose evidence for that the welfare gains of trade liberalization are strongly promoting the formation of climate coalitions. In the parametrical simulation of the model, global emissions as well as climate change damages are found significantly reduced compared to the BAU scenario while global welfare is found significantly higher.

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2

Kuhn, Thomas, Radomir Pestow, and Anja Zenker. "Self-Enforcing Climate Coalitions and Preferential Free Trade Areas." Technische Universität Chemnitz, 2015. https://monarch.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A20378.

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In this paper, we discuss the endogenous formation of self-enforcing climate coalitions linked to the issue of a free trade agreement. As a framework, a strategic trade model is used in which countries may discourage greenhouse gas emissions by means of an import tariff on dirty goods. In addition, countries can set an emissions cap being effective on a permit market. Our main focus, however, is on the utilization of terms of trade privileges provided to members of a preferential free trade area. We propose evidence for that the welfare gains of trade liberalization are strongly promoting the formation of climate coalitions. In the parametrical simulation of the model, global emissions as well as climate change damages are found significantly reduced compared to the BAU scenario while global welfare is found significantly higher.

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3

Melatos, Mark. "Modelling Regional Trade Agreements." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/486.

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In the last twenty years, regional trade agreements have proliferated. These have usually taken the form of customs unions (CUs) or free trade areas (FTAs). This thesis concentrates mostly on the formation and behaviour of CUs. Union members levy a common external tariff (CET) on non-members. Existing theoretical models, however, do not agree on how the CET rate is chosen. Every model imposes a different choice rule exogenously. In this thesis, for the first time, plausible choice rules, based on the CU's social welfare function, are derived endogenously. The strategic behaviour of members and non-members, reveals that responsibility for CET choice tends to be assumed by the member that can induce the rest of the world to levy those tariffs members prefer to face. Relatively few general results exist describing the relationship between country characteristics and trade bloc formation. Here, new light is shed on this issue, by systematically analysing bloc formation in an asymmetric world, and investigating the role of preferences in coalition formation. It is found that global free trade is most likely to arise when all countries are similar. Customs unions tend to form between relatively well-endowed countries or those with similar preferences. It is also demonstrated that CUs will usually Pareto dominate FTAs, except where preferences differ significantly. The role of transfers in CU formation has received relatively little attention in the regionalism literature. In this thesis, optimal intra-union transfers are introduced and their impact on CET choice is investigated. The impact of transfers on CU behaviour depends on the direction of the transfer. When the relatively inelastic member is the recipient, the CU responds less aggressively to non-member tariff choices than it does when transfers are not permitted. However, if the relatively elastic member is the transfer recipient, the union's aggression increases. Moreover, when one union member exercises a similar degree of control over both CET and transfer choice, then the equilibrium CET tends to be lower than in the corresponding no-transfers situation.

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4

Melatos, Mark. "Modelling Regional Trade Agreements." University of Sydney. Economics and Political Science, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/486.

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Abstract:

In the last twenty years, regional trade agreements have proliferated. These have usually taken the form of customs unions (CUs) or free trade areas (FTAs). This thesis concentrates mostly on the formation and behaviour of CUs. Union members levy a common external tariff (CET) on non-members. Existing theoretical models, however, do not agree on how the CET rate is chosen. Every model imposes a different choice rule exogenously. In this thesis, for the first time, plausible choice rules, based on the CU's social welfare function, are derived endogenously. The strategic behaviour of members and non-members, reveals that responsibility for CET choice tends to be assumed by the member that can induce the rest of the world to levy those tariffs members prefer to face. Relatively few general results exist describing the relationship between country characteristics and trade bloc formation. Here, new light is shed on this issue, by systematically analysing bloc formation in an asymmetric world, and investigating the role of preferences in coalition formation. It is found that global free trade is most likely to arise when all countries are similar. Customs unions tend to form between relatively well-endowed countries or those with similar preferences. It is also demonstrated that CUs will usually Pareto dominate FTAs, except where preferences differ significantly. The role of transfers in CU formation has received relatively little attention in the regionalism literature. In this thesis, optimal intra-union transfers are introduced and their impact on CET choice is investigated. The impact of transfers on CU behaviour depends on the direction of the transfer. When the relatively inelastic member is the recipient, the CU responds less aggressively to non-member tariff choices than it does when transfers are not permitted. However, if the relatively elastic member is the transfer recipient, the union's aggression increases. Moreover, when one union member exercises a similar degree of control over both CET and transfer choice, then the equilibrium CET tends to be lower than in the corresponding no-transfers situation.

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5

Kitwiwattanachai, Anyarath. "Quantitative impacts of alternative East Asia free trade areas : a CGE assessment." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10489/.

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The aim of this thesis is to make a comprehensive assessment and comparison of the quantitative economic impacts at both the domestic and the international level of four alternative FTA options in East Asia - ASEAN-China, ASEAN-Japan, ASEAN-Korea and East Asia - by using a static multi-region, multi-sector CGE model as a tool. With two main extensions to the "standard" CGE model in this study - the introduction of unemployment and the incorporation of highly disaggregated household data (Thailand is a case study) - the analysis is enhanced on the issues of labour markets and poverty and the income distribution. The model results show that trade liberalisation could alleviate real wage inequality in countries abundant in unskilled labour, i.e. China and ASEAN. In contrast, real wage inequality worsens in Japan and Korea, where skilled labour is relatively abundant. The unemployment feature incorporated in the model gives quantitative predictions of both lower unemployment and higher real wages. In general, under a regional agreement - East Asia FTA - member countries would enjoy higher economic welfare gains than under any of the bilateral agreements - ASEAN-China FTA, ASEAN-Japan FTA or ASEAN-Korea FTA. When focusing on poverty and income distribution effects in Thailand, the model results at the national level suggest that all the trade liberalisation options will alleviate the poverty problem in Thailand, but that the degree of poverty reduction will vary depending upon the implemented policy. The poverty in the poorest community (villages), and in the poorest region (the Northeast) improves the most from the East Asia FTA. On the other hand, trade liberalisation, under all options,does not have a major impact on income disparity in Thailand. Sensitivity tests indicate that these results are robust. However, such an "ideal" regional agreement might be deterred by the different strategies of other East Asia nations and by the uneasy relationship between China and Japan, reflecting their economic and political differences.

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6

Xiao, Renfeng. "Three essays on the economics of preferential trade agreements: free trade areas, rules of origin and customs unions." Diss., Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/6815.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Economics
Yang M. Chang
There have been considerable discussions about why countries have interests in forming preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which typically take the forms of a “free trade area” (FTA) with Rules of Origin (ROO) and a “customs union” (CU) (World Bank, 2005). This dissertation contains three essays with three different models of trade under oligopoly to analyze various issues on preferential trade agreements. The first essay examines welfare implications of forming preferential trade arrangement (PTAs) between two asymmetric countries that differ in their market sizes. Key findings are as follows. First, when market size asymmetry between two countries is not too large and ROO requirements are not too restrictive, the formation of an FTA with effective ROO can be welfare-improving to both members. Second, the formation of a PTA is more likely to emerge between countries of similar in their market sizes, ceteris paribus. Third, compared to the pre-PTA equilibrium, there are greater reductions in external tariffs under an FTA than under a CU such that a non-member country is relatively better off under the FTA. The second essay presents a three country model of trade under Bertrand price competition to analyze differences in welfare implications between an FTA with ROO and a customs union (CU). It is shown that the maximum limit of ROO requirements over which there are welfare gains from trade for FTA members depends crucially on the degree of substitutability of final goods (or the intensity of product market competition). It is also found that member countries and their final-good exporters are better off in a CU than in an FTA. There are greater reductions in external tariffs under an FTA than under a CU such that a non-member country is relatively better off under the FTA. The third essay presents a three country model of FTA with Cournot quantity competition and derives the maximum enforceable level of ROO over which there are welfare gains from trade to each member country. It is shown that ROO and external tariffs are strategic complements such that the higher is the regional input restrictions, the higher is the external tariff necessary to induce firms to fully comply with ROO requirements. It is also shown that an FTA with effective ROO has a positive effect on the final-good trade. But the trade-diverting effect does not occur in the final-good sector.

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7

Bates, Stephen Edward, and Stephen Bates@ea gov au. "The New Regionalism: Comparing the Development of the EC Single Integrated Market, NAFTA and APEC." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 1996. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20011210.141305.

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The study of regions in international relations has been a sometime thing, gaining scholarly attention in the 1950s and 1960s, dropping largely from view in the 1970s, and returning to focus quite dramatically in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is clear that the contemporary manifestations of regionalism (the completion of the internal market of the European Communities in 1992, Asia Pacific developments, and US-centred Western hemisphere moves) constitute a new and qualitatively different factor in both interstate relations and the international political economy. The growth in the development of regions in the 1980s also represents a new level of interstate collaboration in the international system. The question arises as to the causes of this 'new regionalism' of the 1980s, and the implications of these developments for international relations practice and theory. Investigating these issues is the main task of this thesis. ¶ This thesis involves three elements: a central contemporary element examining the re-emergence of regions in the 1980s; a second comparative element comparing the causal factors operating in three different regions; and lastly, a theoretical element examining the usefulness of current theory to the phenomenon of regionalism in the 1980s and 1990s. Chapters Two and Three discuss the relevant theoretical literature with a view to developing the propositions to be examined in the case studies. They examine three of the major streams of international relations theory - realism, liberal economics, and institutionalism - with a focus on what these contending theories have had to say about how regional groupings arise. Chapter Two looks at the relevant theoretical literature in the 1950s and 1960s while Chapter Three explores the more recent theoretical literature of the 1970s and 1980s. ¶ The rest of the body of the thesis tests propositions set out at the end of Chapter Three on the causes of the regionalist revival in the 1980s by way of three case studies, each one concerned with the actual development of regionalism in three different parts of the globe: Western Europe, North America and the Asia Pacific. ¶ In all three regions the move towards regionalism was clearly a reaction to negative developments in the international economic and political systems. It was in part a specific response to the undermining of the liberal international trading regime and the associated rise in protectionism, particularly in the US. It was also partly the result of an ideational shift in terms of economic doctrine away from keynesianism and import substitution industrialisation to economic liberalism and export-oriented economic growth. Yet it is also apparent from the case studies that the new regionalism was also to some extent the result of a kind of interactive chain reaction, a spiral of mutual anxiety, with regionalism in one area provoking an extension of regionalism in another. It is indeed difficult to establish which of these causal explanations is the principal one as it is clear from the case studies that they are in fact mutually reinforcing. ¶ The thesis concludes with an analysis of the insights provided by the case studies into the theoretical debates examined in Chapters Two and Three. Finally, there is an attempt to use these insights to construct a theory accounting for the rise of the new regionalism.

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8

All, William H. "The trend toward free trade areas : economic consequences and policy implications for the United States." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24080.

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9

Daniels, Cecily-Ann Jaqui Monique. "Regional integration in the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area and the importance of infrastructure development in promoting trade and reducing poverty." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6814_1373463283.

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10

Abou-Khalil, Nassib. "A comparative study on Canadian and EC anti-dumping legislation and the compatibility of anti-dumping law with free trade areas." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26558.

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This paper looks at how anti-dumping legislation was implemented in Canada and in the European Communities. This comparison of Canadian and EC anti-dumping law aims at examining how the Anti-Dumping Code was transposed and applied in each jurisdiction by looking at each step of an anti-dumping investigation, starting with the initiation of an investigation, the calculation of the normal value and of the export price, the determination of the dumping margin, the finding of injury, and ending with other related matters such as anti-absorption and anti-circumvention rules. Having looked at Canadian and EC anti-dumping law as such, this paper examines the compatibility of anti-dumping actions with the creation of free trade areas and the effect of anti-dumping duties on such free trade areas. It looks specifically at the EC and the NAFTA examples. Both the NAFTA and the EC treaty create, generally speaking, a free trade area, however the approach taken vis-a-vis anti-dumping duties within the free trade area is different in each case: while the EC abolished anti-dumping duties within the free trade area, these duties are maintained under the NAFTA regime.

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11

Geradin, Damien. "Trade and the environment in European Community and United States law : a study of the tension between free trade and state environmental policies with particular reference to the areas of waste, product standards and process standards." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363861.

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12

com, A. ariffin@yahoo, and Anuar Ariffin. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the asean free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20071130.140815.

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This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public. The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-à-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA creates or diverts trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique. Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War. After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting freer trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s. At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally. Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an open trading bloc. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTAs establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.

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13

Ariffin, Anuar. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy." Thesis, Ariffin, Anuar (2007) The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/117/.

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This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public. The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-a-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA 'creates' or 'diverts' trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique. Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War. After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting 'freer' trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s. At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally. Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an 'open trading bloc'. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTA's establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.

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14

Ariffin, Anuar. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy." Ariffin, Anuar (2007) The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/117/.

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Abstract:

This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public. The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-a-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA 'creates' or 'diverts' trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique. Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War. After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting 'freer' trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s. At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally. Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an 'open trading bloc'. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTA's establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.

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15

Ramasamy, Ambigaibalan. "ASEAN free trade area : an empirical evaluation." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35518.

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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) comprising six nations - Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand - covers an area of more than 3 million sq. km. with a combined population of about 310 million. These countries have experienced significant economic growth in the last decade and this growth is expected to continue into the next century. ASEAN was established in 1967 with the objective of accelerating the economic growth, social progress and cultural development of the region. However, during the first decade after inception, regional security was of primary importance, especially with the escalating political and ideological struggle in Indo-China. Serious economic co-operation came into place only in 1976 with a range of co-operative schemes suggested by a UN-team of experts. These schemes, on the whole, were unsuccessful. Calls for greater political will and action in economic co-operation from the academic and business sectors culminated in the signing of the Singapore Declaration in 1992 which gave birth to the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). The purpose of this dissertation is to evaluate the extent to which intra-regional imports and exports will change as a result of such integration. Two main effects are evaluated - the static and the dynamic. The static effects are limited to trade creation and trade diversion effects. The methodology primarily uses the price elasticities of import demand and export demand, which are the author's own estimates, to measure the expected changes. While there are various components of dynamic effects, we have emphasised one, namely, the increase in intra-industry trade. Results of this study show that only Singapore would receive a net gain as a result of the integration, i.e. its trade creation effects would outweigh trade diversion, while Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand would face a welfare loss. These are however, optimistic results based on the assumptions which we have used. As a whole, AFTA would face a 10 percent increase in intra-ASEAN trade. With regards to intra-industry trade, the study finds that the potential for a larger proportion of intra-ASEAN trade to be of the intra-industry type is greater for Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippine compared to Malaysia and Singapore. However, comparing the level of intra-industry trade of the members with the Newly Industrialised Countries (NICs) and Developed Countries (DCs), there are indications that large gains would be accrued by all member countries as economies of scales and the benefits of greater efficiency through greater competition are realised when the free trade area is fully operational.

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16

Korhonen, Pekka. "Japan and the Pacific Free Trade Area /." London ; New York : Routledge, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374570493.

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17

Anjos, Jeniffer Natalie Silva dos. "Desenvolvimento regional da área de livre comércio de Boa Vista e suas implicações socioespaciais a partir de um estudo geoestratégico." Universidade Federal de Roraima, 2014. http://www.bdtd.ufrr.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=251.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Com o objetivo de construir um estudo sobre a Área de Livre Comércio de Boa Vista a partir da política de integração regional para a Amazônia Ocidental, a presente pesquisa discorre sobre os aspectos de interdependência na composição das esferas intra-regionais e inter-regionais resultantes das ações de regionalização programadas pelo Estado nacional para as áreas que apresentam diferenças regionais impactantes na sua economia em comparação as demais regiões brasileiras. Com base nas leis de criação e regulamentação da área de livre comércio de Boa Vista a pesquisa se fundamenta na concepção de ações políticas para o desenvolvimento das áreas localizadas em circuitos econômicos inferiores e dependentes de escalas com economias especializadas. Fundamentando-se no conceito de políticas de desenvolvimento regional a cidade Boa Vista é avaliada como local receptor de ações estatais impostas a nível hierárquico. Nessas condições o regime aduaneiro especial do tipo área de livre comércio é avaliado como uma política de integração e de desenvolvimento regional fracassada, apresentando não mais que uma ação compensatória ao desgaste e inércia econômica do estado de Roraima. Estabelecidas sobre as alternativas de desenvolvimento pulverizadas pelo Estado e pelas elites regionais as tímidas transformações socioeconômicas na cidade não resultam da eficácia do modelo de desenvolvimento proposto para a Amazônia e em especial para Boa Vista.
Aiming to introduce a study about the Trade free Area in Boa Vista -RR from the regional integration policy for the Western Amazon perspective, this research discusses the aspects of interdependence in the composition of intra - regional and inter - regional levels resulting from actions regionalization programmed by the national government for the areas that present striking regional differences in its economy compared to other Brazilian regions. Based on the laws of creation and regulation of the free trade area of Boa Vista, this research is based on the design of policies for the development of areas located in lower economic circuits and dependent of scales with specialized economies. Basing on the concept of regional development policies the city of Boa Vista is evaluated as receptor of State actions imposed in a hierarchical level. Under these conditions the special customs regime of free trade area type is reported as an integration policy and failed regional development, presented no more than a compensatory action due the economic inertia and inroad of the state of Roraima. Established on alternative of development sprayed by state and regional elites, little socioeconomic transformations in the city do not result in the efficiency of development model proposed for the Amazon and in particular for Boa Vista.

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Tong, Chi-hung Philip, and 湯志雄. "International trade in Asia Pacific: a study of trade liberalization and regionalism : an East Asia prospective." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31267683.

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Bierbass, Joerg. "TAFTA : a proposal for a Transatlantic Free Trade Area /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22739.pdf.

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Halwoodi, Josef. "Namibia and SADC free trade area : maximising export opportunities?" Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20076.

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Includes bibliographical references
The SADC Treaty 1992 established the Southern African Development Community (SADC) with the purpose of building an integrated regional economic community. The approach taken is to conclude Protocols in each area of co-operation. In the areas of economic and trade liberalization, a Protocol on Trade entered into force in 2000. The purpose of the Protocol is to establish a free trade area (FTA). The SADC FTA was formally launched in August 2008, when twelve SADC Member States phased out their tariffs covering substantial all intra-SADC trade. Namibia has been part of the SADC FTA since its inception. This research study examines the SADC FTA and its importance to Namibia by assessing the extent to which the SADC FTA has maximized export opportunities for Namibia to the region. It also identifies existing constraints that Namibia's exporters have been experiencing in accessing the SADC market, and provides recommendations on how Namibia can further exploit market opportunities created by the SADC FTA.

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Hess, Simon Peter. "The new economic geography of SADC free trade area." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/65/.

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Williams, Clay G. "Free trade area of the Americas a three level analysis." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FWilliams.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-71). Also available online.

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Duong, Xuan Vinh. "ASEAN - China Free Trade Area : A quantitative study of Trade diversion and Trade creation effects on ASEAN - China trade flows." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Economics, Finance and Statistics, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15348.

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The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China have a long history of trading with each other. They are economic partners as well as competitors for many years. In order to push their economic relationship to a higher level, in November 2002, ASEAN and China signed the initial framework agreement, determined on establishing the ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) among the eleven countries by 2010 for the ASEAN-6 (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) and by 2015 for the transitional economies of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (the CLMV). There are fears that China’s rapid development recently will encourage ASEAN’s exports to flow into its giant domestic market instead of among the members countries. Also the benefits of the Free Trade Agreement are still unclear. The Thesis uses three gravity models and the panel data of 11 countries from 1992 to 2009 to test two hypotheses: trade diversion (that expanded trade with China will reduce intra-trade within ASEAN) and trade creation (that ACFTA will boost up bilateral trade between ASEAN and China).

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Nkomo, Charity. "A Discussion On The African Continental Free Trade Area And Competition." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31192.

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According to Olasupo Owoeye, as the world is becoming increasingly globalized, it is difficult for some regions, for example, the African continent, to become competitive in the global market because of their overly protectionist measures1 . Former WTO Director, Pascal Lamy, also noted that Africa should no longer rely on external demand for its goods and services to support its growth but must take steps to accelerate regional integration, as it remains the least developed continent with the highest number of least developed countries in the world2 . This explains the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area by the African Union members; whose main objective is to boost intra African trade and create a single continental market for goods and services. The African Continental Free Trade Area is expected to enhance competitiveness at both the industry and enterprise level through exploitation of opportunities for scale production, continental market access and better allocation of resources. 3 The AfCFTA is also expected to facilitate a better integration of the African economy into the global market, thus contributing to sustainable economic growth, poverty reduction, enhanced foreign direct investment and employment creation in Africa. It is also considered to be a steppingstone towards two of the deeper integration stages envisaged in the Abuja Treaty of 1991, namely the creation of a continental customs union by 2019 and an African Economic Community (AEC) by 20284 . The AfCFTA can however pose some challenges to the signatory countries as through trade liberalization, domestic markets will become open to foreign competition and susceptible to anti-competitive practices originating outside their national borders. These include crossborder competition concerns, international cartels, mergers and acquisitions that risk monopolizing or creating abuse of dominance in the internal market5 . Some firms may gain market power and abuse their dominance through taking advantage of the economies of scale. Hence the need for the member countries, not only to dismantle trade barriers but also to adopt complementary competition policy to ensure a smooth transition and to benefit from gaining access to new markets. As was stated by Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, competition laws are important to the preservation of economic freedom and the free trade system as is with the Bill of Rights to the protection of fundamental freedoms6 . The competition and trade policies are both based on the conviction that free trade is a means of maximizing the economic welfare of trading nations through the efficient allocation of resources. The two policies therefore complement each other as without competition, the African Continental Free Trade Area lacks legitimacy because private restraints to trade will undermine its achievement. Hence the negotiations on competition which are supposed to take place beginning of 2019 by the African Union countries who have signed the African Continental Free Trade Area. The research will therefore discuss the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area, discuss the relationship between trade and competition and will also scrutinize the likely positive and negative impacts of the African Continental Free Trade Area vis a vis competition. Reference will also be made to other regional agreements on competition linked with regional efforts to set up free trade zones, particularly, the European Union where regional integration has been used to enhance economic growth and the useful lessons that can be learnt from those.

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Mushonga, Master. "An evaluation of the regulation of non-tariff barriers to trade in SADC free trade area." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96171.

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Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
The adoption of the Southern African Development Community’s Protocol on Trade in 2000 by member states which was aimed at creating an effective free intra-trade environment, had failed to reduce trade barriers which are threatening to reverse the gains made from tariff liberalization.. The protectionism in the form of non-tariff barriers constitutes the biggest factor affecting intra-trade in the region. The new economic environment which was expected to emerge with the adoption of the Trade Protocol over a decade ago has not taken place. Some of the commitments by member states to harmonise customs procedures, co-operation in customs matters and trade facilitation are yet to be achieved as the Protocol on Trade lacks the much needed legal force as some of its articles allow room for member states to derogate from their commitments. The main objective of this research study was to evaluate the effectiveness of the Protocol on Trade in the elimination of non-tariff barriers within the Southern African Development Community Free Trade Area. In order to achieve this, the study analysed the trend of non-tariff barriers reported in the period 2008 to 2013, the cost of trading across member states borders and the trend of intra-regional trade from 1996 to 2013. The main research findings indicated that non-tariff barriers are on the increase with cumbersome customs procedures and poor infrastructure development proving to be more prevalent in the region. The Protocol failed to reduce the cost of trading across member states’ borders since it came into force in 2000 with the cost of importing and exporting on the increase and the trade documentation remaining high. Again, the level of intra-regional trade as a percentage decreased from 2000 to 2013 – an indication that the Protocol on Trade failed to facilitate trade in the region through the elimination of non-tariff barriers. However, considerable potential for intra-regional trade remains unexploited due to induced trade barriers which are hampering the development of much needed regional value chains.

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Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.

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Chen, Tina Yiping. "Trade liberalisation, intra-industry trade and adjustment costs." Phd thesis, 1999, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144503.

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Hakim, Dedi Budiman. "The implications of ASEAN free trade area (AFTA) on agricultural trade (a recursive dynamic general equilibrium analysis) /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://webdoc.sub.gwdg.de/diss/2004/hakim/hakim.pdf.

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Dhirapharbwongse, Panit. "Corporate income tax co-ordination in the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA)." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314356.

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Ismail, Normaz Wana. "Issues in regional economic integration : evidence from ASEAN free trade area (AFTA)." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440948.

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Niyomsuk, Orachat. "ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) : how far have we come? : analysis and evidence on effects of AFTA." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4475.

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This thesis addresses issues concerning trade effects of a particular RTA: AFTA. In the first part of the thesis, 2 different but related gravity frameworks are constructed as to evaluate the independent effects of AFTA on relevant countries' trade flows. The first paper proposes examining ‘AFTA-effects' on members' trade, specifically within the AFTA context. This aims to distinguish trade effects that AFTA has had on early and delayed members' trading patterns. The panel ‘Gravity Model' is constructed, pointing to control for several biases commonly observed in the cross-section model. Although the result implies that early members do share trade benefits from AFTA more than non-members, the overall ‘AFTA-effects' on the membership's trade have not been benign. Another paper measures ‘AFTA-effects' on both members' and non-members' trade. This aims to assess whether AFTA has played a role as an export base for the international market. In this case, ‘AFTA-effects' appeared positive. Such effects are driven by an enhancement in extra-export bias, suggesting that the membership's exports to outside destinations have increased post-AFTA. The last paper provides a theoretical framework addressing the incidence of RTA-membership expansion. The fact that AFTA was gradually established and empirical results indicating AFTA's impacts on members and non-members brings about the idea that bloc-membership expansion could plausibly be explained by the economic effects that these countries have received. The corollaries of trading with/without RTA-membership of a potential member's gains of trade and welfare levels are related to the decision towards membership. Even though welfare effects are not always greater, the RTA-membership status surely benefits member countries in gains from trade more than non-members. This can be perceived as one of the important reasons to explain the widespread regionalism worldwide and why joining the RTA is often seen as a safe haven strategy for a country.

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Dipholo, Thabo. "The potential impact of the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement on a regional service provider." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/74834.

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The advent of trade in services theory has been a developing research topic since 1980, where various factors are in place to determine trade flows and the impact of regulatory frameworks and policies. Services trade is an important contributing factor towards economic objectives and continues to drive development. With growth in services trade across the globe there is increased value in understanding the impact of the services sector on the African continent. The evolving reliance on services towards globalisation in low-income economies is proven to contribute significantly to gross domestic product. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement was instituted to integrate economies by creating ease of access for the intra-trade of goods and services across the continent. This study aimed to explore the impact of the AfCFTA agreement on a regional financial services provider. The research followed a semi-structured interview methodology, which measured and tested the impact of the agreement on trade in services for this qualitative study. The results indicated that the service provider would adopt the AfCFTA agreement’s requirements in the expansion of its operations, to establish services across the continent. Although the minimum number of countries required supported the ratification process, a lot of work is needed to develop and understand the effect of international trade, on the back of reformative policy changes such as the AfCFTA agreement.
Mini Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MPhil
Unrestricted

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Nahmias, David. "Free Trade and Free Societies: The Effects of CAFTA on Democratic Institutions in Central America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/229.

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During the debate over the ratification of the United States-Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), the Bush Administration argued that implementation of a free trade agreement would help strengthen the nascent democracies in Central America. As a bilateral agreement, CAFTA would not only foment greater trade liberalization by expanding market access and eliminating trade barriers, but also help transform the entire commercial frameworks in Central America and promote economic development. These implications are not just economic – in particular, its provisions on intellectual property and investment rights, government procurement and labor standards affect the political institutions underpinning democracy and rule of law. This thesis assesses the role in which CAFTA has affected democratic institutions in Central America. It employs a methodology known as the Democratic Audit to evaluate consequences to four dimensions of democracy - the electoral processes, open and accountable institutions, civil and political liberties, and civil society. It demonstrates the value of using the Democratic Audit to assess a trade agreement’s political effects with an application to Mexico after NAFTA. Then this work considers the case studies of El Salvador and Costa Rica, the most salient examples of democratic institutional change after CAFTA, by drawing on original research especially into the electoral politics and civil society development in these countries. Ultimately, the thesis argues that the most significant institutional effects of CAFTA have been its role as a political issue, rather than its content, in galvanizing popular opinion and reinvigorating electoral politics and civil society - ironically, not the consequences that the Administration originally had in mind. The research demonstrates that, even if some conclusions cannot be drawn due to the recency of CAFTA, the framework it has employed will be an invaluable tool for assessing future trade agreements.

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Silva, Rodrigo. "Free trade area of the Americas : the viability of a regional legal order." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33366.

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The creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) by the year 2005 has been a serious undertaking in the hemisphere since the first Summit of the Americas held in Miami in December of 1994. This entails the creation of a free trade agreement that would include virtually all the nations of the Western Hemisphere. However, this is not the first attempt at the creation of trade agreements within the region. From early efforts such as the Latin American Free Trade Agreement to current ones such as the North American Free Trade Agreement and the MERCOSUR, there has been a push for the past 40 years at the use of free trade as a tool for economic development. Nevertheless, traditionally there has been a lack of legal and institutional analysis in the formation of these trading blocs. The same thing appears to be happening in the formation of the FTAA. This thesis analyzes and compares the differing trading blocs in the Western Hemisphere in terms of institutions and capacity to create regional norms and proposes the institutional framework needed for successful regional integration for the FTAA. It then looks at legal obstacles within the Constitutions of select States to the formation of this framework and problems that may arise in jurisdictional uncertainties between the plethora of trading blocs.

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Ellison, James R. "British policy towards European integration : the proposal for a European Free Trade Area." Thesis, University of Kent, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243605.

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SANTANA, HELTON REGINALDO PRESTO. "FREE TRADE AREA OF THE AMERICAS (FTAA): DOMESTIC CONSTITUENCIES AND BRAZILIAN FOREIGN POLICY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2000. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=2734@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
Em maio de 1997, realizou-se, em Belo Horizonte (MG), de acordo com o cronograma definido na cúpula presidencial de Miami, nova reunião dos ministros encarregados do comércio exterior no quadro dos entendimentos preliminares relativos à eventual constituição de uma Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (ALCA). Nesta reunião, tornaram-se flagrantes as posições negociadoras diametralmente opostas apresentadas pelos negociadores dos Estados Unidos e do Brasil. Além disso, Belo Horizonte foi palco de manifestações de representantes de setores econômicos e sociais que discordavam dos rumos com que vinham se delineando as negociações hemisféricas. A partir deste episódio, o presente trabalho busca analisar a atuação e posicionamento dos grupos de interesse e eleitorado domésticos brasileiros e sua interação com os operadores diplomáticos, buscando influenciar o processo decisório, durante as negociações entre os governos do continente. Para tanto, são utilizados os rendimentos analíticos da metáfora dos jogos em dois níveis, proposta por Robert Putnam, avaliando-se os argumentos brasileiros com relação a três aspectos: credibilidade, legitimidade e poder de barganha da posição negociadora brasileira. O argumento central apresentado é o de que a estratégia negociadora brasileira para a ALCA, apesar de elevado grau de credibilidade, carece de legitimidade interna, o pode afetar, em grande medida, seu poder de barganha na mesa de negociações internacionais.
In May 1997, according to the schedule agreed at the Summit of Miami, another meeting of foreign commerce ministers was held in Belo Horizonte. It aimed at continuing the preliminary understandings regarding the possible formation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). During the meeting the opposite position sustained by North-American and Brazilian dealers became evident. Belo Horizonte served as stage for demonstrations by economic and social segment representatives who disagreed about the course negotiations were taking. The present study aims at analysing the action and positions of Brazilian domestic constituencies and their interaction with diplomatic corps, with a view to influencing the decision making process during the negotiations among Continent governments. Therefore, insights derived from two-levelgames metaphor, proposed by Professor Robert Putnam, are used to evaluate three aspects of Brazilian arguments: credibility, legitimacy and bargaining power of the Brazilian negotiating view. The central argument presented is that the Brazilian strategy for the FTAA, despite of a high level credibility, lacks domestic legitimacy which may seriously affect its bargaining power at international negotiations.

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Sandoval, Thomas M. "The Free Trade Area of the Americas : can regional economic integration lead to greater cooperation on security?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Dec%5FSandoval.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Peter Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-67). Also available online.

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Jasmer, Michael David. "The Free Trade Area of the Americas: positive outcomes for Brazil and the global community." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/5636.

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Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:20:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 177646.pdf: 171137 bytes, checksum: 1cb452e911dbb80322d64e9bbace8cbe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-11T00:00:00Z
This document discusses Brazil and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Since the FTAA is only a proposed agreement and trade apparatus at the moment, NAFTA is used as a working model and its influence on and benefit for Mexico and that country’s economy.

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Siegelová, Romana. "NAFTA: Cesta k rozvoji mexické ekonomiky?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199929.

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The main objective of this thesis is analysis of the impact of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) on Mexican economy. Especially the evaluation of the positive and negative effects of NAFTA on the economic growth of the Mexican economy. The secondery objective of this thesis is presentation and analysis of the concrete negative impact of NAFTA on Mexico, which is connected with the implementation of this agreement. This problem is related to the maquiladoras, these are assembly lines situated on the border between Mexico and the United States.

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Mathibe, Precious. "Regional cooperation and integration : intergovernmentalism approach to regional integration: a case of the African Continental Free Trade Area and effects on trade." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/80471.

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The liberal intergovernmentalist approach has been applied to numerous studies within the European Union (EU) context in the past, and lately to studies within the African regional integration context. Differing experiences with regards to regional integration have emerged in the EU and African contexts. The purpose of this study was to investigate the application of the liberal intergovernmentalist approach within the African context, in particular the African Contintental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The study followed a single case research design, meaning it was conducted within the setting of the AfCFTA. The study population comprised 16 participants and documents from the African Union (AU) regarding the AfCFTA. Various data-collection methods were used, including focus group interviews, face-to-face semi-structured interviews and qualitative content analysis – the rationale being that the case study approach required numerous data-collection methods to be employed. The methods utlised for data analysis were thematic analysis for focus groups and face-to-face semi-structured interviews, and qualitative content analysis for data obtained from the AU documents regarding the AfCFTA. Findings from the study might have a considerable effect regarding the interaction of African member states when undertaking regional intergration engagments.
Mini Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MPhil
Unrestricted

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Chiundira, Isaac Chiphaso. "The establishment of Tripartite Free Trade Area institutions and its repercussions on countries with multiple memberships." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5435.

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Magister Legum - LLM
This mini thesis examines the repercussions of the establishment of institutions under the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) Agreement on countries that have multiple regional economic community (REC) memberships. The study notes that even though the TFTA initiative is being touted as a major milestone towards the ultimate establishment of the African economic Community (AEC) and that it will help solve problems associated with multiple REC memberships, the initiative may come at a cost to countries, especially those that have maintained multiple REC memberships. The study observes that the institutions that have been established under the TFTA are a mirror reflection of the already existing institutions in the three existing regional blocks forming the TFTA, thus the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), East African Community (EAC) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). The mini thesis argues that the creation of new TFTA institutions, in addition to the similar existing regional institutions, will translate into more financial costs; increased human resource cost for government officers; increase in non-financial treaty related obligations; and a high possibility of reaping fewer trade related gains, for countries that have multiple REC memberships. The mini thesis further demonstrates how the lack of clarity and hierarchy in the relationship between the TFTA institutions and the RECs’ institutions may negatively impact on countries that have multiple REC memberships. The mini thesis concludes by offering recommendations on how these challenges or costs on countries with multiple REC memberships can be addressed or ameliorated.
Government of Malawi

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42

Chauke, J. Thabo. "The impact of the European Union-South Africa free trade area agreement on factor returns in South Africa : much ado about nothing?" Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5769.

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43

Horovitz, Dan D. "Regulation of competition under the rules of the free trade area agreements concluded by the European Economic Community." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213301.

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44

Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. "The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.

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This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.

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Csopotiová, Alexandra. "ASEAN a úloha regionalizmu v Juhovýchodnej Ázii." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192582.

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The objective of this work is to analyze the phenomenon of regionalism in Southeast Asia with the emphasize on ASEAN and its impact on member states. The first part of the theses is theoretical and explains the development and characteristics of regionalism. The second part of the theses is practical and analyses impact of ASEAN in economical area, trade area and also area of diplomatic relations.

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Rojas, Danny J. García. "The Dominican Republic--Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) understanding the reasons why the Dominican Republic (DR) joined the CAFTA negotiations /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FRojas.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert E. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on 13 July 2009. Author(s) subject terms: DR-CAFTA, Western Hemisphere regionalization, Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), Central America Common Market (CACM), Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), economic restructuring, trade liberalization, nontraditional exports, Free Trade Zones (FTZs), Dominican Banking Crisis 2003-2004, niche markets Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-103). Also available in print.

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Mathys, Reagan. "The COMESA, EAC and SADC Tri-partite Free Trade Agreement: Prospects and Challenges for the Regions and Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7803_1373463174.

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The tri-partite initiative in and for Africa has been accompanied by high levels of optimism since its political endorsement in 2008. It provides for an opportunity to resolve a host of problems with regards to regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The overall aim of this study is to explore the prospects and challenges towards realising the Tri-partite Free Trade Area
(T-FTA) in and for Africa. This study is pragmatic and implicitly seeks to uncover how the T-FTA could contribute to the African Regional Integration Project (ARIP), given the challenges that
regional integration face in Africa. Regional integration has a long and rich history in Africa, which started at thehave been weak since the start and persist in its superficial nature with littledevelopmental impact. The reasons for the lack of meaningful integration in Africa are wide-ranging and span national, regional and system level analytical viewpoints. They encompass
areas such as developmental levels, political will, respect for regional architecture, overlapping membership and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). These factors impact on the
integration process in Africa and explain in varied ways why there has been little comprehensive economic integration. The starting point was to define the complex concept of regional integration. The dominant factors that define and affect regional integration in this study are that it is a state-based exercise, driven by economic integration, and influenced by the global political economy of the day. It was determined that Africa has adapted its regional integration strategies according to the shifts and influences in the global political economy on states,
emanating from the post WWII period to the present day. The mpact of the global economy on Africa since independence was great and is viewed impact on the integration process. Regional integration is essentially a state to state
pursuit for integration. Essentially, regional integration is being pursued by states that are still struggling to consolidate statehood, and this leaves little space to move towards a regional approach. However, given the dynamics of a globalised world, regional integration as a strategy is no longer questioned in Africa and is an important component of its developmental agenda. Clarifying the T-FTA was important, and this was done in order to highlight what the tri-partite initiative is and is not. This provided for an opportunity to
investigate what the dominant areas are that have informed the emergence of the tri-partite process. The former was found to be largely economic in nature, focusing on harmonising the trade
regimes of COMESA, EAC and SADC as a primary motivation. The tri-partite initiative will facilitate and encourage the harmonisation of trade regimes by stressing market integration,
infrastructure development and industrialisation, coupled by a developmental approach. This is promising, as the tri-partite initiative seeks to simultaneously deal with many issues that have
been commonly associated with the problems that regional integration face in Africa. When viewing the negotiating context, as well as the principles upon which it is to be based, indicate though, that Africa still favours individual state interest that will be hard to reconcile given that the tri-partite region currently has 26 participant states. In terms of economic integration, the T-FTA
seeks to put new generation trade issues on the agenda by including services, movement of persons as well as trade facilitation, all of which have been found to be important in realising a
trade in goods agenda that is the focus of regional integration in Africa. Analysing the grassroots realities of the market integration pillar offered some valuable insights towards the purposes
of this study. The market integration pillar is inundated with challenges, with Rules of Origin (RoO) being the primary challenge towards consolidating the trade in goods agenda on a tri-partite
level. New generation trade issues are going to be equally difficult to realise, given that they have no implementation record in the individual Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Promising though is that trade facilitation has already seen positive results by resolving non tariff barriers in the regions.Infrastructure development is equally challenging, although it provides
a significant opportunity to create better connectivity (physical integration) between states. In lot of pan-African goals that directly feed into initiatives of the African Union (AU) pillar has not as yet created any concrete tri-partite plans, so it remains to be seen what can be achieved. Ideally, industrialisation is viewed as the pillar that will solve the supply-side constraints of African
economies hence, strengthening the trade in goods agenda in the regions. Even though the T-FTA has practical challenges to implementation, there are at least two underlying factors that
indirectly affect the prospects of realising the tripartite initiative. The EPAs are an emergent threat in that they run parallel to tripartite negotiations
and respect for a rules based integration process, are issues that warrant consideration. Fundamentally, in order to achieve a successful T-FTA will require a shift in the way business is done in African integration. African states need
to realise that their national interests are best served through cooperation, in meaningful ways. Inevitably this requires good faith as well as ceding some sovereignty towards regional goals. Thus, there is a risk that the T-FTA not realised. The fundamentals of political will, economic polarisation and instability have to be resolved. This will lay an appropriate foundation for the
tripartite initiative to be sustainable, with developmental impact.

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Bourély, Nadia. "Economic integration of developing countries and regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean : prospects for a free trade area of the Americas." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64264.pdf.

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Boonumpaichaikul, Tossapon, and Unnada Mongkoltada. "Future of Thai Electronic Component Industry under ACFTA." Thesis, Mälardalen University, Mälardalen University, Mälardalen University, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-10046.

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Explore factors that influence investors interested in investing in the electronic components sector in Thailand, with a focus on the consequences of Thailand‟s membership in the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement.

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Saguier, Marcelo I. "Challenges and opportunities in the construction of alternatives to neoliberalism : the Hemispheric Social Alliance and the Free Trade Area of the Americas process." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1181/.

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The Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) emerged in 1997 in reaction to the advance of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) neo-liberal agenda. As a transnational coalition integrated by trade union organisations, social movements and NGOs from all over the continent, the HSA denounced the detrimental social, economic and environmental consequences of the FTAA project on the most vulnerable sectors of the populations of the Americas. This thesis examines the role of the HSA in the construction of counter-hegemonic alternativest o the FTAA project. The analysis encompassesth e time period that starts with the formation of the HSA in 1997 until the halting of the FTAA process in 2005 and draws on the political process approach of social movement theory - particularly on its notion of political opportunity structures as factors conditioning the capacity of social movements to access and control political resources for the advancement of collectively defined political goals. It is argued that the actions pursued by the HSA to construct an alternative to the FTAA have led to moderate, albeit significant, results. Considerable progress was achieved in fostering a political climate of distrust and opposition to neoliberalism throughout the Americas, which contributed to the stalling of the FTAA process in 2005. In spite of this, the HSA continues to face the challenge of building political alternatives that reflect and expand a commitment to deeper forms of democracy and sustainable development in the region.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Free trade areas'

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