Journal articles: 'Franco’s regime'

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Meseguer, Purificación, and Ana Rojo. "Literatura, sexo y censura." Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada/Spanish Journal of Applied Linguistics 27, no. 2 (December 8, 2014): 537–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.27.2.14mes.

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In Franco’s totalitarian state, censorship became from the start an efficient mechanism to control artistic production — and by extension, ideas — which was conceived to maintain and enhance the values of Francoist regime. But its violent and ruthless measures did not prevent it from being considered by some as arbitrary and inconsistent. The present article argues that Francoist censorship was a rigid and normalised system with fixed criteria that guided and determined censors’ decisions. The study carried out here compares three novels sharing the theme of sexuality, which were originally written in English and French and translated into Spanish under Franco’s dictatorship: The last of the wine, by Mary Renault (1961); Safo, by Alphonse Daudet (1964); and The anti-death league, by Kingsley Amis (1967). It aims to identify examples of censorship manipulation and establish translational patterns by analysing — both quantitatively and qualitatively — the strategies or censorship mechanisms detected in the translated texts. The results of the study illustrate the influence that Francoist censorship exerted upon the translation of novels with sexual content, contributing to unveiling the reasons behind their alterations.

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Alcalde, Ángel. "War Veterans and Fascism during the Franco Dictatorship in Spain (1936–1959)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416674417.

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This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco’s dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans’ organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS), between 1939 and 1959. The evolution of the Francoist veterans’ organizational structures and political discourses can be understood as part of a process of fascistization and defascistization, which provides rare insights into the overall relationship between fascism and war.

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Pulpillo Leiva, Carlos. "La lectura de la República que hace el primer franquismo: El Noticiero de España como fuente." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 29 (September 20, 2018): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2018.4299.

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Resumen: El Franquismo se configuró en clara contraposición a lo que la Segunda República había significado para España. Para ello desarrolló importantes campañas propagandísticas con el objetivo de deslegitimar la acción de una República elegida en las urnas. Para la creación de un relato en el exterior contó con el Noticiero de España, un recurso que se editaba en la Jefatura del Estado de Burgos. La misión fundamental era justificar la necesidad del alzamiento que realizaron los militares, debido a que mostraban un régimen anárquico, cruel, anticlerical, represivo, etc. en esencia que atentaba contra lo que significaba lo español en el pensamiento tradicional.Palabras clave: Noticiero de España, II República, Franquismo, Propaganda.Abstract: Franco’s Regime was configured in contrast to what the Second Republic had meant for Spain. It developed significant propaganda campaigns with the objective of delegitimizing the elected Republic. Francoism wanted to create a different narrative abroad, and so published the Noticiero de España, a resource that was edited by the Headquarters of the State of Burgos. Its fundamental mission was to justify the need for the uprising by the military, because they showed an anarchic, cruel, anticlerical, repressive regime, etc. In essence, it went against what the Spanish meant by ‘traditional thinking’.Key words: Noticiero de España, II Republic, Franco’s Regime, Propaganda.

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Romero-Reche, Alejandro. "Avant-garde humour as ideological supplement." European Journal of Humour Research 10, no. 3 (October 11, 2022): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr.2022.10.3.663.

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In 1939, when the Spanish civil war had recently ended, avant-garde humorists Miguel Mihura and Tono published an absurdist propaganda ‘novel’, María de la Hoz [María of the Sickle], about the republican zone during the conflict. Unlike other Francoist propaganda pieces of the time, it did not focus on the violence or the alleged moral degeneracy of the ‘reds’ but rather on what its authors perceived as the absurdity of egalitarianism and the progressive ideals. The novel, while not contradicting the emerging official ideology, conspicuously overlooked some of its key tenets, particularly those related to nationalism, Catholicism and Franco’s leadership. This article contextualises María de la Hoz in the development process of Spanish avant-garde humour and in Francoist propaganda fiction during and immediately after the civil war in order to analyse the ideological stance it represented and, potentially, reinforced. As a political piece, the book seems to convey the position of an affluent middle class who did not enthusiastically believe in Francoism but preferred it to the republican alternative, caricatured as a communist regime by nationalist propaganda.

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Alexeeva, Tatiana A. "HEAD OF FRANCO STATE: FROM THE "SOVEREIGN" DICTATOR TO THE "INSTITUTIONALIZED" RULER." RUDN Journal of Law 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 481–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2018-22-4-481-505.

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The article is devoted to the development of the institute of the head of state in Spain in 1939-1975. The importance of the analysis is determined by the increased role of the heads of state in domestic and international affairs and the popularity of the term. The Spanish experience seems to be useful for research of this phenomenon. Franco's main post was named "head of state" (Jefe del Estado) legally, and the officially recognized institution with the same name (Jefatura del Estado) formalized his status. In comparison with the "head of state" in the doctrine of Constant, he did not function in the system of separation of powers, but named a ruler with a personal absolute lifelong power. The legal term "head of state" became a synonym for the political term "dictator". Franco’s experience demonstrated the non-democratic nature of the institute of head of state. It was also emphasized by the title "caudillo", indicating its leadership and its mission to restore the former "greatness" of Spain. Franco’s government was to be characterized by the features of "sovereign dictatorship", described by C. Schmitt. By analyzing features of the institution of the post, formation of the same institute and their development, the author notices the potential of the institute of head of state during Franco's authoritarian regime. Two periods are distinguished in the history of the institute. During the first, after the Civil War (1939) and before the adoption of the law "On Succession" (1947), Franco's constitutional activity was aimed to create a "new" nationalist state, struggling against internal and external enemies. Unlimited power in a militarized state became the basis for the domination of “decessionism”, and the state itself was identified with its head personally. In the course of the second period, 1947-1975, the constitutional power of the caudillo began the "institutionalization" of a "social and representative" state which was proclaimed as a monarchy again. Franco’s "fundamental" laws not only created a quasi-constitutional facade of the regime, but consolidated the head of state's self-limited powers and its status in the system of established state bodies, a mechanism to transfer his power to the future king. Spanish state was no longer identified with the head of state. He was declared a representative of the nation and ensured the unity of state power. Franco remained an extraordinary head of state till the end of his life. The mechanism he introduced "worked" after his death in Spain and created the opportunity for a transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one, from "institutionalization" to constitutionalism.

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Valdaliso, Jesús M. "‘Moving up in the league’ with a little help from the state: The Spanish shipbuilding industry during the developmental Francoist regime." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 3 (August 2018): 488–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418778996.

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The aim of this article is to explain the factors that underpinned the expansion of the Spanish shipbuilding industry during the Francoist regime, when it grew to rank fourth in the league of shipbuilding nations in the 1970s. After a brief description of the evolution of its output and markets, the article focuses on three aspects of shipbuilding: technology and costs; industrial structure and ship specialisation; and, above all, the strong government support that made this industry one of the symbols of the international success of the Franco’s new developmental policies.

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Florensa, Clara, and Agustí Nieto-Galan. "Introduction: Science popularization, dictatorships, and democracies." History of Science 60, no. 3 (August 29, 2022): 329–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00732753221091029.

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The study of science popularization in dictatorships, such as Franco’s regime, offers a useful window through which to review definitions of controversial categories such as “popular science” and the “public sphere.” It also adds a new analytical perspective to the historiography of dictatorships and their totalitarian nature. Moreover, studying science popularization in these regimes provides new tools for a critical analysis of key contemporary concepts such as nationalism, internationalism, democracy, and technocracy.

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Garrusta, Marc Gil, and Jaume Subirana. "Francoist purging of nomenclature in Barcelona: Communion, wishes and beliefs." International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, no. 00 (August 18, 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00046_1.

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As in the rest of Spain, the capture of Barcelona by Franco’s troops not only meant the defeat of the Republican side, but also a systematic persecution of all political, social and cultural references of the defeated regime. Barcelona’s first Francoist city council was an active agent from the first hour, purging municipal officials and also trying to erase all Republican, Catalan or ‘red’ traces in the public space and replacing them with new references that would make the official memory of the new regime. Our research clearly outlines how the Francoist overhaul of Barcelona city nomenclature was conducted, and the criteria on which it was based. In summary, it was a very early, fairly rapid and high-priority operation based on wiping out the Republican memory and Catalan language and exalting the heroes and martyrs of the ‘Crusade’, in which the leading figures were a small group of local but renowned faithful people. It was, without doubt, what one might term an ideological operation, carried out with full awareness of the symbolic importance of the issue.

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Castillejo Cambra, Emilio. "Manual de Campamentos del Frente de Juventudes (ediciones de 1943 y 1948): variaciones en torno a la cultura política y la disciplina de los cuerpos en la España franquista." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 13 (December 14, 2020): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.13.2021.24695.

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This article analyzes and compares the 1943 and 1948 editions of the Camp Manual, which provides instructions for the camp commanders of the Youth Front, the Francoist equivalent of Mussolini’s Balilla and the Nazi Hitler-Jugend. In these manuals, the camp appears as a microcosm that reflects the organic structure and government practice of the Francoist State, including its biopolitical aspects: health, food storage, calorie consumption... The political culture that they transmit and its variants maintain an affinity with the normalization of the bodies of the campers: while the Phalangist subculture imposes strength, martiality and rectitude upon the bodies, the Catholic subculture imposes meekness and sinuous forms. The two editions of the manual also reflect the evolution of Franco’s regime. In the 1943 edition, the leaflet of the camp leader reflects the Fascistization of the State. The 1948 edition, on the other hand, stresses the legitimization of the encyclical Divini Illius Magistri or the imposition of a Christian pedagogy (principle of self-direction), and it speaks of the establishment of a Catholic State. This includes the concept of the culture of the participative subject, linked in turn to a new normalization of the bodies (greater distention, oblique lines), without this implying the disappearance of the traditional forms of control or the automatic movements (parades, formations), characteristic of the culture of the subject that gives unity to Francoism.

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Pozas, María Jesús. "The Spanish Transition as a Model of Political Consolidation." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 4 (2020): 1218–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.412.

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The article analyses the Spanish Transition from a dictatorship to a democracy as a process of political change during the period from Franco’s death in 1975 until the arrival of the Socialists to Power in 1982. Over this period, the political parties had reached a consensus, which contributed to reconciliation among the Spaniards culminating in the approval of the Constitution in 1978, which in its turn resulted in the creation of a rule-of-law state. The key people of the transition were King Juan Carlos I, who supported the democratic system; Adolfo Suárez, who became an active stateman under Franco’s regime, and was appointed Head of Government by the King during the transition; and Torcuato Fernández Miranda, President of the Franco’s Courts. During the Transition the sectarianism was abandoned, and a shared idea arose that our country was a democracy similarly to other European countries around us. The transition has been defined as a “model” because it took root, and democracy quickly consolidated. It has become a historical feat with no precedents, but above all we have to understand the historical context in which this occurred. The transition was possible thanks to genuine consensus among the Spaniards. Recently, an idea has emerged from the communist far left, and some socialists, along with separatists, connected with the 2008 crisis, which calls for the repeal of the constitutional order and the monarchy. The proponents of this idea consider monarchy a continuation of Franco’s regime. However, it is evident that the Constitution ensures and guarantees Spaniards’ rights and freedoms.

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Blanco Muñoz, Leticia. "Sentimental education as political weapon: From Montserrat Roig to Marta Sanz." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00009_1.

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This work traces the affinities between Montserrat Roig, and Marta Sanz, to show a continuity between the patriarchal structures of Francoism and those of the Transition as illustrated in two of their novels. It reflects on the heteropatriarchal legacy of Franco’s regime by analysing the importance of the role of sentimentality when subverting the distance that goes from representation to self-representation of women’s bodies and subjectivities within a cultural (literary) canon that remains ostensibly masculine. This comparison between both authors brings to light the way in which they problematize their own internalization of a patriarchal male gaze, and how they mobilize strategies to counter the social discourses that have led to that internalization.

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Hernández Burgos, Claudio. "Neither Resistance nor Consent: Alltagsgeschichte, Everyday Economy and Eigen-Sinn in Franco’s Post-War Spain (1939–1951)." European History Quarterly 52, no. 2 (March 30, 2022): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085124.

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Alltagsgeschichte has contributed much to our understanding of the emergence, construction and development of dictatorships in the twentieth century. However, Franco’s regime has hardly featured in the main accounts of everyday life and social attitudes in European dictatorships. This article seeks to remedy this deficit by placing Franco’s forty-year-long rule into international debates on everyday life under non-democratic regimes. This is achieved by exploring the heterogeneous and dynamic attitudes and strategies employed by Spaniards to cope with hunger and scarcity during the post-war period. The article draws on a range of sources from international, national and local archives, as well as several life-history interviews. These provide a deeper insight into individual experience and behaviour, which is at the heart of Alltagsgeschichte. By focusing on everyday life experiences and the potential of concepts like Eigen-Sinn, this article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the way in which ordinary people negotiated power in their daily lives.

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Barrera López, Begoña. "Falangist women at Franco’s Universities." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 20 (November 24, 2021): 436–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2022.6466.

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This paper analyses the Women's Section of the Sindicato Español Universitario (Spanish University Union SEU) during Franco's regime. Led by an elitist group of falangist women from the Sección Femenina (Women's Section) of the FET-JONS, and under the male SEU as well, the activity of this group of SEU falangist women has been barely studied until now However, the Sección Femenina of the Sindicato Español Universitario (SF-SEU) was a space of power, sensitive both to the agitated life of Franco's universities, to the development of a political falangist culture and, also, to the transformations of the Sección Femenina. Thus, it must be analysed in order to shed light on issues regarding gender and class identity promoted by Pilar Primo de Rivera's organisation.

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Haidt, Rebecca. "Survival songs: Conchita Piquer’s coplas and Franco’s regime of terror." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 20, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2019): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2019.1609245.

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Pimentel, Irene Flunser. "Comparative analysis of police dictatorships in Portugal and Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no. 3 (January 18, 2023): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-37-54.

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From 1932 onwards, with the arrival of the presidency of the Council of Portugal, António Oliveira Salazar created a new regime of civil dictatorship, which had both similarities and differences with the fascist regime in Italy and the National Socialist regime in Germany. The main similarity of these political regimes was the aggressive activity of the secret state police. In this study, the author will try, in its first part, to make a comparative study between the PVDE (Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado - State Surveillance and Defense Police, 1933-1945) and the political police apparatus of fascist Italy, nationalsocialist Germany and Franco’s dictatorship in Spain during World War II. With the defeat of Fascism and Nazism, two dictatorial regimes remained in the Iberian Peninsula, whose political police were related to each other. In a second part of this article the author compares Portuguese PIDE (Polícia Internacional de Defesa do Estado - Portuguese International Police, 1945-1969) and later DGS (Drirecção-Geral de Segurança - Directorate-General of Security, 1969-1974), on the one hand, and Spanish Seguridad (Dirección-General de Seguridad - Directorate-General for Security), on the other.

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Fernández-Gil, María Jesús. "Anne Frank in the ultra-Catholic Franco period." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 31, no. 3 (September 10, 2019): 420–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.18047.fer.

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Abstract This paper examines Spaniards’ responses to the Americanised construction of Anne Frank and her diary. In addition to analysing the context in which the first translation into Castilian Spanish was published, consideration is given to the transformative moves that the original text and the Broadway and Hollywood rewritings of the diary underwent when they were made available in Spain in the second half of the 1950s. Special attention is paid to the discursive reconfiguration of the mythicised view built around the figure of Anne Frank in the United States and to its challenge and exploitation in the ultra-Catholic years of Franco’s regime. In that sense, one of the major driving forces behind this paper is answering the question of whether or not the reception of this text in Francoist Spain was affected by the fact that its author was an adolescent, a Jew, and a woman.

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Romero de Pablos, Ana. "Atomic Routes and Cultures for a New Narrative on Franco’s Regime." Culture & History Digital Journal 10, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): e005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.005.

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A decision by two Spanish companies to start producing nuclear-based electrical energy was the beginning of a journey that led two Spanish engineers to the United States and Canada in 1957. They wanted to learn about the reactor technology that North American companies were developing, contact specialized consultants to explore possible consultancy services, and search out political, economic, and financial support to make their project viable. The trip’s travel log suggests that the route they set off on was decisive in convincing the dictatorship’s political, industrial, and economic powers of the importance of nuclear energy; this journey had a direct influence on subsequent construction of Spanish nuclear facilities and on the policies designed to manage it. In this article I suggest exploring this journey and its record to reflect on how nuclear energy participated in building a new narrative on the Franco regime, one that showed Spain as a modern, internationally-connected State capable of incorporating the latest atomic technologies.

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Eunhae Lee. "The Europeanism of the Franco’s Regime and European Economic Community(EEC)." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 14, no. 1 (February 2012): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2012.14.1.31.

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Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.

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Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.

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Florensa, Clara. "Struggling for survival: The popularization of Darwinism and the elite’s fight for power in Franco’s Spain (1939–1967)." History of Science 60, no. 3 (August 29, 2022): 348–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00732753221091032.

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In the late 1940s in Spain, a group of young scholars, most of them newly appointed university lecturers, gained control of Arbor, the promotional journal of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC: The Spanish National Research Council), the institution that General Franco had founded after the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) to organize Spanish science. This group constituted the intellectual core of the more reactionary, Catholic traditionalist faction of Franco’s regime, and they coveted greater political power, in competition with other factions of the regime. Lacking the opportunity to launch an overt political campaign within a dictatorship, the group started a fight for the cultural conquest of Spain. In this cultural struggle for hegemony, journals, magazines, cultural associations, publishing houses, newspapers, and cultural centers became their weapons. By analyzing this faction’s views on and activities within the popularization of science, particularly regarding theories of evolution, this article argues that popular discourse on science played a critical role in the cultural struggle both as a “safe” channel in which to forward their claims and as a tool to gather popular attention through topics of general interest. A covert political campaign was conducted through the popularization of science and this, in turn, fueled the construction of a public sphere for science in a dictatorial context. Scientific popularization became a much-appreciated tool to achieve cultural hegemony and, as such, it also became a central element in constructing and legitimating the ideological foundations of Franco’s regime.

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Blat Gimeno, Amparo, and Carme Doménech Pujol. "María Cuyás Ponsá : maestra, profesora de escuela normal, directora de residencia universitaria e inspectora de educación." Al-Basit : Revista de Estudios Albacetenses 65 (December 1, 2020): 171–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.37927/al-basit.65_5.

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The research refers to Maria Cuyàs Ponsa (Barcelona, 1899-1992), teacher at Institución Libre de Enseñanza schools, at the Normal of Lleida, Inspector in Barcelona and Huelva. She translated a Robert Dottrens’s book and published few articles in education magazines. She suffered internal and external exile: sanctioned by Franco’s regime and exiled in Cuba. Until now no approach to Maria Cuyàs has been made and, therefore, this is the first article about her, different types of primary sources (libraries, archives, internet...) and documents (unpublished texts, photographs, legislation...) have been used which, fortunately, are preserved at Instituto de Estudios Albacetenses. This article refers to the research we are carrying out on Maria Cuyàs Ponsa (Barcelona, 1899- 1992), a teacher at the Institución Libre de Enseñanza schools, a professor at the Escuela Normal in Lleida and Inspector in Barcelona and Huelva. She was the translator of a book by the Swiss pedagogue Robert Dottrens and published several articles in education magazines. She suffered internal and external exile: sanctioned by the Franco’s regime and exiled in Cuba. Since nothing has been published about her so far, the use of primary sources extracted directly from specialized archives has been essential, as well as personal documents, most of which are deposited in the Instituto de Estudios Albacetenses.

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Pérez-Moreno, Lucía C., and Patrícia Santos Pedrosa. "Women Architects on the Road to an Egalitarian Profession—The Portuguese and Spanish Cases." Arts 9, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010040.

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The 1970s was a key decade in the path towards democracy in the Iberian Peninsula. Portugal and Spain suffered deep social, cultural and political changes, with Salazar’s and Franco’s Totalitarian Regimes ending in 1974 and 1975 respectively. In both countries, located side-by-side in the Western end of Southern Europe, democracy was finally established, marking a turning point in the liberties of all Iberian citizens, but especially in regard to women’s life and work. As the Editorial of the Special Issue ‘Becoming a Gender Equity Democracy: Women and Architecture Practice in Spain and Portugal’, this text aims to briefly present this panorama to appreciate the particularities of Portugal and Spain in relation with the delay incorporation of women to the architecture profession. It explains the gender stereotypes of Salazar’s and Franco’s Regime in order to understand the discrimination against women that they produced and how it maintained women far from the architecture profession. Therefore, it provides useful data on the incorporation of women into architectural studies in order to understand the feminization of this gendered profession in both countries. This Special Issue aims to create an opportunity for researchers and scholars to present discussions and ongoing research on how democracy affected women that wanted to practice architecture as well as architectural analysis of women architects.

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Angulo, J., J. Guimon, J. Gondra, G. Pérez-Yarza, and A. Ercoreka. "Bilbao’s Republican urologists: Persecuted by Franco’s regime after the Spanish Civil War." European Urology Supplements 16, no. 3 (March 2017): e879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1569-9056(17)30566-3.

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Garrido, Begoña. "Memories of the Spanish Civil War, exile and political repression under Franco: Basque children’s personal testimonies (1936–40)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00123_7.

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The following interviews were conducted during the field work of my doctoral thesis, funded by the University of Reading. Interviews were conducted face to face in the summer of 2019 in Bizkaia. Both interviewees were over 90 years old when interviewed and lived through the state repression suffered under Franco’s regime following their childhood exile. The fear that they endured remained latent. These excerpts are parts of interviews relating to their personal experience of childhood exile in the context of the Spanish Civil War. When the war intensified on the northern front with the bombing of the civilian population (specifically the bombings of Otxandio in July 1936 and Gernika in April 1937), the Basque Government of the Second Spanish Republic organized the so-called ‘expediciones infantiles’ (‘childhood expeditions’) for the evacuation of children. These first-person testimonies show how these children lived their experience of exile as refugees and their subsequent integration into Franco’s Spain, a hostile space for them, as the evacuated children were considered traitors, ‘los hijos de los rojos’ (‘the children of Reds’).

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Espuelas, Sergio. "POLITICAL REGIME AND PUBLIC SOCIAL SPENDING IN SPAIN: A TIME SERIES ANALYSIS (1850-2000)." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 35, no. 3 (December 2017): 355–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610917000192.

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AbstractOver the past century and a half, Spain has had a tumultuous political history. What impact has this had on social policy? Democracy has had a positive effect on both the levels of social spending and its long-term growth trend. With the arrival of democracy in 1931, the transition began from a traditional regime (with low levels of social spending) to a modern regime (with high levels of social spending). Franco’s dictatorship, however, reversed this change in direction, retarding the positive growth in social spending. At the same time, the effect of left-wing parties was statistically significant only in the 1930s (prior to the Keynesian consensus) and in the period of the Bourbon Restoration (when the preferences of low-income groups were systematically ignored).

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Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka, and José Francisco Briones Aparicio. "El franquismo ante el proceso de Burgos." Araucaria, no. 44 (2020): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2020.i44.02.

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Ayerra, Carmen Madorrán. "The Open Window: Women in Spain’s Second Republic and Civil War." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 246–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341386.

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This article intends to be a brief introduction to a sometimes neglected issue of the recent Spanish history: the extraordinary progress the short-lived Second Republic (1931-1936) meant for women. The significant and somewhat revolutionary achievements at a social, legal, and political level were shadowed by the Civil War and the long forty years of the subsequent dictatorship. However, studying and recovering the history of women during the Republican period enables us to better understand to what extent Franco’s regime was a dramatic step backwards also in terms of women’s rights.

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Vialette, Aurélie. "Survival Songs. Conchita Piquer’s Coplas and Franco’s Regime of Terror by Stephanie Sieburth." Revista de Estudios Hispánicos 50, no. 1 (2016): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rvs.2016.0018.

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Bachynska, Y. "ACTIVITIES OF WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS IN SPAIN DURING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF F. FRANCO’S REGIME." Zaporizhzhia Historical Review 6, no. 58 (2022): 398–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/zhv-2022-6-58-41.

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Egido, Ángeles, and Matilde Eiroa. "Redes sociales, historia y memoria digital de la represión de mujeres en el Franquismo." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 27 (November 27, 2017): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2017.3977.

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Resumen: En los últimos años se ha avanzado notablemente en el estudio cuantitativo y especialmente cualitativo de la represión de las mujeres durante el franquismo. Se han publicado numerosos testimonios, investigaciones rigurosas e incluso novelas, películas y documentales, a los que hay que añadir actualmente el entorno digital. En este marco, este trabajo plantea un estudio que confronta el estado de la cuestión en la historiografía con su presencia en las plataformas sociales a fin de comprobar el tratamiento que se le confiere en el contexto de las expresiones digitales de la represión franquista.Palabras clave: Represión de mujeres, represión franquista, historia digital, historia pública digital, redes de relatos.Abstract: In recent years has advanced greatly in qualitative and quantitative studies about women repression during the Franco regime. In addition to the publication of several testimonies, there are rigorous research on the Francoist prisons for women, and novels, films and documentaries. Along with these new scenarios of diffusion, the digital environment currently sets a field where also express and disseminate content of this phenomenon of our most traumatic past. Within this framework, this paper proposes a comparative perspective among the state of arts with the presence of women prosecution in social platforms in order to verify the treatment conferred in the context of digital expressions of the Francoist repression.Key words: women repression, Franco’s repression, digital history, digital public history, network stories.

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Sánchez-Camacho, Jesús. "The Defense of Religious Freedom in the Catholic Magazine Vida Nueva during a Catholic Confessional Dictatorship." Religions 13, no. 7 (July 4, 2022): 615. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13070615.

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After the Second Vatican Council ended in 1965, and during a National Catholic dictatorship in Spain, the religious magazine Vida Nueva tried to support the principles of religious freedom promoted by the conciliar assembly. This study focuses on the promotion of liberties during a regime in which political power was not separated from religious power. The study conducts a quantitative and qualitative content analysis to explore the editorials published by the Vida Nueva weekly between 1968 and 1975. The results show the impact of the Second Vatican Council on the editorial approach of a journal constrained by Franco’s Regime. I show that the weekly reflected the thinking of a significant number of Spanish Catholic readers; it was deeply democratic and promoted the freedom of religion, press, political thought, and association. Consequently, Vida Nueva opposed the repression of the Regime and aimed for a separation of powers between Church and State, mainly so that the Church could preach and promote its social thought in public life.

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Orsini, Giacomo, Andrew Canessa, and Luis G. Martínez del Campo. "The Strategic Mobilisation of the Border in Gibraltar: The Postcolonial (Re)Production of Privilege and Exclusion." Cromohs - Cyber Review of Modern Historiography 23 (March 24, 2021): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/cromohs-12503.

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The border separating/unifying Gibraltar with Spain is reproduced in public discourse as a threat and an obstacle to the normalisation of political life in the small enclave. Yet, an in-depth socio-historical analysis of local cross-border relations over the 20th century, shows how the Gibraltarian national identity and local government originate from the border rather than in opposition to it. The fencing of the frontier imposed by the Franco’s regime between 1969-1985 allows the discursive (re)production of a Gibraltarian identity distinct from that of the Spanish neighbours - and, in part, from that of the English colonisers.

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Tabernero, Carlos, Isabel Jiménez-Lucena, and Jorge Molero-Mesa. "Colonial scientific-medical documentary films and the legitimization of an ideal state in post-war Spain." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 24, no. 2 (December 8, 2016): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702016005000025.

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Abstract This paper explores the role of film and medical-health practices and discourses in the building and legitimating strategies of Franco’s fascist regime in Spain. The analysis of five medical-colonial documentary films produced during the 1940s explores the relationship between mass media communication practices and techno-scientific knowledge production, circulation and management processes. These films portray a non-problematic colonial space where social order is articulated through scientific-medical practices and discourses that match the regime’s need to consolidate and legitimize itself while asserting the inclusion-exclusion dynamics involved in the definition of social prototypes through processes of medicalization.

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Herran, Néstor, and Xavier Roqué. "An Autarkic Science: Physics, Culture, and Power in Franco’s Spain." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 43, no. 2 (November 2012): 202–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2013.43.2.202.

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We discuss the rise of modern physics in Spain during Francoism (1939–1975) within the context of culture, power, and the ongoing historical assessment of science during the dictatorship. Contrary to the idea that Francoist policy was indifferent if not hostile to modern science, and that ideology did not go deeper than the rhetorical surface, we discuss the ways in which the physical sciences took advantage of, and in turn were used by, the regime to promote international relations, further the autarkic economy, and ultimately generate power. In order to understand what physics meant within the National Catholic political order, we contrast the situation in the post–Civil War decades with the situation before the war. First we discuss how the war transformed the physicists’ community, molding it around certain key fields. We then turn to the work of right-wing ideologues and conservative scientists and philosophers, who stressed the spiritual dimension of the discipline and argued for the integration of science into the Christian scheme of the world. The cultural realignment of the discipline coincided with the institutional changes that harnessed physics to the military and economic needs of the autarkic state, which we discuss in the final section. To conclude, we reflect upon the demise of autarkic physics in the late 1960s and the overall implications of our argument with regard to the development of physics in Spain.

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Good, Kate. "Survival Songs: Conchita Piquer’s Coplas and Franco’s Regime of Terror by Stephanie Anne Sieburth." Hispanófila 176, no. 1 (2016): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsf.2016.0021.

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Gómez-Castellano, Irene. "Survival Songs. Conchita Piquer’s Coplas and Franco’s Regime of Terror." Letras Femeninas 42, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/letrfeme.42.2.0165.

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Prados Martín, Marcos. "Modernisation during Franco’s regime: urban planning, traffic, and social discontent in Madrid (1957-1973)." Culture & History Digital Journal 12, no. 1 (May 11, 2023): e014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2023.014.

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This paper focuses on the demolition of boulevards and the construction of flyovers in Madrid. These two engineering works are part of a concept of modernization based on private transport that was promoted during the 1960’s which resulted in a serious urban crisis. The concept of the “urban” is seen as a global phenomenon embedded in wider historical processes that went beyond the Spanish national background: this transformation was a result of the solutions given by traffic engineering and urban planning. These two branches of international knowledge shared a same tendency to prioritize driver’s interests at the expense of pedestrians, who were pushed out of the streets. Moreover, the reliance on private transport failed to organize communications between the center and the outskirts of Madrid, regarded as a metropolitan area. The local authorities used propaganda to legitimize its idea of modernization. However, a wave of discomfort spread across the citizens and was channeled into open criticism of the flyovers. This unease can be linked to a general rejection of the practical applications of post-World War II urban planning.

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Valentová, Kateřina, and Marc Macià Farré. "Giving a Voice to the Silenced Women of Francoist Spain." AUC STUDIA TERRITORIALIA 23, no. 1 (November 7, 2023): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363231.2023.8.

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During the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship that followed, women were shielded from the public eye. Their predetermined social role was that of submissive and devoted wives to their husbands as well as homemakers and childcare providers. There are few artistic works that suggest otherwise. However, during the Civil War and after, many women were in fact politically active. They occupied important positions in the resistance and were present along with the men in the trenches. Spanish graphic novels have managed to create many works of fiction based on the Civil War, mainly drawing on (auto)biographical accounts. There are so many significant works dealing with the war and Francoist repression that they represent a genre of their own. Nevertheless, the authors of these works, as well as their main protagonists, are usually men. This is true despite the fact that after the war, during the four decades of the Franco dictatorship, many women suffered from political persecution. The aim of this article is to analyze the role of women outside the domestic space as it appears in selected graphic narratives set in the period of Franco’s regime. Given the extent of the regime’s repression, these works are frequently set in the prisons around Spain where female prisoners were incarcerated and tortured. The narratives we analyze are based on real testimonies from real victims. Their individual experiences are joined together in a collective whose voice has long been silenced until recently.

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Valencia-García, Louie Dean. "Pluralism at the Twilight of Franco’s Spain: Antifascist and Intersectional Practice." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010001.

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Abstract Since the late 1980s, the term ‘intersectionality’ has been used as a way to describe ways in which socially constructed categories must be considered in conjunction to better understand everyday oppression. This article presents a broad understanding of pluralism as antifascist practice, whilst studying antifascist publications in Spain during the 1970s, considering intersectional analysis and methodology. Many of the producers of these publications saw themselves as explicitly antifascist or at the very least part of a countercultural movement which challenged social norms promoted under the late fascist regime. By looking at these antifascist movements, using intersectional approaches, we can better understand how fascism itself functions and how it can be disentangled – as scholarship on fascism has largely ignored how intersectional analytical approaches might give us new insights into fascism.

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R. Echegaray, Carlos Sambricio. "Política de vivienda en el primer franquismo: 1936-1949." TEMPORÁNEA. Revista de Historia de la Arquitectura, no. 1 (2020): 59–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/temporanea.2020.01.03.

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Eiroa San Francisco, Matilde. "Primary sources for a digital-born history: the Hispanic blogosphere on the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s regime." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 2 (January 17, 2019): 016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.016.

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The digital environment has enabled the creation of new genres and formats that give birth to an array of digital-born sources at the disposal of historians. The traditional digitised sources that refer us to conventional archives are now joined by a series of on-line resources with valuable information on the history and culture of today’s world, which should not be ignored by the historiography focused on studying the recent past as well as historiography aiming to analyse the dialogues between past and present. In this document, we have chosen one of those sources, blogs, and we propose methodological guidelines for their analysis. Moreover, a specific analysis is proposed on blogs related to the history and memory of the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s regime.

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Muxí, Zaida, and Daniela Arias Laurino. "Filling History, Consolidating the Origins. The First Female Architects of the Barcelona School of Architecture (1964–1975)." Arts 9, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010029.

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After Francisco Franco’s death, the process of democratisation of public institutions was a key factor in the evolution of the architectural profession in Spain. The approval of the creation of neighbourhood associations, the first municipal governments, and the modernisation of Spanish universities are some examples of this. Moreover, feminist and environmental activism from some parts of Spanish society was relevant for socio-political change that affected women in particular. The last decade of Franco’s Regime coincided with the first generation of women that graduated from the Barcelona School of Architecture (ETSAB). From 1964 to 1975, 73 female students graduated as architects—the first one was Margarita Brender Rubira (1919–2000) who validated her degree obtained in Romania in 1962. Some of these women became pioneers in different fields of the architectural profession, such as Roser Amador in architectural design, Alrun Jimeno in building technologies, Anna Bofill in urban design and planning, Rosa Barba in landscape architecture or Pascuala Campos in architectural design, and teaching with gender perspective. This article presents the contributions of these women to the architecture profession in relation to these socio-political advances. It also seeks—through the life stories, personal experiences, and personal visions on professional practice—to highlight those ‘other stories’ that have been left out of the hegemonic historiography of Spanish architecture.

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Opioła, Wojciech. "Polish discourses concerning the Spanish Civil War. Analysis of the Polish press 1936-2015." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.2(19).4.

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The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, as an ideologised and mythologised event, has been and is still used instrumentally within the Polish public discourse. The war was an important subject for the Polish press in the years 1936–1939. The Catholic, national-democratic, and conservative press supported General Franco’s rebellion. The governmental and pro-government press also supported the rebels. The Christian-democratic and peasants’ party press remained neutral. The social democratic, communist, and radical press backed the Spanish Republic — as did liberal-conservative organs such as Wiadomości Literackie. After the Second World War, the Polish communist media created the positive legend of Polish participants in the Spanish Civil War in the International Brigades, labelling Franco’s post-war regime fascist. In contemporary Poland, the same division within the Polish political scene as in 1936–1939 can be observed. Starting in 1990, the Spanish Civil War, as a subject of the Polish political discourse, has been the source of heated disputes, whose participants often present more radical views and narratives. The key issues that entered the canon of Polish political disputes after 1989 the International Brigades of volunteers, religious crimes, the support of fascists and communists for opposite sides of the conflict, are concentrated along the lines of the dispute arising from the debate within pre-war Poland: the clash of the traditional, Catholic world with the communist revolution.

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Bandín Fuertes, Elena. "Performing Shakespeare in a Conflicting Cultural Context: Othello in Francoist Spain." Sederi, no. 21 (2011): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2011.6.

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The present article reviews the stage history of Othello in Spain and, in particular, it focuses on two performances of the play staged at the Español theatre during Franco’s dictatorship, in 1944 and 1971 respectively. Othello was one of the Shakespearean plays programmed by the regime to give cultural prestige to the “national” theatre. By comparing both productions, this paper explores how the performance of Othello evolved during the dictatorship. Furthermore, it shows how the repressive force of state censorship was exerted to promote certain theatrical conventions and to prevent theatre directors and translators from offering new readings and updatings of the plays, in the case of Othello, for almost thirty years.

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Gutiérrez Lozano, Juan Francisco. "Spain Was Not Living a Celebration." Europe on and Behind the Screens 1, no. 2 (November 29, 2012): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc014.

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Franco’s Dictatorship (1939-1975) used Spanish Television (TVE) as a key element in the political propaganda of its apparent ‘openness’ during the 1960s. The propaganda co-existed with political interest in showing the technological development of the media and the international co-operation established with other European broadcasters, mainly in the EBU. In a country ruled by strong political censorship, the Eurovision Song Contest was used as a political tool to show the most amiable image of the non-democratic regime. Spain’s only two Eurovision wins (1968 and 1969) are still, 50 years on, two of the building blocks of the history of TVE and of televised entertainment and popular memory in Spain.

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Vadillo, Carlos. ""Ava en la noche", de Manuel Vicent: formación artística y concienciación política bajo la noche franquista." Philologica Canariensia, no. 30 (2024) (June 22, 2024): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20420/phil.can.2024.690.

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In "Ava en la noche" (2020), Manuel Vicent narrates the learning process of a young aspiring screenwriter and film director who, in the early sixties, shapes his conscience as he experiences Franco’s repression and perceives a demanding society of change. The objectives of this paper are to explore the novel from the theoretical perspective of the Künstlerroman (or “artist’s novel”), and to apply certain initiatory categories of the hero outlined by mythical studies. The analysis of these elements makes visible the vital and aesthetic phases that lead the protagonist to existential maturity, to his historicity and to the commitment of his filmic art in correlation with the questioning of the dictatorial regime.

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Molina Poveda, María Dolores. "El NO-DO como medio de construcción de la identidad femenina." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 12 (May 27, 2020): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.12.2020.26071.

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Franco’s regime undertook a reversion to certain conservative ideas relating to femininity in an effort to return women to the private sphere. These principles were transmitted by various organizations and institutions such as the Sección Femenina, Auxilio Social and educational centres. However, the regime used other means to spread its doctrine as well. NO-DO (NOticiarios-DOcumentales, News Program – Documentaries) was one of the most emblematic since it allowed the entire population, regardless of social class, sex or literacy level, to capture its message. In this study, we have used NO-DO as the main source for discovering how the regime transmitted its principles about femininity and what these principles were. We have reviewed news, documentaries and reports ―included in different sections: News, Black and White and Colour documentaries, Sport Image Magazine and Images― where references to women's education were made. Training women for housework and childcare, for being submissive and dutiful wives and good Christians; this was the identity that NO-DO conveyed about the woman’s role. NO-DO displayed another identity as well: that of women working for the Sección Femenina training girls, youth and adults in the national syndicalist and Catholic doctrine.

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León, Pablo Sánchez. "Past Jihads, Citizenship and Regimes of Memory in Modern Spain." European Review 24, no. 4 (September 15, 2016): 535–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798716000077.

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The involvement of Western citizens in jihadist activities bears important epistemological consequences: presented as a clash of civilizations, Islamic terrorism brings to the fore the issue of civil war. This article, after underlining that both terrorism and holy wars have a long pedigree in Western history, traces the interplay of religious and political tropes and semantics in the origin of terrorism, in the West in general and in Spain in particular. Highlighting the overlap of traditional faithful/unfaithful cleavages into modern friend/enemy political dichotomies, it summarizes the history of modern Spain as a sequence of civil wars in which political and meta-political discourses and practices of exclusion evolved towards extermination solutions in the twentieth century. This account allows for a reflection on the crisis of the regime of memory established after Franco’s dictatorship in Spain.

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Pérez, Oscar A. "Un plaguicida en el franquismo: comunicación de riesgos tóxicos en España, 1945-1975." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 29, no. 2 (June 2022): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702022000200007.

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Resumen En este trabajo se analizan las representaciones de los riesgos tóxicos del hexaclorociclohexano, un ingrediente activo de plaguicidas de uso común en los campos españoles durante el franquismo. Se hace énfasis en las prácticas que visibilizaron e invisibilizaron dichos riesgos en España entre 1945 y 1975, buscando establecer los actores que las fomentaron y los medios que emplearon. Desde la perspectiva de la agnotología, se analizan los procesos de creación de ignorancia e incertidumbre relacionadas con este compuesto. Asimismo, se examinan las estrategias retóricas utilizadas para abordarlos. Para ello se utilizan tres fuentes primarias principales: la revista de agronomía dirigida a expertos Boletín de patología vegetal y entomología agrícola, la revista dirigida a agricultores Agricultura y el periódico ABC.

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Vilches, Gerardo. "Satirical Panels against Censorship." European Comic Art 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2018.110203.

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In mid-1970s Spain, many new satirical magazines featured a strong political stance opposing Francisco Franco’s regime and in favour of democracy. Magazines with a significant amount of comics-based content constituted a space for political and social critics, as humour allowed them to go further than other media. However, legal authorities tried to censor and punish them. This article analyses the relationship between the Spanish satirical press and censorship and focuses on the difficulties their publishers and authors encountered in expressing their criticism of the country’s social changes. Various cartoonists have been interviewed, and archival research carried out. In-depth analysis of the magazines’ contents is used to gain an overview of a political and social period in recent Spanish history, in which the satirical press uniquely tackled several issues.

Journal articles on the topic 'Franco’s regime'

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