Books: 'Franco’s regime'

1

Payne, Stanley G. The Franco regime, 1936-1975. London: Phoenix Press, 2000.

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2

Payne, Stanley G. The Franco regime, 1936-1975. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987.

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3

Camprubí, Lino. Engineers and the making of the Francoist regime. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 2014.

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4

Badaloni, Piero. Una memoria squilibrata: I desaparecidos e i niños robados : le vittime innocenti del regime franchista. [Rome, Italy]: Editori internazionali riuniti, 2012.

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5

Badaloni, Piero. In nome di Dio e della patria: I bambini rubati dal regime franchista. Roma: Castelvecchi Rx, 2013.

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6

Hardman, John. Overture to revolution: The 1787 Assembly of Notables and the crisis of France's old regime. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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7

Wigg, Richard. Churchill and Spain: The survival of the Franco regime, 1940-45. New York: Routledge, 2005.

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8

Wigg, Richard. Churchill and Spain: The survival of the Franco regime, 1940-1945. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2008.

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9

Miletti, Marco Nicola. Tra equità e dottrina: Il Sacro regio consiglio e le "Decisiones" di V. de Franchis. Napoli: Jovene, 1995.

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10

Pelletier, Georges. Francais 4: Cahier d'activites - 1re partie. Montréal, Qué: Lidec, 1987.

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11

Pelletier, Georges. Francais 4: Carnet SOS pour l'orthographe. Montréal, Qué: Lidec, 1987.

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12

Pelletier, Georges. Francais 4: Cahier d'activites - 2e partie. Montréal, Qué: Lidec, 1988.

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13

Pelletier, Georges. Francais 4: Recueil de textes - 1re partie. Montréal, Qué: Lidec, 1987.

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14

Pelletier, Georges. Francais 4: Recueil de textes - 2e partie. Montréal, Qué: Lidec, 1988.

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15

Presotto, Marco. El teatro clásico español en el cine. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-330-4.

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This book aims to deepen the relationship between classical Spanish theater and cinema through the analysis of a corpus which has been only partially studied and recently rescued by critics. The chapters first deal with theoretical questions about the cinematographic adaptation of a dramatic text, followed by specific studies of significant periods in the political and cultural history of Spain in the 20th century, such as the artistic production of exile and that of the Franco regime, also taking into account the creative contribution of the most recent films based on the theme and their impact on contemporary society.

16

Moine, Jean-Marie. Dictionnaire du patois: Français-patois. Porrentrury: Société jurassienne d'Émulation, 2007.

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17

Charles, Allen. Duel in the snows: The true story of the Younghusband mission to Lhasa. London: John Murray, 2004.

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18

Böhme, Albert. Wenn doch dies Elend ein Ende hätte: Ein Briefwechsel aus dem Deutsch-Französischen Krieg 1870/71. Köln: Böhlau, 1999.

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19

Niemann, Wilfrid. History of the 2nd Hanseatic Infantry Regiment, no. 76. Toronto: Iser Publications, 2001.

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20

Biggeri, Mario, Ambra Collino, and Lorenzo Murgia, eds. Processi industriali e parti sociali. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6655-608-4.

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Questa pubblicazione è il frutto di un progetto, denominato “Le imprese Toscane in Cina e nella Provincia del Jiangsu: un possibile dialogo di cooperazione tra i sindacati” cofinanziato dalla Regione sui “PIR approfondimenti tematici del 2011”. L’obiettivo di questa ricerca è quello di aprire uno squarcio meno superficiale sulle aziende italiane in Cina e principalmente nella Provincia del Jiangsu, consolidando e qualificando il rapporto ultradecennale tra la CGIL Toscana e il sindacato del JFTU ( Jiangsu Federation of Trade Unions). L’attenzione della Toscana sulla Cina non è infatti determinata solamente dalla presenza di una grande e operosa comunità nell’area pratese e fiorentina ma anche dai consistenti interessi economici delle Imprese Toscane che hanno deciso di mettere radici, attraverso imprese e business, nel Paese che è ormai diventato il punto di riferimento dell’economia mondiale di questi ultimi 15 anni. Basti pensare alla Piaggio di Pontedera ed alle collaborazioni delle Università Toscane, (in particolare Firenze e Pisa), con le Università e Centri di ricerca della Cina e all’attenzione che le Associazioni Imprenditoriali, (Confindustria, CNA ecc.) e Toscana Promozione le stanno dedicando. Come viene ricordato dal dott. Franco Bortolotti, l’Istituto di Ricerche della Cgil Toscana(IRES), in collaborazione con la Provincia di Prato, ha avviato ricerche di carattere socioeconomico mirate a conoscere l’evoluzione e le trasformazioni che stanno avvenendo nel distretto del tessile toscano.

21

Sherman, Francis Trowbridge. Quest for a star: The Civil War letters and diaries of Colonel Francis T. Sherman of the 88th Illinois. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999.

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22

Riddington, Max. Frances: The remarkable story of Princess Diana's mother. London: Michael O'Mara, 2003.

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23

Brydan, David. Franco's Internationalists. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834595.001.0001.

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This book tells the story of the experts who sold the idea of Franco’s ‘social state’. Despite the repression, violence, and social hardship which characterized Spanish life in the 1940s and 1950s, the Franco regime sought to win popular support by promoting its apparent commitment to social justice. This book reveals the vital role which the idea of the social state also played in the regime’s ongoing search for international legitimacy. It shows how social experts, particularly those working in the fields of public health, medicine, and social insurance, were at the forefront of efforts to promote the regime to the outside world. By working with international organizations and transnational networks across Europe, Africa, and Latin America, they sought to sell the idea of Franco’s Spain as a respectable, modern, and socially just state. In doing so the book also seeks to disrupt our understanding of the modern history of internationalism. Exploring what it meant for Francoist experts to think and act internationally, it challenges dominant accounts of internationalism as a liberal, progressive movement by foregrounding the history of fascist, nationalist, imperialist, and religious forms of international cooperation. The case of Spain reveals the contested and heterogenous nature of mid-twentieth-century internationalism, characterized by the tumultuous interplay of overlapping global, regional, and imperial projects. It also brings into focus the overlooked continuities between international structures and projects before and after 1945.

24

Reguero Sanz, Itziar, Jacobo Herrero Izquierdo, Patricia Zamora Martínez, Itziar Reguero Sanz, Enrico Giordano, Antonio César Moreno Cantano, Rubén Soto Sánchez, et al. Comunicación e historia olvidada: una mirada transversal desde la contemporaneidad. Edited by Jacobo Herrero Izquierdo and Patricia Zamora Martínez. Editorial Universidad de Cantabria, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22429/euc2022.017.

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The influence of the past on the present and the need to revise and update it are concerns that transcend the professional field of historians. The Restoration, the Civil War, Franco’s regime, the Transition, etc. The revision of such complex periods always entails the risk of forgetting part of the story. The importance of having mature, plural reflections from different perspectives is a requirement when it comes to understanding what happened in one or more specific periods. Communication and forgotten history: a cross-sectional view from contemporaneity is the title of this book in which we find approaches signed by researchers from different areas and with sensitive differences in their interpretation of the period they are studying. Its chapters unearth that «forgotten» history that acquires a special dimension in the media. Journalism, public opinion, politics, identity, ideology, terms such as these come together in a work that aims to offer a pleasant reading, but in accordance with the criteria of rigor and professionalism that the mission of connecting yesterday with contemporary views implies.

25

G, Payne Stanley. The Franco Regime, 1936-1975. University of Wisconsin Press, 2011.

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26

Camprubí, Lino. Engineers and the Making of the Francoist Regime. The MIT Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262027175.001.0001.

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27

Camprubi, Lino. Engineers and the Making of the Francoist Regime. MIT Press, 2014.

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28

Sieburth, Stephanie. Survival Songs: Conchita Piquer's 'Coplas' and Franco's Regime of Terror. University of Toronto Press, 2018.

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29

Sieburth, Stephanie. Survival Songs: Conchita Piquer's Coplas and Franco's Regime of Terror. University of Toronto Press, 2014.

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30

Guirao, Fernando. The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950-1975. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861232.001.0001.

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This book explores how the governments of the founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community, acting collectively via the European Communities, assisted in the consolidation of the Franco regime. The Six (the Nine after 1973) provided the Spanish economy with a stable supply of raw materials and capital goods and with outlet markets for Spain’s main export commodities. Through both mechanisms, the European Communities assisted Spain’s development and supported the stabilization of its non-democratic régime. From 1950 to the mid-1960s, the Six avoided every sign of discrimination against Spain. By the mid-1960s, they became conscious of the need to promote Spanish exports in order to expand their own exports on the Spanish market. By 1970, Madrid obtained an arrangement with the EEC that, free of any political conditionality, provided ample access to the Common Market while keeping the Spanish market essentially closed. After 1972, the Nine negotiated Franco Spain’s integration into a pan-European industrial free-trade area, in exchange for access to the Spanish market. It was the Spanish cabinet, at the last minute, for protection reasons, who decided to derail the offer. The Franco regime was never threatened by European integration and the Six/Nine managed to isolate negotiations with Spain from mounting political disturbance. In sum, without unremitting material assistance from Western Europe, it would have been considerably more challenging for the Franco regime to attain the stability that enabled the dictator to maintain his rule until dying peacefully at 82 years old.

31

Muilekom, Jan van. Franco Regime and Its Historiography: Spanish Historians Confronting Propaganda and Censorship. Sussex Academic Press, 2022.

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32

Molinero, Carme. La Captacion De Las Masas / the Winning of the Masses: Politica Social Y Propaganda En El Regimen Franquista / Social Politics and Propaganda in the Francoist Regime. Catedra, 2005.

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33

Semelin, Jacques. The Survival of the Jews in France, 1940-44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190939298.001.0001.

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Between the French defeat in 1940 and liberation in 1944, the Nazis killed almost 80,000 of France's Jews, both French and foreign. Since that time, this tragedy has been well-documented. But there are other stories hidden within it--ones neglected by historians. In fact, 75% of France’s Jews escaped the extermination, while 45% of the Jews of Belgium perished, and in the Netherlands only 20% survived. The Nazis were determined to destroy the Jews across Europe, and the Vichy regime collaborated in their deportation from France. So what is the meaning of this French exception? Jacques Semelin sheds light on this 'French enigma', painting a radically unfamiliar view of occupied France. His is a rich, even-handed portrait of a complex and changing society, one where helping and informing on one's neighbors went hand in hand; and where small gestures of solidarity sat comfortably with anti-Semitism. Without shying away from the horror of the Holocaust's crimes, this seminal work adds a fresh perspective to our history of the Second World War

34

Lewis, Paul H. Latin Fascist Elites. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400677014.

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Many dictatorships are short-lived, but a few manage to stay in power for decades. Lewis takes three Latin fascist tyrants—Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar—and shows how they perpetuated their rule through the careful recruitment and circulation of top-echelon subordinates to carry out their orders. Long-established dictatorships have to respond to political and social pressures surrounding them, just as democracies do, but it is harder to study them because they are closed systems. One possible way of viewing their internal processes is by observing who they recruit into top leadership positions. Every dictator, however powerful, must delegate some authortiy to an elite stratum just below him. By watching which kinds of men are recruited, how long they are kept in power, and whether different skills are sought at different times, it may be possible to chart the evolution of a 20- or 30-year regime. The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar regimes all fit the criteria of being long-established. Mussolini ruled for almost 21 years, Franco for over 37, and Salazar for 36. Moreover, all three shared a family resemblance as being fascist. Comparing them affords the additional advantage of adding to our understanding of the Latin variant of fascism, as contrasted to the Central and Eastern European. A provocative work for scholars, students, and other researchers involved with European Politics, Modern European History, and fascist regimes.

35

Chevalier, Clément, and Neil Kent. Bulwark of the Old Regime: France's Royal Swedish Regiment in the French and American Revolutions. Academica Press, 2022.

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36

Lasús, Carlos Domper. Dictatorship and the Electoral Vote: Francoism and the Portuguese New State Regime in Comparative Perspective, 19451975. Sussex Academic Press, 2020.

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37

Lasús, Carlos Domper. Dictatorship and the Electoral Vote: Francoism and the Portuguese New State Regime in Comparative Perspective, 1945-1975. Sussex Academic Press, 2019.

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38

Winter, Stefan. Not Yet Nationals. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691167787.003.0007.

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This chapter documents the ʻAlawis' ambivalent relationship with the Syrian Arab, Ottoman/Turkish, and French colonial projects at the threshold of the contemporary era. The first section considers the educational policies of the Abdülhamid regime toward the ʻAlawis, which generated what was probably the most extensive documentation ever in their regard. The second and third sections analyze ongoing control and development measures in the region under both Abdülhamid and the CUP government (1908–14), and show how the ʻAlawis capitalized on the opportunities provided by modern schooling and increasing contact with the outside world to promote a distinctly local, ʻAlawi “reformism.” The final section discusses the contrast between France's separatist, confessionalist policies and Turkey's resolve to incorporate and assimilate the ʻAlawis of Cilicia and the Alexandretta (Hatay) district.

39

Anderson, Peter. The Age of Mass Child Removal in Spain. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192844576.001.0001.

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This book analyses the ideas and practices that underpinned the age of mass child removal. This era emerged from growing criticisms across the world of ‘dangerous’ parents and the developing belief in the nineteenth century that the state could provide superior guardianship to ‘unfit’ parents. In the late nineteenth century, the juvenile court movement led the way in forging a new and more efficient system of child removal that severely curtailed the previously highly protected sovereignty of guardians deemed dangerous. This transnational movement rapidly established courts across the world and used them to train the personnel and create the systems that frequently lay behind mass child removal. Spaniards formed a significant part of this transnational movement and the country’s juvenile courts became involved in the three main areas of removal that characterize the age: the taking of children from poor families, from families displaced by war, and from political opponents. The study of Spanish case files reveals much about how the removal process worked in practice across time and across democratic regimes and dictatorships. It also affords an insight into the rich array of child-removal practices that lay between the poles of coercion and victimhood. Accordingly, the book further offers a history of some of most marginalized parents and children and recaptures their voice, agency, and experience. It also analyses the removal of tens of thousands of children from General Franco’s political opponents, sometimes referred to as the lost children of Francoism, through the history and practice of the juvenile courts.

40

Fulcher, Jane F. Poulenc’s Metamorphosis: His journey toward Resistance and a stylistic counterdiscourse. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190681500.003.0006.

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Francis Poulenc, like Honegger, worked principally in the occupied zone throughout the war, but he presents a revealing contrast with the former, for his path led away from accommodation with Vichy. As he became aware of its increasing collaboration with the Germans he gradually distanced himself from the regime, joined the Resistance, and sought hermeneutically, or through style, to express his new position. While initially placing himself advantageously within the shifting French musical field, he ultimately decided rather to seek approval from the musicians and friends he admired who were in the Resistance. Like Schaeffer, his evolution away from the regime, with which at first he shared certain values, was incremental, if occurring earlier for reasons that this chapter examines.

41

Kasier, Thomas E. The Diplomatic Origins of the French Revolution. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.007.

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The diplomatic origins of the French Revolution remain controversial. Just as foreign and military factors imposed heavy burdens on the French budget before 1789, so did constraints on the French budget severely limit the options of French foreign/military policy makers. The contradictions already present in the policies of the foreign minister Vergennes were realized in 1787, and later under his successor Montmorin. The price of Montmorin’s peace was not only a further decline in France’s prestige abroad, but also a sense of imminent vulnerability to foreign invasion at a time when it was believed that the French government was being subverted from within by unfriendly foreign powers, and that the most immediate problem of the Old Regime—state bankruptcy—was a product of that subversion. Only by examining the interface between foreign and domestic developments can the diplomatic origins of the French Revolution can be fully appreciated.

42

Tchouteu, Janvier. Two Paths of Democratization - Cameroon and Ghana: How France's Political Mafia and the Regime of Cameroon's Paul Biya Created the World's Most Notorious Election Rigging Machinery. Independently Published, 2018.

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43

Alpaugh, Micah. A Personal Revolution. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.011.

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The politics of 1789 cannot be understood without considering the psychology and group dynamics of France’s national legislators. Facing an unexpectedly large power vacuum at Versailles as the Estates-General commenced, Third Estate-led legislators would increasingly assert their own sovereignty and expand an agenda initially centred on financial reform into a thorough revolution of French politics and culture. Operating in dialogue with broader sets of revolutionary actors, both stimulating and reacting to outside changes, legislators forged a new rights-based order which virtually all agreed to support by late 1789. This process inspired a ‘personal revolution’ for many deputies: men who were previously pillars of Old Regime society broke with prior societal and emotional constraints to create the most radical revolution yet seen. Understanding the first National Assembly requires comprehending the backgrounds and experiences of its 1200 members, and the stresses of the complex political and social processes which drove such events forward.

44

Carrol, Alison. Remaking French Alsace. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803911.003.0003.

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The end of the First World War triggered the return of Alsace to France, and celebrations in Paris and Alsace marked the region’s ‘homecoming’. Yet return proved trickier than expected, as voices inside and outside the region grappled with the question of how to undo almost fifty years of German rule, and how to make the region French again. These problems proved particularly acute in the areas of citizenship, administration, and laws, which raised the questions of who and what are French? This chapter traces the debates over these areas of life. It suggests that discussions were characterized by mutual misunderstandings and misperceptions, with opinion divided at both the centre and periphery and shaped by forces inside and outside France’s national borders. The result was a multi-cornered struggle, and this chapter suggests that integration must be understood as an ongoing and contested process.

45

Carey, Henry Frank. Reaping What You Sow. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216005742.

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This book evaluates the experience of official torture of France in Algeria, as well as recently, the United States since 9/11, Israel against Palestinians, and Argentina during its "Dirty War" from 1972 to 1983. While evaluating what information was gained from torture, the book also shows the costs of undertaking this approach to interrogating suspected terrorists. Reaping What You Sow: A Comparative Examination of Torture in France, Argentina, Israel, and the United States presents a new angle in the study of this controversial practice by studying how these countries attempt to account for these secret practices and reform future interrogations against this universal crime. It also analyzes the costs of torture, whether in terms of intelligence gaffes or alienating potential supporters and enemies alike, creating strategic dilemmas in the war on terrorism. Adopting a comparative approach, the book studies questions like: What is the harm (or benefit) to the state once the torture becomes known? What are the political and strategic ramifications? Does torture help win wars? Can the use of torture bring about any lasting or beneficial reforms? These are daring questions seldom pondered. In asking them, this book will help to foster a discussion that is long overdue. The author concludes that ex-authoritarian regimes like Argentina's junta and France's colony in Algeria have reduced torture more than democracies. These authoritarian regimes collapsed, and new democratic regimes ultimately discredited their predecessors' torture. Despite many zigzags in amnesty, Argentina was more scandalized by torture of its citizens and improved more than France because the latter's subsequent, Fifth Republic regime was more similar to the Fourth, protecting many torturers with a permanent amnesty. Continuous democracies like the United States and Israel have only reduced their worst torture, while "torture lite" continues without accountability. The same elected officials and security agency personnel and prerogatives have largely remained without any legal discipline for their past, secret, criminal practices. The United States and Israel continue to innovate, hide, and resume torture with discretion because the various new, legislative, judicial, and executive checks and balances amount to wishful legal statements. Democracies need permanent accountability mechanisms to assure that security services abolish torture in practice. Otherwise, torture will continue to generate more terrorists without generating information that is consistently reliable.

46

Paxton, Robert O. Comparisons and Definitions. Edited by R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0030.

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Why did fascism succeed in some parts of Europe and not in others? This question places the topic squarely in the domain of comparative history. The development of fascism in Europe after 1919 presents a fruitful terrain for comparison. Every European nation, indeed all economically developed nations with some degree of political democracy, had some kind of fascist movement. At further stages of development, the outcomes were dramatically different. In Italy and Germany, fascist movements became major players and achieved power. In the most solidly established Western European democracies, such as Britain and Scandinavia, fascist movements remained marginal. In some cases, such as France and Belgium, they became conspicuous but could approach power only after foreign conquest. A number of authoritarian regimes, including Franco's Spain, Salazar's Portugal, Antonescu's Romania, Horthy's Hungary, imperial Japan, and Vargas's Brazil, borrowed some trappings from fascism but excluded fascist parties from real power.

47

Fulcher, Jane F. The soft or hard borders of French identity: Honegger’s iconic role and subjectivity during Vichy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190681500.003.0005.

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Arthur Honegger was used symbolically by Vichy and the occupant, but even after the reality of French state collaboration became clear he refused to assume an unequivocal resistance stance. While Schaeffer gradually grew recalcitrant and then entered the Resistance, Honegger, who had been recruited through his friends, was expelled from the Resistance for his hesitation to thwart his use as a Vichy icon. Conveniently for the Vichy regime, his ambiguous cultural identity as a Swiss (German-speaking) national born and living in France, who intermingled German and French traits in his compositions, made him an emblem of Franco-German cultural collaboration. This chapter examines the way in which the French and Germans employed Honegger and his works, above all his opera Antigone, premiered in France in 1943.

48

Calvo Maturana, Antonio, ed. Spanish Laughter: Humor and Its Sense in Modern Spain. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/9781800734999.

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Presenting a cultural and interdisciplinary study of humor in Spain from the eighteenth century to the present day, this book examines how humour entered public life, how it attained a legitimacy to communicate ‘serious’ ideas in the Enlightenment and how this set the seed for the key position that humor occupies in society today. Through a range of case studies that run from Goya’s paintings, humor, and gender representations in radio programmes during the first Franco regime, developmentalist cinema of the sixties and seventies, to the transformation of female humor in social media, the book traces the core role that the comical has played in the public sphere. The contributors to this volume represent a wide range of disciplines including gender studies, humour studies and Hispanic studies and offer international perspectives on Spanish laughter.

49

Carrol, Alison. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803911.003.0001.

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The introduction offers a brief overview of Alsace’s return to France, situates the study within the literature on nations, nationalisms, and borders, and introduces the major arguments and the approach of the book. It outlines the multiple dimensions of the return of Alsace to France (laws, administration, society, politics, economics, culture, and the landscape), and suggests that these discrete aspects of daily life were shaped by the border. Indeed, the remarkable element in the story of Alsace’s return to France, the introduction suggests, is that in spite of the change of national regime and the shifts in Franco–German relations, the border was always a point of contact. This contact was not always positive, but it nonetheless played a crucial role in Alsace’s return to France, and as a result contributed to the formation of the French nation.

50

Murphy, Clifford R., ed. A History of New England Country and Western Music, 1925–1975. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038679.003.0004.

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This chapter explores how various languages pervaded industrial centers, which led to New England undergoing an ethnic transformation from a mostly white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant (WASP) population to a mostly Irish, Franco, Italian, and Roman Catholic one. Emerging technologies such as the phonograph, motion pictures, and radio accelerated the spread into New England of African American jazz, which was heartily embraced by many in a region where blackface minstrelsy was enormously popular. There was a palpable tension throughout the region as newcomers and old Yankees alike struggled to retain traditional customs and languages. During this same period of pandemic crisis, New England was wracked by the stresses of interethnic and political conflict, as represented in the trial of anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti in 1921.

Books on the topic 'Franco’s regime'

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