Academic literature on the topic 'Francesco di Sale'

AbstractIn 1956 Ilaria Toesca published an article in Bolletino d'Arte on a group of 19th-century drawings of North European origin cntitled : 'Alcuni disegni delle gallerie di Venezia. The drawings in question were by the Englishman William Young Ottley and the Dutchmen David Pierre Giottin Humbert de Superville and Hcndrik Voogd. I confine my remarks to the latter, who lived in Rome from 1788 until his death in 1839. The drawings come from the bequest of the Milan art-lover Giuseppe Bossi, with whom Voogd had a good business relationship. Discussing a signed drawing by Voogd, Toesca attributed 21 other drawings to him. The signature on the Venetian sheet is not the only proof of Voogd's authorship. Further evidence is provided by the circumstance that it is a preliminary study for a worked-up wash drawing in Hamburg (Kunsthalle) and also that it was preceded by a sketch in the Amsterdam Historical Museum. The topographical particulars of these three drawings arc discussed here. The attribution of the other 21 drawings is made 'dubitativamente' by Toesca. In my opinion her doubts are justified. Neither stylistically nor technically do they bear a resemblance to the rest of Voogd's oeuvre. The fact that the motifs (landscapes, cattle, studies of trees and plants) do occur in Voogd's work probably led to the attribution. The back of one of the drawings is inscribed 'Londonio'. The sale catalogue of Bossi's bequest (1818) lists both the Voogd drawing and work by Londonio. Francesco Londonio (1723-1783) was a Milan engraver and draughtsman who is chiefly known for his prints. Various print rooms in Europe possess work by him. It appears that the drawings attributed to Voogd are really preliminary studies by Londonio which he used for his oeuvre of prints. Indeed, some of the motifs in a series of etchings in the Rijksprentenkabinet in Amsterdam derive from the Venetian drawings. I therefore conclude that the Gallerie dell'Accademia in Venice own only one (signed) drawing by Hendrik Voogd, purchased by Bossi personally from the artist during his second visit to Rome (1810), and that the name of the true artist - Francesco Londonio - was lost when the sheets were removed from the original collector's albums.

Abstract Recurrent hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC-R) after Liver Transplant (LT) is difficult to manage and often characterized by relevant aggressiveness and extrahepatic localizations. Currently TKIs are the only therapeutic option, but results in term of overall survival (OS) and progression-free survival are disappointing. Immune checkpoint inhibitors in association with recombinant humanized monoclonal antibody to VEGF were to be proved effective in non-LT patients with metastatic hepatocellular carcinoma in determining tumor stabilization and improved survival. However, as in LT patients immunotherapy may increase the risk of acute liver rejection, such combination therapy has not been used so far. We designed a proof-of-concept study to analyze safety and efficacy of Nivolumab and Bevacizumab in LT patients as treatment for HCC-R after LT. Combination therapy received nominal authorization from the Provincial Medicines Commission. Candidate patients underwent routine blood test (hepatic, renal, and cardiac function), echocardiogram and a total body CT as baseline assessment. Patients with creatinine higher than 1.5 ULN or with ejection fraction lower than 45% were excluded. Five patients who experienced HCC-R 2 to 8 years after LT with pulmonary, lymph node, adrenal, bones, and hepatic localization and were either intolerant to TKIs or had had progression on TKIs, were included. All recurrent tumors and extra-hepatic localizations were characterized by high biologic aggressiveness. Patients received Nivolumab infusion every 14 days at a dose of 240 mg. Total body CT scan was performed every 8 weeks. When progression disease (PD) was detected at CT scan, Bevacizumab was added at a dose of 5 mg/kg every 14 days. One patient received a single Nivolumab infusion but was withdrawn because of rapid tumor progression, eventually followed by death. Another patient experienced moderate/severe rejection, which resolved with 1g/day Methylprednisolone e.v. for 3[EV1] days followed by Prednisone 50mg/day for 1 week then tapered and stopped. This patient was maintained on double therapy without residual problems. The 4 alive patients are still on double therapy after a mean period of treatment of 36±21 weeks. Disease stability with the combination of Nivolumab/Bevacizumab has been achieved in all patients at hepatic and all extra-hepatic HCC localization but bone, where 2/2 patients experienced progression. It should be underlined, however, that progression was very slow and mean survival of these two patients on combination therapy is 54±2 weeks. Combination therapy was very well tolerated, with few side effects throughout treatment period. These results indicate that the combination Nivolumab/Bevacizumab can be safely used in liver transplant patients. The risk of acute allograft rejection is minimal and manageable. Bone metastases remain an unsolved issue and need further alternative therapeutic approach. For patients with hepatic or other extra-hepatic localization, this combination obtained a relevant and protracted stabilization of disease. Citation Format: Lorenza Di Marco, Alessandra Pivetti, Nicola De Maria, Francesco Giuseppe Foschi, Dante Romagnoli, Federico Casari, Cristian Caporali, Paolo Magistri, Barbara Catellani, Fabrizio Di Benedetto, Erica Villa. Combination therapy with Nivolumab/Bevacizumab is safe and effective in patients with recurrent hepatocellular carcinoma after liver transplant [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the AACR Special Conference: Advances in the Pathogenesis and Molecular Therapies of Liver Cancer; 2022 May 5-8; Boston, MA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Clin Cancer Res 2022;28(17_Suppl):Abstract nr PO003.

RESUMO: Políticas públicas de formação de professores e incentivo à docência como o Programa Institucional de Bolsas de Iniciação à Docência (PIBID/MEC), que tem como objetivo antecipar o vínculo entre os futuros professores e a sala de aula, fazendo uma articulação entre a educação superior e as escolas estaduais e municipais, não contemplam línguas adicionais como o italiano, o francês e o alemão. Tendo em vista essa lacuna, num esforço de resistência e união, professores do Departamento de Metodologia do Ensino e do Departamento de Língua e Literatura Estrangeira, da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, refletiram sobre a possibilidade de um subprojeto multidisciplinar que apoiasse essas línguas não contempladas no programa. O objetivo principal deste relato é expor como a experiência da interação entre professores universitários dos cursos de italiano, espanhol, inglês e francês; professores de espanhol e inglês da rede pública de educação de Santa Catarina e graduandos dos cursos de italiano, espanhol, inglês e francês têm criado um espaço de res(ex)istência nas discussões sobre o fazer docente e o ensino de língua-cultura na escola (MENDES, 2004; 2008; 2010; 2015). Como essa equipe e essa experiência multidisciplinar podem contribuir no processo de formação de professores em contexto remoto de ensino e como podemos fomentar o diálogo entre as línguas estrangeiras em nossas universidades são algumas questões norteadoras. É objetivo ainda apresentar o desenvolvimento do projeto durante a pandemia e sua contribuição para a formação dos alunos do curso de licenciatura, especialmente do curso de Italiano. Pela análise de material empírico e teórico estudado ao longo do projeto, procurou-se levantar algumas perspectivas tendo em vista que, de pequenas iniciativas como essas, como a proposta multidisciplinar, o empenho coletivo de professores de LE, a procura por uma bolsa alternativa à da Capes e o interesse e empenho da aluna bolsista, a área do italiano pôde acessar espaços mais democráticos dentro da Universidade e da escola.Palavras-chave: Ensino. Aprendizagem. Língua. Italiano. Pibid Multidisciplinar. ABSTRACT: Politiche pubbliche per la formazione degli insegnanti e incentivi come il Programma Istituzionale per le Borse di Iniziazione all'Insegnamento (PIBID/MEC), che mirano ad anticipare il legame tra i futuri insegnanti e l'aula, creare un collegamento tra l'istruzione superiore e le scuole statali e comunali, non include lingue aggiuntive come l'italiano, il francese e il tedesco. In considerazione di questa lacuna, in uno sforzo di resistenza e di unione, professori del Dipartimento di Metodologia Didattica e il Dipartimento di Lingua Straniera e Letteratura dell'Università Federal de Santa Catarina hanno riflettuto sulla possibilità di un sottoprogetto multidisciplinare che supportasse queste lingue non incluse nel Programma. L'obiettivo principale di questa presentazione è quello di esporre come l'esperienza dell'interazione tra docenti universitari di corsi di italiano, spagnolo, inglese e francese; insegnanti di spagnolo e inglese della rete di istruzione pubblica e laureandi di corsi di italiano, spagnolo e inglese hanno creato uno spazio di resistenza nelle discussioni sulla didattica e l'insegnamento della lingua-cultura a scuola (MENDES, 2004; 2008; 2010; 2015). Come questo team e questa esperienza multidisciplinare possono contribuire al processo di formazione degli insegnanti in un contesto di insegnamento remoto e come possiamo promuovere il dialogo tra le lingue straniere nelle nostre università sono alcune questioni guida. Si propone anche di presentare lo sviluppo del progetto durante la pandemia e il suo contributo alla formazione degli studenti del corso di laurea, in particolare il corso di italiano. L'analisi del materiale empirico e teorico ci ha aitutato ad elevare alcune prospettive in vista di piccole iniziative come la proposta multidisciplinare, l'impegno collettivo degli insegnanti di LE, la ricerca di una borsa di studio alternativa e l'impegno della studente, così l'italiano ha potuto accedere a spazi più democratici all'interno dell'Università e della scuola.Parole chiave: Insegnamento. Apprendimento. Lingua. Italiano. Pibid Multidisciplinare. ABSTRACT: Public policies for teacher training and incentive to teaching such as the Institutional Program for Teaching Initiation Scholarships (PIBID/MEC), which aims to anticipate the link between future teachers and the classroom, making a link between higher education and state and municipal schools, does not include additional languages such as Italian, French and German. In view of this gap, in an effort of resistance and union, professors from the Department of Teaching Methodology and the Department of Foreign Language and Literature of the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina reflected on the possibility of a multidisciplinary subproject that would support these languages not included in the program. The main objective of this presentation is to expose how the experience of the interaction between university professors of Italian, Spanish, English and French courses; teachers of Spanish and English of the public education and undergraduates of Italian courses, Spanish and English have created a space of res(ex)istência in the discussions on the teaching and language-culture teaching at school (MENDES, 2004; 2008; 2010; 2015). How this team and this multidisciplinary experience can contribute to the teacher training process in a remote teaching context and how we can foster dialogue between foreign languages in our universities are some guiding issues. It also aims to present the development of the project during the pandemic and its contribution to the training of students of the undergraduate course, especially the Italian course. The analysis of empirical and theoretical material, also in view of the formal documents of Santa Catarina, sought to raise some perspectives with a view to small initiatives such as the multidisciplinary proposal, the collective commitment of LE teachers, the search for an alternative scholarship t and the interest and commitment of the scholarship student, the Italian area was able to access more democratic spaces within the University and the school.Keywords: Teaching. Learning. Language. Italian. Multidisciplinary Pibid.

Background:Hip Osteoarthritis (OA) is a widespread disease characterized by pain and functional impairment, which, particularly in the elderly, may compromise overall health and quality of life. In the last decades, Intra-articular (I.a.) injections of hyaluronic acid (HA) gained more space among the conservative treatment of OA because of their beneficial effects and positive outcomes without relevant complications. (1,2). An innovative and patented formulation containing hybrid cooperative complexes of sodium hyaluronate 2.4% + sodium chondroitin non-sulfated 1.6% of biotechnological origin (HA-SC) has been recently developed for the I.a. treatment of hip OA and evaluated in a pilot study (3).Objectives:1) Primary aim: Evaluation of the safety of HA-SC in the treatment of symptomatic hip OA; 2) Secondary aim: Evaluation of the efficacy of HA-SC in terms of pain reduction (VAS) and function improvement (Lequesne) of the affected hip joint.Methods:This is a pilot, multicentric, open, prospective study. The following inclusion criteria were established: Patients (both genders) aged ≥ 40 years suffering for primary hip OA confirmed by X-Ray; Grade I-II-III according to K&L grading scale; Basal VAS pain at the target hip > 40 mm; Failure of at least two lines of conservative treatments. All patients underwent a single I.a. hip injection of a 3mL vial of HA-SC and followed-up for six months.Results:48 patients have been enrolled and completed the study. The treatment was generally well-tolerated, with only ten patients out of 48 (20.8%) reporting local effects mainly consisting of injection site pain and arthralgia localized in the treated area. All these patients completed the study. The treatment with HA-SC was associated with a statistically significant decrease of VAS scale from a basal value of 67.5 (mean) to 22.8 (mean, p<0.0001) at the end of the observation period at six months, with a statistically significant decrease at seven days of follow-up evaluation (29.3, mean, p<0.0001). The mean Lequesne’s Index total score after the single injection of HA-SC decreased from a baseline value of 10.4 (mean) to 5.1 (mean, p<0.0001) at six months. The decrease was marked and significant also at any of the other evaluated time point (p<0.0001).Conclusion:A single I.a. injection of the innovative formulation containing hybrid cooperative complexes of sodium hyaluronate + sodium chondroitin non-sulfated (HA-SC) showed to be well tolerated and safe in the treatment of symptomatic hip OA. A rapid and significant decrease in hip pain (VAS) and Lequesne’s Index was also observed starting immediately after the I.a. injection and lasting until the end of the follow-up period. However, conservative treatment of hip OA is still challenging. This new formulation could represent a promising, long-lasting, and effective I.a. treatment.References:[1]Papalia R. et al. J. Biol. Regul. Homeost. Agents 2017; 31 (4 Suppl. 2): 103-109.[2]Abate M. et al. Int. J. Immunopathol.Pharmacol. 2017; 30 (1): 89-93.[3]IBSA Data on file.Acknowledgments:The author thanks all the investigators of the study: Costantino Cosimo, UO Medicina Riabilitativa, Azienda Ospedaliero-Universitaria di Parma, Italy; Fortina Mattia, Unità di Ortopedia Universitaria, AOU Senese Policlinico Santa Maria alle Scotte, Italy; Sadile Francesco, II Ortopedia - Ortopedia Infantile, Università degli studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy; Salini Vincenzo, Clinica Ortopedica e Traumatologica, Ospedale SS Annunziata di Chieti, Italy; Voglino Nicola, UO Ortopedia e Traumatologia, Ospedale Alto Tevere Città di Castello Azienda USL Umbria 1, ItalyDisclosure of Interests:Rocco Papalia Speakers bureau: Speaker for IBSA

Abstract INTRODUCTION: Metastatic pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC) represents an unmet clinical need because the lack of effective treatment strategies and a very poor prognosis. Here we propose a novel therapeutic strategy, based on the repurposing of valproic acid (VPA), a safe and generic drug with epigenetic modulating activity, and simvastatin (SIM), a widely used generic cholesterol lowering drug, in combination with the standard gemcitabine/nab-paclitaxel (GEM/NP) treatment in metastatic PDAC setting. METHODS: Synergistic anti-tumor effect of the combined treatment was assessed in PANC1, ASPC1, PANC28 and BxPC3 PDAC cell lines in vitro by evaluating combination index, apoptosis, clonogenic capability, tumor spheroids and fibroblasts/tumor cells microtissues growth. Antitumor effect was confirmed in vivo on heterotopic and orthotropic xenograft PANC1 models in athymic mice. Expression and functional role of TGF-β and downstream epithelial-to-mesenchymal-transition (EMT) markers were studied by Ingenuity pathway analysis (IPA), mRNA and protein expression and by cell migration scratch assay. RESULTS: We showed, both in vitro and in vivo, the ability of VPA/SIM combination, used at low dosages, to synergistically improve the anti-proliferative and pro-apoptotic effect of chemotherapy (GEM/NP). Mechanistically, VPA/SIM treatment, alone or in combination with chemotherapy, induced e-Cadherin and impaired vimentin and ZEB-1 expression, functionally linked to the synergistic inhibition of cell migration. In line, IPA highlighted a protein network connecting HDACs and HMGCR, the targets of VPA and SIM respectively, with the two main EMT markers. Notably, the most significantly cancer enriched features associated with this network were “migration of tumor cell lines”, “fibrosis” and “invasion of tumor cell lines”, and TGFβ emerged as a hierarchical dominant network- node. Indeed, VPA/SIM inhibited TGFβ transcription and TGFβ-regulated EMT gene expression in PDAC cells. Consistently we also observed a significant reduction of circulating TGFβ1 levels in mice treated with VPA/SIM in combination with GEM/NP, paralleled by a reduced fibrosis on PDAC xenograft tumor sections, confirming the involvement of TGFβ functional down-modulation in the mechanism of VPA/SIM antitumor synergistic interaction and chemo-sensitization. CONCLUSIONS: Overall, we proposed a novel combination strategy, based on two safe and generic drugs, able to sensitize a widely employed regimen in metastatic PDAC patients, that warrant further clinical evaluation. Citation Format: Maria Serena Roca, federica iannelli, maria rita milone, veronica barile, cristina testa, tania moccia, carlo vitagliano, fabiana tatangelo, di gennaro elena, antonio avallone, francesca bruzzese, alessandra leone, alfredo budillon. Repurposing of valproic acid and simvastatin in pancreatic cancer: in vitro and in vivo synergistic antitumor interaction and sensitization to gemcitabine/nab-paclitaxel via inhibition of TGFβ-EMT signaling pathway [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr 1840.

Ulf G. Haxen: Rome – Cradle of the Hebrew Book The Royal Library in Copenhagen has, throughout the twentieth century, received two substantial collections of Hebraica and Judaica. In 1933 the library acquired the private library of chief rabbi and professor David Simonsen, which amounted to an impressive 40,000 manuscripts, books and correspondence of scholarly importance. Dr. Lazarus Goldschmidt escaped Nazi Germany in 1938 and managed to bring his 2,500 volumes of Hebraica and Judaica, including 43 immaculate and well preserved incunables, safely to London. His entire collection of rare Hebrew books was purchased by the Royal Library for a moderate sum in 1949 because Goldschmidt was “honoured to have his books incorporated in Bibliotheca Simonseniana.”Both scholars were recognised authorities in their own right, Simonsen as philologist in Semitics and specialist in Jewish booklore, and Goldschmidt as a renowned bibliophile and connoisseur of 15th century Hebraic incunables. His 46 rare incunables were eventually listed in Victor Madsen’s catalogue of incunables (1935–1963).The art of printing was born c.1455 in Mainz (Germany) with Johan Gutenberg’s printed edition of the bible. Among scholars it was generally believed that migrating Christian and Jewish apprentices carried the revolutionising “black art” of printing from Mainz to Spain and Italy. Coincidentally enough, the first two dated Hebrew works appeared in print thirty years after Gutenberg in the exact same year in southern and northern Italy respectively: these being the Rashi commentary on the Jewish bible issued 17th February 1475 in Reggia di Calabria and printed by Abraham Garton ben Isaac, and the Arba’ah turim in Piove di Sacco near Venezia published by Meshullam Cusi on 3rd July 1475.These two books were for a long time considered to be the first books printed with Hebrew types. The famous Christian scholar of Hebraica, Giambernardo de Rossi, who was the fortunate owner of the allegedly “first” cradle book from Reggia, subsequently published the first census of Hebrew incunables in Annales hebraica-typographica saeculi XV (1795). The scene was thus set for the future scholarly research of the undated incunables labelled “Roma, ante 1480” (Rome, before 1480) by de Rossi. The present essay discusses five of these incunables, all of which are described in Victor Madsen’s catalogue as printed in “Roma, ante 1480”; an approximated date which needs correcting. David Simonsen refers in passing to “the three printers of Rome” viz. Obadiah, Menasseh and Benjamin, as supposedly having been active in a printing press in Rome. The incunable with Salomon ben Abraham ibn Aderet (Raschba) Teschubot sche’elot. (“Answers to Questions”) dated “before 1980” is a case in point (#4332 in Victor Madsen’s catalogue), furnished with an earlier approximate publishing date c.1469–1472 no. 55 in the Offenberg census (1990) and eventually with REX online catalogue Inc. Haun in 2015.The best known printing press in Rome was created by the two German printers Conrad Sweynheym & Arnold Pannartz who established their first workshop at Santa Scolastica at Subiaco in the Sabine Mountains outside Rome in 1464, where they published several unique Latin works and introduced a Greek typeface. In 1467 they moved the press to the city of Rome in order to get closer to the reading and profitable public. In 1467 they moved the press to Rome in order to get closer to their reading public – and their profits. Here they were privileged to be housed in Palazzo Massimo by the proprietors Pietro and Francesco Massimo. What is more, they began working under the patronage of the respected humanist Giovanni Andrea Bussi, who was editor in charge.It is safe to conjecture that the Hebrew press was born in this milieu, as indeed suggested by Edwin Hall: “… a casual remark of Bussi in the preface to the Latin Bible hints at a possible connection between Sweynheym and Pannartz and what are thought to be the earliest printed books in Hebrew. These books, which contain no indication of date or place of printing, are the work of obscure printers named Obadiah, Manasseh, and Benjamin de Roma and constitute the most primitive surviving examples of printing in Italy.”I thank Dr. Ann Brener, Specialist in the Hebraic Section at the Library of Congress for supplying additional bibliographic references.

The purpose of this research is to go over and to examine the history of Milan’s nunnery of Visitation, called Santa Sofia, between 18th and 19th century. The large amount of documents kept into the archive of the convent allowed to investigate many aspects, especially those concerning the bonds with the others convents of the same order and with the Milan’s society. Other important aspects investigated are those concerning the nuns' relationships with the political power and the analysis of religious practices and cultural aspects. From the middle 18th century Santa Sofia joined in the wide-ranging process of catholic missionary openness.

Invitato a Costantinopoli da una delegazione nicena, che ne chiedeva l’intervento a sostegno della comunità ortodossa locale, Gregorio di Nazianzo accantonò il desiderio di dedicarsi alla vita contemplativa e si recò nella Neja ÔRwvmh: non poteva certo immaginare che negli anni trascorsi nella capitale (dagli inizi del 379 al luglio del 381) avrebbe conosciuto, a distanza di breve tempo, l’apice e il fallimento della sua attività politico-ecclestiastica. Alla guida di un piccolo gruppo di fedeli, radunati in una sala udienze privata ribattezzata Anastasia, Gregorio esercitò con impegno i suoi doveri pastorali, spendendosi soprattutto nella lotta dottrinale contro l’eresia ariana. L’elezione come vescovo della città, avvenuta per volere dell’imperatore Teodosio, rappresentò il riconoscimento dei meriti del Cappadoce nella restaurazione e nel consolidamento dell’ortodossia nicena, ma, allo stesso tempo, aprì la strada a una stagione tutt’altro che scevra di asprezze, destinata a lasciare amari ricordi nel cuore dell’autore. Chiamato a presiedere il concilio episcopale del 381, indetto con l’obiettivo di risolvere lo scisma antiocheno e condannare le eresie del tempo, il Nazianzeno sperimentò sulla propria i conflitti interni ed i giochi di potere cui si era ridotto l’episcopato. Alla malattia, che debilitò il fisico dell’autore e ne ostacolò la partecipazione a svariate attività pubbliche, si aggiunse l’ostilità dei colleghi, in particolare di alcuni vescovi egiziani, che contestarono la legittimità della sua elezione sul seggio di Costantinopoli, in quanto già vescovo nella sede di Sasima. Stanco e malato, amareggiato dai continui scontri e dall’ennesimo attacco subito dagli avversari, Gregorio decise di farsi da parte e, rassegnate le dimissioni dalla cattedra episcopale, lasciò Costantinopoli, senza neppure aspettare la conclusione del sinodo. Nella natia Cappadocia, lontano fisicamente dal clima tumultuoso e dai dispiaceri della capitale, ma turbato dalle calunnie e dalle ingiustizie subite da coloro che riteneva amici, il Nazianzeno sfogò le proprie delusioni nella scrittura poetica. All’esperienza costantinopolitana e in particolare al contesto delle dimissioni dalla cattedra vescovile fanno riferimento i carmi oggetto di questa tesi di dottorato: II,1,10 (Ai sacerdoti di Costantinopoli e alla città stessa) e II,1,13 (Ai vescovi), rispettivamente di 18 distici elegiaci e 217 esametri. In essi si intrecciano più suggestioni: la meditazione e il riecheggiamento interiore degli eventi che hanno coinvolto l’autore, la difesa del suo operato, ma soprattutto la violenta invettiva contro i vescovi, scaturita non solo dal risentimento per le vicende personali, ma dallo sdegno dell’autore per la corruzione morale e l’impreparazione della gerarchia ecclesiastica. La tesi di dottorato si apre con una bibliografia ricca e aggiornata degli studi concernenti il Cappadoce; in essa sono indicati i diversi contributi, cui si fa riferimento nel mio lavoro. Segue un’ampia introduzione che presenta i carmi sotto molteplici aspetti. Dal momento che l’invettiva contro i vescovi costituisce l’argomento principale di entrambi i componimenti, ho approfondito innanzitutto questo aspetto, ripercorrendone le testimonianze nell’esperienza biografica e nell’opera letteraria dell’autore: da quanto emerso, la polemica contro la gerarchia ecclesiastica raggiunge certamente il suo apice negli eventi costantinopolitani, ma non va ad essi circoscritta, dal momento che se ne ha traccia anche negli scritti gregoriani riconducibili ai primi anni del sacerdozio e al periodo successivo al ritorno a Nazianzo. Si è cercato poi di stabilire la data di composizione dei carmi in analisi, che, dati i contenuti, furono sicuramente scritti dall’autore nel periodo di ritorno in patria, fase in cui gli studiosi collocano buona parte della produzione poetica del Cappadoce. Più precisamente ho individuato il terminus post quem nel luglio del 381, mese in cui la cattedra costantinopolitana lasciata vacante dal Nazianzeno fu affidata a Nettario: in entrambi i testi, infatti, si fa riferimento a questo personaggio, sebbene non sia menzionato esplicitamente. Segue un’analisi dettagliata della struttura compositiva e delle tematiche dei carmi, nella quale si mostra come, pur nella loro diversità, le due poesie presentino moltissime consonanze e parallelismi a livello strutturale, in particolare nella parte incipitaria, in cui si registra la condivisione dello stesso verso iniziale, e nella sezione conclusiva. Sempre nell’introduzione è affrontato lo studio della tradizione manoscritta e dei rapporti tra i codici: i carmi in oggetto risultano attestati in 34 manoscritti (di cui 17 fondamentali per la costituzione del testo) databili dall’XI al XVI secolo e riconducibili alle raccolte antiche Σ e Δ, nei quali sono traditi sempre uno di seguito all’altro: nello specifico II,1,13 precede immediatamente II,1,10. La parte centrale della tesi è costituita dal testo critico di ciascun carme, seguito da traduzione e commento. La tesi costituisce il primo lavoro di questo tipo per il carme II,1,13; II,1,10 è stato invece oggetto di studio di due recenti edizioni: quella dei primi undici poemata de seipso del Nazianzeno curata da Tuilier - Bady - Bernardi per LesBL ed edita nel 2004 e un’edizione commentata di Simelidis, pubblicata nel 2009. Suddetti lavori non hanno rappresentato un ostacolo al progetto. Nessuno di essi infatti ha previsto lo studio simultaneo dei due testi poetici, che, a mio giudizio, non possono essere compresi a fondo se svincolati l’uno dall’altro; non sono risultati immuni da pecche sotto il profilo della critica testuale; il commento è assente nell’edizione francese, scarno e non sempre condivisibile in quella del Simelidis. La tesi è infine corredata da tre appendici che permettono di seguire la fortuna dei componimenti poetici. La prima di esse è dedicata al Commentario di Cosma di Gerusalemme ai Carmi del Nazianzeno, collocato tra la fine del VII e inizio l’VIII secolo. Il commentario, tradito da un unico manoscritto, il Vaticanus graecus 1260 del XII secolo, ha visto la sua editio princeps nel 1839 a cura del cardinale Angelo Mai nel secondo volume del suo Spicilegium Romanum, ristampata con lievi modifiche nel volume 38 della Patrologia Graeca. Una più recente edizione è stata curata da Lozza nel 2000. Nell’opera di Cosma vengono analizzati trentaquattro versi di carme II,1,13 e due di carme II,1,10; l’ampiezza delle citazioni va da un minimo di un verso a un massimo di 5. Segue un’appendice dedicata alle parafrasi bizantine, che in alcuni manoscritti contenenti i carmi, accompagnano il testo poetico. Tali spiegazioni in prosa, composte in un momento non precisabile della trasmissione dell’opera gregoriana, sono anonime, di diverso livello letterario e da intendere come un testo in continua evoluzione, oggetto di modifiche da parte di ciascun copista. Nel caso dei testi in oggetto le parafrasi trasmesse sono tre, chiamate, sulla scia di studi precedenti, Paraphr. 1, Paraphr. 2, Paraphr. 3 e delle quali la tesi fornisce l’editio princeps. L’ultima appendice è costituita dalla traduzione latina dei carmi di Giacomo Oliva da Cremona, redatta nella seconda metà del XVI secolo per incarico del Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto e testimonianza del grande interesse per il Cappadoce in questo periodo storico. Il lavoro dell’Oliva, rimasta inedito per la morte del committente e probabilmente anche per il suo scarso valore letterario, è trasmesso da due manoscritti autografi, il Vaticanus Barberinianus lat. 636 (B) e il Vaticanus lat. 6170 (V) e trova nella tesi la sua editio princeps.

The recent discovery of a dome painted by Antonio Puglieschi in the Mondragone Carnesecchi palace, representing Mars and Venus surprised by Vulcan, offers the occasion to reflect on the symbols used by Francesco I de’ Medici and Bianca Cappello. According to an ancient rumor, the clandestine love encounters between Francesco and Bianca had taken place in that very same palace and the depiction of the mythological infidelity may alluded to that relationship. The paper analyses different sources which show that Francesco was often portrayed as Mars and Bianca as Venus: specific attention is given to the detailed description of their wedding celebrations which revolved around the theme of the meeting and love of Venus and Mars. It’s possible that the Del Vernaccia family, who owned the palace and commissioned the painting to Antonio Puglieschi, wanted to remember and somehow celebrate events that took place in those rooms more than a century before.

Genoese merchants, who certainly did not disappear after 1627, during the second half of the century were able to establish new global-scale commercial networks on a par with those of other merchant communities (those of the Jews for instance). In the 1660s and for a few decades, Genoese goods – paper and fabrics – sailed to the Indies with African slaves. On their way back, the same Genoese ships would carry tonnes of silver and a wealth of other colonial goods thereby increasing trade with the East. This commercial framework is the backdrop to the story of Nicolò and Pietro Francesco Fieschi, two brothers whose lives testify how between the second half of the seventeenth century and the early decades of the eighteenth century, merchants from Genoa certainly had not withdrawn from international commerce focusing only on financial profits. On the contrary they were able to find new commercial momentum in opportunities provided by the connections brought about by the ever-more globalised world.

In 1480 publisher and bookseller Antonio Moretto delivered a total of over 900 incunabula to be sold in his shop in Padua. The details of this business transaction survive in a small paper gathering of 8 leaves, known as Quaderneto, in which the titles of the books, the number of copies available, and the sale prices fixed by Moretto himself are listed. It is an important source for our knowledge of Italian Renaissance book-trade and – thanks to a comparison with the Zornale of Francesco de Madiis – provides valuable information about book prices and sales towards the end of the 15th century.

Although the city of Florence lacked a cardinal for most of the fifteenth century, the city was not lacking in cardinal portraits during the same period. This chapter examines two visual portraits of cardinals by Bicci di Lorenzo and Francesco di Antonio del Chierico alongside written portraits found in a diary by Bartolommeo di Michele del Corazza and the Lives of Vespasiano da Bisticci. The chapter argues that specific contexts can help explain the choices made by artists and authors to provide or shun idiosyncratic details in their works.

The account-books of Florentine merchants are full of purchases and sales of books. In particular, the ledgers of the company of Francesco and Bernardo of Niccolò Cambini offer, for the second half of the 15th century, numerous records. Unfortunately, the conciseness of the accounting does not allow us to know all the characteristics of these books; however, the registrations always indicate the monetary value, thus enabling us to reconstruct the average selling price for various types of books. In this paper, we aim to compare this information with the price series of two goods – wheat and wine – that constituted the basis of the diet for the majority of the population, to better understand what the purchase of a book meant for the society of the period and to perceive more clearly its value.

Gentili considered ius gentium as customary, as well as the historical artefact of European cultural identity. He substantiated its normative foundation by securely grounding it in the consensus of the literary elites of the past. In so doing, he dismissed the achievement of political consensus of sovereigns as a necessary requirement for the legitimation of custom. Rather, custom was to be fabricated through the language of classical antiquity, and crafted on the shoulders of the impressive scholarship that humanists were producing throughout Europe. Custom, as a fundamental feature of ius gentium, became what an invented consensus of past scholars said it was. At the same time, in the attempt to reconcile natural law with ragion di stato, Alberico Gentili compared the authoritative judgments of classical scholars with more contemporary historical accounts, such as the works of the Italian historians Francesco Guicciardini and Paolo Giovio. By integrating these two languages, Gentili opened a Eurocentric window for non-European historical narratives to emerge, as shown by his comparative interest in Ottoman customs.

An accurate analysis of the works of Ernest Chantre (1843-1924), often published under the auspices of the French Ministry of Public Education, shows a particular interest for civilisations of the Middle East, in particular for the Armenian people and culture. Chantre is influenced by the racial view that dominates in Europe in the late 19th century but, in the same time, he participates in the dissemination of knowledge of cultures and society of the Middle East, more and more integrated into the European world. In this context, French educated elites think they can find a happy balance with the Other only through the relentless spread of Catholicism, a powerful way to transform the thought of the Armenian people and to propagate the European civilisation.

Nel 2010, la base sottomarina di Saint-Nazaire è stata dichiarata «Patrimonio del XX secolo» dal Ministère de la Culture et de la Communnication francese ed è divenuta il simbolo di un nuovo approccio patrimoniale che riconosce il patrimonio materiale e immateriale in tutte le sue forme, non limitandosi soltando al manufatto certificato come monumento. La memoria, i beni materiali o i luoghi poco conosciuti hanno così contribuito a definire una nuova dimensione urbana proiettata verso il futuro. Riferirsi esplicitamente al tema del rapporto tra waterfront e patrimonio militare, attraverso l’esempio di Saint-Nazaire, ci porta a riflettere sul ruolo del progetto urbano nella trasformazione della città contemporanea. Gli stessi principi collegano tale caso di studio a molte altre operazioni di rigenerazione della città europea e, in particolare, delle città portuali francesi. A partire dagli anni ‘80, per far fronte alla crisi del settore industriale, alcune città portuali, tra cui Marsiglia, Le Havre, Saint-Nazaire e Dunkerque, hanno elaborato numerosi studi e progetti sulle loro aree industriali obsolete o abbandonate, al fine di potenziare le attività portuali e di destinare gli spazi resi liberi a nuove attività. Il riconoscimento del valore di risorsa urbana e patrimoniale a tali aree portuali ha consentito di riattivare dinamiche economiche, sociali e spaziali spesso interrotte o in disuso. In 2010 the submarine base in Saint-Nazaire was declared ‘Heritage of the XX century’ by the French Ministère de la Culture et de la Communnication. Thereafter it became the symbol of a new approach related to heritage that recognises the tangible and intangible heritage in all its forms, not only restricted to the artifact acknowledged as a ‘monument’. Remembrance, the material assets or the little known places have thus contributed to defining a new urban dimension projected toward the future. The case of Saint-Nazare, relating clearly to the relationship between waterfront and military heritage, encourages us to meditate on the role of urban design in the transformation of the contemporary city. The same principles connect this case study to several other redevelopment operations in the European city and, in particular, the French port cities. Starting from the '80s, in order to face the crisis in the industrial sector, several port cities, including Marseille, Le Havre, Dunkirk and Saint-Nazaire, produced diverse studies and projects regarding their obsolete or abandoned industrial areas, in order to boost port activities and to allocate the vacant places to new activities. Acknowledgment of the value of these port areas as urban resources (as well as cultural heritage) has consented the regeneration of (often previously interrupted or abandoned) economic, social and spatial activity.

The introduction of the artillery in the middle 15th century represented a revolution not only from a strictly military perspective: at the same time that medieval defences become obsolete and were replaced with other kind of fortifications, the cities lost their crenelated walls and slim towers that until then had configured their image and expression. The forced loose of this medieval Imago Urbis and the urgency of finding a new formal expression for this new type of fortifications was quickly understood by the leading Italian Renaissance architects. From Francesco di Giorgio Martini to Baldassarre Peruzzi, from Giuliano da Sangallo to Michelangelo, all of them –aware of the importance of the problem­– worked on developing this new type of fortifications not only from the technical standpoint but also from its symbolic and formal approach. In Albertian terms, the goal was to search a new façade that would represent once again that “great house” that is the City. The contribution will refer to the importance of the contributions made by these architects in this regard and of its exemplary value in facing this problem –that of the image of the city– in our cities, the contemporary ones, increasingly more and more extensive and without a definite limit.