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Journal articles on the topic 'France'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 September 2024

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1

Chopin, Frédérique. "France / France." Revue internationale de droit pénal 74, no. 1 (2003): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.741.0215.

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2

Mitrofanova, O. "Experience and Peculiarities of Reconciliation of Contradictions between Germany and France." Problems of World History, no. 15 (September 14, 2021): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-15-5.

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The article is devoted to the study of the experience and peculiarities of reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France. The positions of the Presidents of France and Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the theoretical foundations and practical steps of the implementation of French-German reconciliation are studied. This paper deals with the problem of Alsace-Lorraine, a region with a border identity, which repeatedly became the cause of Franco-German disputes and passed from one state to another. The role of the individual in overcoming the contradictions between Germany and France is highlighted. The factor of European integration is considered, which not only contributed to the reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France, but also turned the two states into leaders of a united Europe. The Elysee Treaty and its implementation were analyzed. The military cooperation between France and Germany is investigated. The problem of historical memory and the desire to reconcile the contradictions between Germany and France are revealed. It is proved that the experience and peculiarities of reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France testify to the fact that the real reconciliation of the two leading states directed their efforts towards a more global goal – the creation of a common Europe. It was concluded that the mechanisms for achieving Franco-German reconciliation are interesting for studying and borrowing, taking into account national characteristics in the reconciliation of other European countries, and regions with borderline identities. The French-German experience may be useful for application in Polish-Ukrainian relations. The main conclusion from the analysis of the experience and the peculiarities of reconciling the contradictions between Germany and France is that their implementation led to unexpected and far-reaching consequences that once seemed just a dream. At the beginning of European integration in the 50s of the twentieth century, it was difficult to imagine the contemporary EU with its common currency, the Schengen area, developed economy, social programs. Franco-German reconciliation was transformed into the fruitful work of the Franco-German tandem, on the success of which depends not only the future of France and Germany, but the evolution of the entire united Europe.
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3

R., B., and Jocelyne Sreiff-Fenart. "Les couples franco-maghrébins en France." Population (French Edition) 45, no. 2 (March 1990): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1533390.

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4

Weil, François. "Les Franco-Américains et la France." Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 77, no. 288 (1990): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.1990.2812.

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5

Lavissière, Alexandre. "L’opportunité des ports francs en France." Logistique & Management 27, no. 4 (August 27, 2019): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12507970.2019.1645625.

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6

Greer, Allan. "La Nouvelle France/Les Nouvelles Frances." French Colonial History 4, no. 1 (2003): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fch.2003.0018.

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7

Mielusel, Ramona. "Challenging representations of Muslims and cultural métissage in the ethnic comedies L’Italien (2010) and Mohamed Dubois (2013)." French Cultural Studies 32, no. 4 (May 11, 2021): 330–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09571558211009176.

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In this article, I am looking at two popular ‘ethnic’ comedies, L’Italien (2010) and Mohamed Dubois (2013), that promote dialogue and conviviality between Franco-Maghrebi and Franco-French people in France while questioning the societal feasibility of legislative measures of inclusiveness, visibility and equality of chances promoted by the government in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Considering some challenges in the representations, the comedies offer, at times, a social critique of certain stereotypical views on Islam and the destiny of Muslims on French soil, but they conclude in an optimistic tone supporting the idea that there is cultural métissage in France and that Muslims and Christians do mix in today’s diverse France. The popularity of these comedies attests to the fact that there is a need to bring up the issues of Islam in France and of the cohabitation between Muslims and Christian French citizens in the public sphere. I suggest however that while the Franco-Maghrebi’s ‘essentialist identity’ is challenged in the films, there are still neo-colonialist tensions in the artistic productions that entail ambivalence towards the Muslim characters. In a Franco-French dominated film-consuming culture, the Franco-Maghrebi characters are still subject to mimicry, which consistently maintains their subordinate position in the French culture.
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8

Loseva, Evgeniya A. "Evolution of cooperation between France and Germany in the field of higher education." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-69-77.

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For the first time in Russian-language historiography on the basis of an analysis of the most important components of Franco-German cooperation in the field of higher education the evolution of cooperation between higher education institutions of France and Germany in the post-war period is presented. The prerequisites for Franco-German cooperation after the Second World War are determined. The evolution of academic mobility between these countries is considered. The results of activities to create equivalents of documents on higher education in France and Germany are revealed. The Franco-German joint institutions of higher education are characterized. The aim of this work is to consider the evolution of cooperation between France and Germany in the field of higher education in the post-war period of time through the prism of its key aspects. The relevance of this study is due to the lack of research on this issue in Russian-language historiography. In addition, the study of Franco-German relations in the field of science and higher education in the post-war period is also of practical importance, since the experience of this cooperation, or its individual aspects, can be used in the field of higher education and science of our state. As a result of the analysis of key aspects of the Franco-German university cooperation, the following stages were identified in bilateral cooperation. 1. Establishment of Franco-German educational cooperation (1949–1963) – a period of post-war contradictions and the emergence of academic mobility between universities in France and Germany. The intensification of Franco-German cooperation in higher education was due to the unfolding Cold War and the ongoing process of European integration: the cultural sphere acted as a means of overcoming Franco-German antagonism. 2. Franco-German cooperation after the conclusion of the Treaty of Elysee (1963 – the end of the 1970s) – a period of expansion of academic mobility and the creation of new tools for its implementation; at the same time, this period of cooperation was marked by a shift in the attention of the governments of France and Germany towards national education issues. 3. The beginning of the process of institutionalization of Franco-German cooperation (late 1970s – 1993). The transition to the third stage of cooperation is due to the emergence of new trends in bilateral educational partnerships: the creation of coordinating institutes and joint educational institutions and the beginning of solving the problem of equivalence of diplomas. 4. The cooperation of France and Germany after the formation of the EU in 1993 – the Franco-German partnership at the present stage and within the European Higher Education Area. The implementation of the provisions of the Bologna Agreement in practice significantly unified the higher education systems of France and Germany, which facilitated bilateral academic exchanges, and the two countries’ participation in European educational programs became an additional incentive for their intensification.
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9

Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.

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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
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10

Collet, Beate, and Emmanuelle Santelli. "Les couples mixtes franco-algériens en France." Hommes & migrations, no. 1295 (January 1, 2012): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/hommesmigrations.1456.

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11

Foussier, Philippe. "Francs-maçons en France : trois siècles d’histoire." Humanisme N° 322, no. 1 (July 9, 2019): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.322.0049.

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12

Frogerais, André. "L’Aspirine en France : un affrontement franco-allemand." Revue d'histoire de la pharmacie 101, no. 381 (2014): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/pharm.2014.22692.

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13

Greene, Thomas R. "Vichy France and the Catholic Press in England. Contrasting Attitudes to a Moral Problem." Recusant History 21, no. 1 (May 1992): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001527.

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Luigi Sturzo, the exiled founder of the suppressed Italian Christian Democrats, wrote in May 1942 that American Catholic papers prior to the American entry into the war had been sympathetic to Franco and even Mussolini as well as to Vichy France. After Pearl Harbor, these papers retained their sympathy for Vichy France.
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14

Julienne, Janick. "Les Irlandais dans le conflit franco-prussien : vers une renaissance des brigades irlandaises ?" Revue Historique des Armées 253, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.253.0066.

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Après la dissolution en 1815 de la dernière « légion irlandaise », le recrutement des Irlandais dans les armées françaises semble se tarir. Parallèlement, les liens franco-irlandais se distendent durant la première moitié du XIX siècle, bien que l’opinion publique française reste toujours sensible à la question irlandaise. Mais les relations franco-irlandaises se resserrent sous le Second Empire : lorsqu’éclate le conflit franco-prussien, le peuple irlandais se mobilise très vite pour soutenir la France. Manifestations, envois de matériel, soutien médical sont très vite organisés. Plus surprenante est la mise en place d’une brigade irlandaise qui fait revivre une longue tradition. À travers cette mobilisation, les Irlandais entendent aussi rappeler « l’amitié franco-irlandaise » et l’époque où la France envoyait elle aussi des troupes pour soutenir les Irlandais contre leur ennemi commun, l’Angleterre.
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15

Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. "The evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 7 (July 2024): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.7.71142.

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The article examines the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the development of relations between France and Spain, the analysis of various factors that influenced the diplomacy of the two countries. The object of the study is various treaties, armed conflicts and specific political steps characterizing Franco-Spanish relations. Special attention is paid to the role of the union of the two countries in the confrontation with Great Britain. The purpose of the study is to analyze the causes and consequences of changes in relations between France and Spain in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. A special role in the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations is noted for the coup d'état of 18 Brumaire in France and the rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. The active foreign policy of Napoleonic France eventually resulted in a full-scale war on the Iberian Peninsula. The author uses chronological, historical-comparative and historical-systemic research methods in his work. These methods allowed to analyze the evolution of the Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries. Periods of military confrontation were interspersed with the time of the union of the two countries. There was a certain duality at the heart of the Franco-Spanish alliance. On an ideological level, most of Spanish society did not accept the ideas of the French Revolution. From an economic point of view, it was not profitable for Spain to enter into the Anglo-French confrontation. Ties with the Spanish colonies were disrupted. From the point of view of European politics, Spain, isolated by its geographical location, did not always benefit from an alliance with France, since it was an unequal partner in it. A special contribution of the author to the study of the topic is the proposed periodization of the history of Franco-Spanish relations of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries, its division into a number of stages. This makes it possible to better structure the work and identify the interrelationship of the changes that determined the nature of Franco-Spanish relations at each stage. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that in this work the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries is considered as a whole and continuous process, the influence of domestic political events on changes in the foreign policy of the two countries is analyzed.
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16

Kymlicka, Will. "Modernity and Minority Nationalism: Commentary on Thomas Franck." Ethics & International Affairs 11 (March 1997): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1997.tb00026.x.

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Focusing on the nature of modern nationalism, Kymlicka asserts that Franck overstates the dichotomy of so-called romantic tribal nationalism and traditional nationalism as seen in the United States and France, which Franck claims is liberal, inclusive, and based on political principles rather than blood lines. Using examples from France, the United States, and Quebec, Kymlicka shows that language and common identity as well as liberal principles of freedom and democracy compose modern liberal nationalism. More sympathetic to minority nationalism than Franck, Kymlicka argues that minority movements are not irrational but often based upon legitimate claims, claims that majorities frequently fail to take seriously. Kymlicka concludes in agreement with Franck that minority nationalists should have greater representation at the international level, not simply as a means of pacifying minority nationalists but in the interests of international justice.
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17

Haran, Alexandre yali. "Les droits de la couronne de France sur l'Empire au XVIIe siècle." Revue historique o 122, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhis.g1998.122n1.0071.

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Résumé L'article présente une analyse thématique des arguments avancés par les juristes français du XVIIe siècle pour fonder le droit de la France sur le Saint Empire romain. Diverses pistes concurrentes et discordantes sont suivies par les théoriciens de la monarchie pour établir ce droit. L'identité exclusivement française de Charlemagne, la prééminence religieuse de « la fille aînée de l'Église », les droits historiques des descendants des Gaulois et des Francs sur le territoire germanique sont parmi les arguments évoqués. L'idée selon laquelle les rois de France sont les seuls héritiers légitimes des empereurs romains semble être la justification ultime soulevée pour asseoir le droit de la France à la couronne impériale.
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18

Bachelet, Jean-René. "Aimer la France. Quelle France ?" Inflexions N° 26, no. 2 (2014): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/infle.026.0055.

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19

Levesque, Michel, and Jean-Renü Martin. "Stade de France, Paris, France." Structural Engineering International 12, no. 4 (November 2002): 242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/101686602777965199.

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20

Dauncey, Hugh, and Geoff Hare. "Introduction: France and France 98." Culture, Sport, Society 1, no. 2 (December 1998): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14610989808721812.

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21

Desjardins, Bertrand, Alain Bideau, Guy Brunet, Hubert Charbonneau, and Jacques Légaré. "From france to new france." History of the Family 5, no. 2 (June 2000): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1081-602x(00)00037-3.

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22

Simon, Victor. "La dignité impériale des rois de France en Orient: Titulatures et traductions dans la diplomatie franco-ottomane." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340144.

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Résumé Depuis la première moitié du seizième siècle, les rois de France semblent être présentés sous une titulature impériale dans la traduction française des capitulations. La notion d’empire apparaît pourtant étrangère à la conception turque de l’État. Le titre d’imparatorluk n’apparaît d’ailleurs nulle part dans le texte original des capitulations. La titulature impériale attribuée au roi de France découle en effet d’une traduction hasardeuse du terme de padishah par les drogmans attachés au service de l’ambassade. D’origine perse, ce titre sans réel équivalent en Europe signifie littéralement «grand dirigeant» ou «dirigeant des dirigeants». En reconnaissant cette qualité au roi de France, le sultan turc met ainsi en avant une prééminence du roi de France sur les autres princes européens. Cette rhétorique s’inscrit alors dans la construction de relations internationales franco-turques ouvertement tournées contre l’empire Habsbourg.
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23

CHO, Hong Sik. "The Franco-British Relations from Hostility to Entente 1815-1914." Korean Society for European Integration 13, no. 3 (November 30, 2022): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.31.

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This article explains the transformation of the relationship between Britain and France from hereditary enemies to alliance partners in three stages. At first, the Franco-British couple has evolved tremendously in the long period between 1815 and 1914 from structural hostility to firm allies. The domestic political change and European international balance of power, as well as the world political evolution are analyzed for this one hundred year peace. The structural comparison is followed by more detailed and historical analysis. The period 1815-1870 forms a cycle. In 1815, France was militarily and politically defeated and has since then made a progressive comeback on international stage with the help and assistance of Britain until the Crimean War. But France was defeated again by Prussia in 1870. The second period of 1870-1914 resembles the preceding one in that France needed to recover her international status. Nevertheless the relations with Britain has been more turbulent because of the imperialistic rivalry such as planned by the German Chancellor Bismarck in order to deviate France from revenge against Germany. The long term transformation of the bilateral relationship between France and Britain has been influenced by the political regime of these two countries, their imperialistic rivalry on global scene, and the balance of power in European politics, especially in regard to the triangle France-Britain-Germany. France and Britain have been embroiled in imperial rivalry, but have finally elaborated a common front of liberal democracies against the emerging German power.
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24

Lobinski, Ryszard, and Yasumitsu Ogra. "1st Franco–Japanese Workshop on Metallomics, Pau, France." Metallomics 5, no. 11 (2013): 1468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1039/c3mt90033a.

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25

Bespalova, Ksenia A. "From the Franco-Russian Alliance (1894) to the Franco-Soviet Treaty on Mutual Assistance (1935): Two Rounds of Acquaintance with the Fine Art of the Ally." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, no. 1 (2024): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.1.012.

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This article considers the emergence of mutual interest in the art of France and the Russian Empire in the period from the conclusion of the Franco-Russian Alliance in 1894 to the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance in 1935. The author of the article singles out two stages in the appeal to the fine arts of a friendly state: the turn of the twentieth century and the period following 1924 after the recognition of the USSR by France. Describing the first period of interest in the fine arts, the author refers to events that took place in the Russian Empire and in France, organised with the cooperation of French and Russian cultural and art figures. It is concluded that the organisation of numerous art exhibitions in both countries testified to the mutual desire of the parties to get acquainted with the novelties of the art genre of the other, as well as comprehend the episodes of common history (in particular, the war of 1812). Describing the new round of acquaintance with the culture of France and the USSR after 1924 and drawing on sources from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art, the author proves that both in France and in the USSR, interest in the fine arts of each other remained and was fueled by the desire of the People’s Commissariat of Education of the RSFSR to cooperate with France. The work focuses on the fact that it was the smaller exhibitions through which the complementarity and commonality of cultures of both countries were recognised and which were the main place of cultural interaction. The author concludes that despite the different political systems in France and the Russian Empire / USSR, cultural ties between the two countries played a significant role, both at the turn of the century and in the 1920s–1930s, when cultural ties between them became a new impulse due to their respective revolutionary past.
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26

Kangas, Olli, and Veli-Matti Ritakallio. "Socialpolitik eller social struktur? Inkomsttransfereringar, socio-demografiska faktorer och fattigdom i Frankrike och de nordiska länderna." Dansk Sociologi 11, no. 3 (August 22, 2006): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v11i3.623.

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Social Policy or Social Structure? Income Transfers, Socio demographic Factors and Poverty in the Nordic Countries and in France The paper compares poverty in Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden and France. We have (1) descriptive/analytical and (2) methodological goals. (1) We pool the four Nordic countries into a single data set and compare France with this “Scandinavia”. The results give strong evidence to the existence of the homogenous Scandinavian model in terms of incidence of poverty, poverty profiles, and the effectiveness of social policy. (2) The methodological objective is to “change the world” and simulate what would happen if France had the Scandinavian social structure – but its own social policy – and vice versa. Our re-weighting simulations show that the results of the “Scandinavization” of France depend on the method of simulation. First, a static simulation, changing the socio-economic structure, but preserving the present median incomes and poverty lines as they are, would almost eradicate poverty in France. The „Francofication“ of Scandinavia would lead to dramatic results in Scandinavia: the number of persons totally dependent on social transfers would increase, the effectiveness of transfer systems would decrease, and the poverty rate would rise near to the actual French figures. Second, in dynamic simulation we also change poverty lines to correspond actual median income (in “Scandi-France” the median income would rise – because of increased female labor force participation – and in “Franco-Scandinavia” decrease – because of lower female employ-ment). In “Scandi-France” the poverty rate would decrease close to the present Scandinavian figures, but the poor would be richer that the poor actually are in France. In “Franco-Scandinavia” the extension of poverty would be about the same as nowadays but the poor would be worse-off than they now are. In sum, differences in the French and Scandinavian poverty rates are explained by the dynamic interplay between social security and structural variables. However, differences in the family structure and in labor market behavior seem to be more important explanatory factors: about 2/3 of differences between countries are explained by these structural factors, while 1/3 is explained by income transfer systems. However, it is important to remember that these background factors are greatly affected by the institutional set-ups of the welfare states.
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27

Stark, Hans. "Les relations franco-germano-américaines." Études internationales 40, no. 2 (October 9, 2009): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/038279ar.

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Résumé Depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Allemagne s’est affirmée sur la scène internationale grâce au soutien des États-Unis. La France, au contraire, a pu asseoir sa souveraineté en s’opposant régulièrement aux velléités d’hégémonie de son puissant allié américain. Pourtant, durant la présidence de George W. Bush, le couple franco-allemand a agi de concert, en dénonçant notamment l’intervention en Irak. Le 60e sommet de l’otan devrait voir la France revenir dans le système militaire intégré et s’amorcer ainsi une nouvelle phase des relations entre les trois États. Le rapprochement franco-américain amorcé par Nicolas Sarkozy aura sans doute pour conséquence une perte d’influence de l’Allemagne au sein de l’Alliance atlantique.
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28

Schild, Joachim. "Leadership in Hard Times: Germany, France, and the Management of the Eurozone Crisis." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310103.

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France and Germany played a highly visible leadership role during the management of the Euro crisis and the efforts to design a reform governance framework for the Euro area. This article provides a conceptualization of this bilateral leadership, which is then applied to trace the process of Franco-German leadership during the ongoing crisis of the Euro area. Franco-German leadership grew ever more important as the crisis deepened. After the French presidential election of 2012, however, the divergences between the two core states of the Euro area deepened and made the exercise of joint leadership more difficult to achieve. I consider this leadership role to be based on a compromise by proxy logic in which France and Germany, starting from divergent positions, strike bilateral compromises acceptable to other member states that feel their own interests are represented by either France or Germany. Their common capacity to find suitable remedies to cope with crisis, however, is not beyond doubt. The Franco-German approach followed an additive logic, combining the temporary and permanent financial support schemes-a French preference-with a concomitant strengthening of fiscal rules advocated by Germany. In the end, the two governments did not develop a common comprehensive strategy based on a shared conceptual framework.
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29

Caput, Nicolas. "Cross-Border Regional Languages: Picard and West Flemish at the Franco–Belgian Border." Borders in Globalization Review 4, no. 2 (August 11, 2023): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr42202321063.

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This article investigates the role of the Franco–Belgian border in regional language activism in the Hauts-de-France region in northern France, as well as whether activists perceive it as a resource for or obstacle to the valorisation or revitalisation of regional languages. Hauts-de-France, which was recently formed after the merger of two former regions, now recognises two regional languages: Picard and West Flemish. Both are considered endangered by UNESCO and are cross-border, in that both languages have also been historically spoken in parts of Belgium. Based on a study of the institutional context and fieldwork carried out with activists who promote these languages, the aim of this contribution is to highlight how activists perceive the border. The Franco-Belgian border is sometimes seen as an obstacle, sometimes as a resource on the West Flemish side, and more often ignored on the Picard side. This article stands midway between cultural geography and political geography, because one of the challenges of studying representations of the border is to understand the role it can play in activists’ strategies.
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30

Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.

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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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31

Gay, Laurence, and Ariane Vidal-Naquet. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 35, no. 2019 (2020): 301–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.2020.2765.

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32

Le Bot, Olivier, Xavier Magnon, and Ariane Vidal-Naquet. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 35, no. 2019 (2020): 839–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.2020.2803.

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33

Thompson, Mark. "France." History: Reviews of New Books 49, no. 3 (May 4, 2021): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2021.1908050.

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34

&NA;. "France." International Journal of Pharmaceutical Medicine 21, no. 1 (2007): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2165/00124363-200721010-00008.

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35

International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "France." International Labour Law Reports Online 39, no. 1 (November 19, 2021): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03901004.

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36

Thély, Ludovic. "France." Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, no. 50-2 (November 15, 2020): 339–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mcv.13123.

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37

Michel, Vincent. "France." Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, no. 50-2 (November 15, 2020): 358–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mcv.13148.

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38

Touati, Charles, and Dan Jaffé. "France." Pardès 35, no. 2 (2003): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.035.0159.

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39

Philip, Loïc. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 1, no. 1985 (1987): 268–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1987.902.

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40

Genevois, Bruno. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 1, no. 1985 (1987): 399–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1987.914.

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41

Favoreu, Louis. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 4, no. 1988 (1990): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1990.1042.

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Genevois, Bruno. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 4, no. 1988 (1990): 385–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1990.1063.

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43

Roux, André, and Philippe Terneyre. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 5, no. 1989 (1991): 249–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1991.1094.

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Genevois, Bruno. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 5, no. 1989 (1991): 471–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1991.1107.

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Renoux, Thierry S. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 6, no. 1990 (1992): 357–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1992.1141.

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Favoreu, Louis, Patrick Gaïa, Loïc Philip, Thierry S. Renoux, and André Roux. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 7, no. 1991 (1993): 529–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1993.1208.

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47

Giro, Paul. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 8, no. 1992 (1994): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1994.1235.

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48

Favoreu, Louis, Patrick Gaïa, Loïc Philip, Thierry S. Renoux, André Roux, Yves Guyon, Xavier Philippe, and Ferdinand Mélin-Soucramanien. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 8, no. 1992 (1994): 469–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1994.1247.

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49

Roux, André. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 9, no. 1993 (1995): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1995.1268.

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50

Chérot, Jean-Yves, Louis Favoreu, Patrick Gaïa, Richard Ghevontian, Loïc Philip, Thierry S. Renoux, André Roux, Xavier Philippe, Bertrand Mathieu, and Ferdinand Mélin-Soucramanien. "France." Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle 9, no. 1993 (1995): 421–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/aijc.1995.1282.

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