Journal articles on the topic 'France – Politics and government – 19th century'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: France – Politics and government – 19th century.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'France – Politics and government – 19th century.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.
Full textAbstract:
Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullists and other politicians participated. An examinationt of the themes of their public statements shows that references to the Third Reich, to trials of former Nazis and to the role that present leaders of the FRG played under Hitler predominated. Criticism of German domestic politics was primarily concerned with the threat to freedoms in the FRG and with the rise of politicians such as Franz Josef Strauss. Comparisons of the economic, commercial and industriel statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany and France fed concerns that prompted once again speculation with respect to German reunification and the association of nuclear weapons with the FRG. In attacking social-democracy the FCP attempted to further undercut Franco-German relations and to accentuate its split with the French Socialist Party. The anti-German campaign did not, in fact, have a great impact on public opinion or government policy. Nevertheless, both the range and persistence of these themes show that xenophobia in general and anti-German sentiment in particular are not on the point of disappearing in France.
2
Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., and Sergey A. Vasyutin. "Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 6 (December 20, 2021): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
Full textAbstract:
The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.
3
Kazakevych, G. "UKRAINIAN O'CONNORS: THE FAMILY OF IRISH ANCESTRY IN THE CULTURAL LIFE OF THE 19TH CENTURY UKRAINE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 132 (2017): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.03.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the O'Connor family, which played a noticeable role in the Ukrainian history of the 19 – early 20th centuries. A founder of the family Alexander O'Connor leaved Ireland in the late 18th century. The author assumes that he was a military man who had to emigrate from Ireland shortly after the Irish rebellion of 1798. After some years in France, where he had changed his surname to de Connor, he and his elder son Victor arrived in Russia where Alexander Ivanovich De-Konnor joined the army. As a cavalry regiment commander, colonel De-Konnor took part in the Napoleonic wars. He married a noble Ukrainian woman Anastasia Storozhenko and settled down in her estate in the Poltava region of Ukraine. His three sons (Victor, Alexander and Valerian) had served as army commanders and then settled in Chernihiv, Poltava and Kharkiv regions respectively. Among their descendants the most notable were two daughters of Alexander De-Konnor jr – Olga and Valeria as well as Valerian De-Konnor jr. Olga De-Konnor married a famous Ukrainian composer and public figure Mykola Lysenko. As a professional opera singer, she stood at the origins of the Ukrainian national opera. Her younger sister Valeria was a Ukrainian writer, publicist and political activist who joined the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic in 1917. Valerian De-Konnor jr. is well known for his research works and translations in the field of cynology.
4
Fitzgerald, Timothy. "Japan, Religion, History, Nation." Religions 13, no. 6 (May 27, 2022): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060490.
Full textAbstract:
I connect the invention of Japanese ‘religion’ since the Meiji era (1868–1912) with the invention of other modern imaginaries, particularly the Japanese Nation State and Japanese History. The invention of these powerful fictions in Japan was a specific, localised example of a global process. The real significance of this idea that religion has always existed in all times and places is that it normalises the idea of the non-religious secular as the arena of universal reason and progress. The invention of Japanese ‘religion’ had—and still has—a significant function in the wider, global context of colonial capital and the continual search for new ‘investment’ opportunities. Meiji Japan illustrates, in fascinating detail, a process of cognitive hegemony, and the way a globalising discourse on ‘progress’ transformed the plunder of colonial sites into a civilising mission. The idea that there is a universal type of practice, belief or institution called ‘religion’ as distinct from government, ‘politics’ or ‘science’ was not only new to Japan. It hardly existed in England or more widely in Protestant Europe and North America until the eighteenth or even 19th century. The idea of a secular constitutional nation state was only emergent in the late 18th century with the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution. Most of Europe—including the colonial powers England and France—were still Christian confessional church states through most of the 19th century. The franchise was granted only to Christian men of substantial property, and denied to women, servants, wage labour, colonised subjects, and slaves. This critical, deconstructive narrative helps us to see more clearly the ideological function of the generic category of religion in the wider configuration of modern secular categories such as constitutional nation state, political economy, nature, history, and science. I also discuss the relation between History as a secular academic science, and the invention of ‘the Past’ in universal Time. I argue here that the invention of the Past by professional Historians has a significant role in transforming modern inventions such as ‘religion’ and the secular categories into the inherent and universal order of things, as though they have always been everywhere. I reveal this on-going process of ideological reproduction by close readings of some recent ‘histories of Japan’ and the way they uncritically construct ‘the Past’ in the terms of contemporary configurations.
5
Zharov, Artem S. "ON THE LIMITS OF STATE AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE TAX POLICY OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT: THEORETICAL VIEWS OF A.I. VASILCHIKOV." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-140-148.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the analysis of A.I. Vasilchikov's theoretical views on the political traditions of the Zemstvo self-government regarding the definition of the limits of state and local authority in matters of taxation of local self-government, formed on the basis of understanding the experience of the Russian Empire in the post-reform period in the second half of the 19th century and in foreign countries (England, Prussia, France, Switzerland, Belgium and the USA). The urgency of the analysis of the theoretical approach of the researcher is conditioned by the need to improve the local self-government sphere, in order to increase the efficiency of tax provision for municipalities. According to the results of the study, A.I. Vasilchikov formed a system of views on political traditions and the limits of state and local authorities in matters of the tax policy of local self-government. In particular the important conclusion of the researcher is that separation of state and Zemstvo (local management) should be a division not in the subjects of departments, but in the limits of power between the state and Zemstvo. This principle finds its confirmation in distribution of power between the supreme and local authorities. The first establishes the law and the tax, the second, in turn, applies and executes the established law through the functioning of local institutions. It should be noted that A.I. Vasilchikov's theoretical deductions do not lose their significance in the context of their adaptive application to the process of transformation local self-government of contemporary Russia, and could be useful in the process of improving the tax policy of local selfgovernment.
6
Baev, V. G. "Otto von Bismarck and Germany Militarization (Legislative Formalization of the Military Reform in Germany in the 80s of the 19th century)." Lex Russica, no. 9 (September 18, 2020): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.166.9.077-087.
Full textAbstract:
The history of Germany of the second half of the 19th century and the activities of Otto von Bismarck form an integral unit, provided we bear in mind the process of Germany becoming a centralized state. The author argues that the attainment of German unity could only be achieved on the paths of war with Austria and France. This implies why military reform in Germany has been given so much attention.This study is focused on the second stage of military reform — the strengthening of the German army after the establishment of a centralized state. The author poses the question: if the “German issue” was resolved, what was the need for further armament? The Bismarck Government in 1874 and 1881 successfully sought from Parliament the adoption of septennat laws (seven years of funding for the army). But in 1887 the Parliament refused to extend the septennat. The author uses Bismarck’s collection of political speeches in the Reichstag as the main source of research. It is an important source of official origin, reflecting the approaches of not only of the subject of Bismarck’s legislative initiative, but also of Germany’s ruling elite.A point of view about Bismarck as vehicle of Germanic militarism prevails in historical literature. As a result of the analysis of the debate on the draft law, the author concludes that Bismarck’s military policy was dictated not so much by the militaristic nature of his personality, but by the necessity of strengthening the military potential of Germany, surrounded by strong adversaries, to defend its sovereignty. For the further development of events, the Chancellor who had been removed from his office, cannot be held responsible. The tragedy of Bismarck-era Germany is expressed in the fact that he failed to prepare a successor capable of leading the country during a period of crisis.
7
Piskunova, Elena. "Establishment of the University System in France During the Reign of Napoleon I: Goals and the Results." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (June 2020): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.2.1.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. In the Napoleonic era, political power set itself two tasks: to continue the traditions of the revolution in the formation of a new system of people and to make these changes correlate with the requirements of the new political system associated with the formation of the Empire. Historians have not paid enough attention to Napoleon’s educational policy and the relation of these events to his political goals. Analysis. The Great French Bourgeois Revolution completely destroyed the old educational system. All universities and academies were closed. Secondary and primary schools sought to eliminate the influence of the Church. The revolutionary government proclaimed an equal right for all citizens to receive education, and the goal of education was to form a new personality in the spirit of the Republican morality. The main problems were the lack of a unified structure and the lack of teaching staff. Only during the reign of Napoleon a coherent and effective system of education was created, which included the interrelated stages of primary, secondary and higher education, the top of which was the University. All educational institutions in France were subject to it. The goal of the University was not only to train teachers, but also to establish a new imperial ideology based on the idea of national unity. Though the creation of the educational system was certainly successful for Napoleon, his main function, according to the Emperor, was ideological education, and he could not implement it. Results. The Imperial University remained ideologically independent from the political system of the Empire, since a significant part of the teaching staff held liberal views and was in hidden opposition to the Napoleonic regime. However, the structure of education created in this era lasted until the end of the 19th century, which indicates its success in terms of organizational principles and practical implementation.
8
Sterkhov, Dmitry. "Between Hegemony and Federalism. The Prussian Plans to Create the North German Imperial Confederation in the Summer of 1806." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019088-5.
Full textAbstract:
The article is focused on Prussian attempts to separate the North German territories from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire during the summer months of 1806 with the aim of creating a North German Imperial Confederation under the Prussian protection. The reasons behind the possible foundation of the North German Imperial Confederation as well as the journalistic activities around this Prussian project are also in the centre of attention. The structure of the supposed North German Confederation are analyzed on the basis of plans and projects elaborated by the Prussian politicians and diplomats in July and August 1806. The deliberations over the joining to the Confederation were conducted by the Prussian government with the Electors of Hesse and Saxony as well as with the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lübeck and Bremen which were supposed to become the major members of the Prussian-dominated North German state. The analysis has shown that the Prussian government considered the possible North German Imperial Confederation as thelegal successor of the Holy Roman Empire, with Habsburgs being replaced by the Hohenzollern dynasty. The Prussian claims on the inheritance of the Holy Roman Empire and on the hegemony in the Northern Germany were met with discontent on the part of Hesse and especially Saxony, which impelled the Prussian politicians to repeatedly modify their projects, adding more elements of federalism to them. Despite all the concessions, Prussia eventually failed to unite the Northern Germany under its protection. The reasons for this lie both in the separatism of the North German principalities and cities, and in inner inconsistency and crudity of the Prussian projects. France and Great Britain also impeded the Prussian plans since neither of them was interested in a separate North German state under Prussian control. Napoleon's refusal to support Prussia's attempts to unify the Northern Germany was used by the Prussian government as a pretext to declare war on France in October 1806 which ended with dramatic Prussian defeat. Despite the fact that the Prussian plans to create a North German Imperial Confederation in the summer of 1806 were never realized, this was one of the many possible ways of the evolution of the German statehood in the early 19th century. It was finally put into practice half a century later, in the form of the North German Confederation in 1866.
9
Krauze-Karpińska, Joanna. "EMIGRANT RESEARCHERS OF OLD LITERATURE." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.27-31.
Full textAbstract:
In the geopolitical area of Eastern and Central Europe 20th century was a period of unwilling and un- planned migration of huge numbers of individuals, groups of people, societies or even whole nations, and the displace- ment of borders and states. Two destructive wars, two totalitarian systems fighting against each other forced millions of human beings to change the place of living. Especially the experience of the World War II settled the fate of many people in the region and caused several waves of political emigration. The author uses the term ‘old literature’ in broad sense, including also 19th century literary output, as for the big number of young researchers this period of history seems to be a very old one. Among the Polish refugees fleeing the country in various times and circumstances there were also politicians, soldiers, artist, writers, people of culture and scholars. The article presents and reminds of some Polish researchers of literature who had to change their country of living by political reasons, but did not abandon their research. The first group of emigrants formed those who left Poland short before or during the world war II. Some of them worked as professors at west European universities, an decided not to returned into the country occupied by Germans or emigrated with Polish Government, others get in Western Europe leaving Soviet Union with the Polish army formed by general Anders. They continued scholar work abroad and took part in formation of several new generations of researchers in Slavonic litera- ture. Another wave of emigration took place after the war, in late 40. and included mainly Polish citizens of Jewish origin who in spite of surviving the holocaust and returning home decided to leave Poland for fear of communism. A numerous emigration of Polish Jews was also provoked by communist government of Poland in march 1968. The author presents briefly the silhouettes of such scholars as Stanisław Kot, Wacław Lednicki, Józef Trypućko, Wiktor Weintraub, Jadwiga Maurer, Rachmiel Brandwajn and Jan Kott. The situation of 20th century Polish emigrants seems very similar to that of 19th and also represents the common experience of many Eastern and Central European countries and societies. Losing the homeland scholars of these countries also lost the close contact with their cultural roots, but on the other hand they gained a wider glance, distanced outlook of national literature and art and common platform of dialog and confrontation. Many times the foreign Universities, where they found the possibility to provide their research and meet the representative émigrés of other nations, became for them such places as Collège de France for Adam Mickiewicz and constitute the space where they all could meet together without mutual distrust and give lectures about Slavonic literature and culture for German, British of American students, inspiring them to pursue studies in Slavonic philology.
10
Crouzet, François. "Outside the walls of Europe – the pax britannica." European Review 7, no. 4 (October 1999): 447–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004373.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the validity for historians of the concept of a pax britannica (a reminiscence, of course, of the pax romana), which Britain would have imposed during the 19th century, when she was the only superpower. Admittedly, from 1815 to 1914, there was no general war, even though ‘small’ wars broke out in Europe and overseas. The superior economic and naval power of Britain obliged France to avoid open conflict; Russia was also constrained, but not without the Crimean war. On the other hand, the influence of Britain in Europe had its limits, and eventually the British panicked before the rise of a strong German navy and this was a significant factor in the origins of World War I. Thanks to peace in Europe, Britain could devote her energies to overseas expansion. Besides her Empire stricto sensu, which grew relentlessly, she had a vast ‘informal Empire’ where the ‘imperialism of free trade’ prevailed. Altogether, the notion of pax britannica is most legitimate within the ‘formal’ empire. To her subject peoples Britain brought law and order, honest and efficient government, some economic development and a fast demographic growth. Pax britannica was both myth and reality, but it evaporated as Britain lost her economic and naval ascendancy.
11
KIS, Nazar. "IMPERIAL RITUALS AND PUBLIC CELEBRATION OF POLISH NATIONAL ANNIVERSARIES IN HABSBURG LVIV." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 34 (2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2021-34-28-35.
Full textAbstract:
The study shows how imperial rituals (traditionally used at the meeting of the emperor or to celebrate the anniversaries of his reign) become part of national commemorative practices in Lviv. The process of adaptation and use of the European tradition of patriotic mass events in the city is demonstrated on the examples of Polish historical anniversaries. The connection between the constitutional reforms in the state and the transition of national celebrations from the private to the public sphere is highlighted. It is alleged that in the second half of the 19th century in Western Europe became popular mass events designed to strengthen the position of ruling elites. In the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires celebrated the birthdays of rulers, in France – the republican holidays, in Germany – the anniversaries of military victories. With the help of railways, it was possible to gather large masses of subjects in one place under one pretext, thus «turning» them into a nation. It was stated that celebrating past Polish victories was a much safer occupation for Polish elites than preparing for a new uprising. Even more patriotic than the usual «organic work». Therefore, commemorative practices have become extremely popular in Halychyna. As noted, in the days of mass politics, the Polish political nation could no longer be limited exclusively to the nobility, it was necessary to involve the Masurian peasants and the bourgeoisie in the national project. And since there was fierce competition among various political groups, mass events «for the people» had to be interesting and understandable to the general public. It was found that historical events were not only «mentioned», they were also interpreted and popularized accordingly. Depending on who organized the celebrations and to whom such activities were directed, either the democracy of the former Commonwealth, or the peaceful coexistence of different nations («Poland, Lithuania, and Rus’»), or the military victories of kings, or sacrifice, loyalty and the courage of the bourgeoisie were brought to the fore. The methodological basis of the study comprises the principles of historicism, objectivity, and systematics. General scientific and special research methods were used in solving the set tasks: historiographical analysis, generalization, chronological, retrospective. The scientific novelty of the work lies in a comprehensive analysis of the state of the study of the issue in modern historiography and a comparison of existing data with the available evidence of the time. And also in the complex analysis of mass actions as the phenomenon. Based on modern research and source material, it is shown that with the growing role of local self-government, the Polish historical narrative began to dominate over the general imperial in the public space of Lviv. At the same time, it maintained a semblance of loyalty to the central government, taking full advantage of constitutional freedoms to advance the national «agenda». Over time, there were changes in the senses that reached the general public through rituals: kings and victories were replaced by the constitution of May 3, which provided rights and freedoms for the «people» in the modern sense of the term. And with the aggravation of interethnic relations, the militarization of mass celebrations became more visible, when the municipal guards were no longer the municipal guards, but members of the scout organizations, which symbolically replaced the Austrian military on the city streets. Prospects for further research are that this period was very full of similar actions, which have not yet been the subject of research by historians. Their analysis will help to better understand the processes that eventually led to the well-known events in Lviv after the First World War.
12
Matagne, Patrick. "The Politics of Conservation in France in the 19th Century." Environment and History 4, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): 359–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734098779555583.
Full text
13
Pylypchuk, Oleh, Oleh Strelko, and Yuliia Berdnychenko. "PREFACE." History of science and technology 11, no. 2 (December 12, 2021): 271–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2021-11-2-271-273.
Full textAbstract:
The issue of the journal opens with an article dedicated to the formation of metrology as government regulated activity in France. The article has discussed the historical process of development of metrological activity in France. It was revealed that the history of metrology is considered as an auxiliary historical and ethnographic discipline from a social and philosophical point of view as the evolution of scientific approaches to the definition of individual units of physical quantities and branches of metrology. However, in the scientific literature, the little attention is paid to the process of a development of a centralized institutional metrology system that is the organizational basis for ensuring the uniformity of measurements. The article by Irena Grebtsova and Maryna Kovalska is devoted to the of the development of the source criticism’s knowledge in the Imperial Novorossiya University which was founded in the second half of the XIX century in Odesa. Grounding on a large complex of general scientific methods, and a historical method and source criticism, the authors identified the stages of the formation of source criticism in the process of teaching historical disciplines at the university, what they based on an analysis of the teaching activities of professors and associate professors of the Faculty of History and Philology. In the article, the development of the foundations of source criticism is considered as a complex process, which in Western European and Russian science was the result of the development of the theory and practice of everyday dialogue between scientists and historical sources. This process had a great influence on the advancement of a historical education in university, which was one of the important factors in the formation of source studies as a scientific discipline. The article by Tetiana Malovichko is devoted to the study of what changes the course of the probability theory has undergone from the end of the 19th century to our time based on the analysis of The Theory of Probabilities textbook by Vasyl P. Ermakov published in 1878. The paper contains a comparative analysis of The Probability Theory textbook and modern educational literature. The birth of children after infertility treatment of married couples with the help of assisted reproductive technologies has become a reality after many years of basic research on the physiology of reproductive system, development of oocyte’s in vitro fertilization methods and cultivation of embryos at pre-implantation stages. Given the widespread use of assisted reproductive technologies in modern medical practice and the great interest of society to this problem, the aim of the study authors from the Institute for Problems of Cryobiology and Cryomedicine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine was to trace the main stages and key events of assisted reproductive technologies in the world and in Ukraine, as well as to highlight the activities of outstanding scientists of domestic and world science who were at the origins of the development of this area. As a result of the work, it has been shown that despite certain ethical and social biases, the discovery of individual predecessor scientists became the basis for the efforts of Robert Edwards and Patrick Steptoe to ensure birth of the world's first child, whose conception occurred outside the mother's body. There are also historical facts and unique photos from our own archive, which confirm the fact of the first successful oocyte in vitro fertilization and the birth of a child after the use of assisted reproductive technologies in Ukraine. In the next article, the authors tried to consider and structure the stages of development and creation of the “Yermak”, the world's first Arctic icebreaker, and analyzed the stages of preparation and the results of its first expeditions to explore the Arctic. Systematic analysis of historical sources and biographical material allowed to separate and comprehensively consider the conditions and prehistory for the development and creation of “Yermak” icebreaker. Also, the authors gave an assessment to the role of Vice Admiral Stepan Osypovych Makarov in those events, and analyzed the role of Sergei Yulyevich Witte, Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleev and Pyotr Petrovich Semenov-Tian-Shansky in the preparation and implementation of the first Arctic expeditions of the “Yermak”icebreaker. The authors of the following article considered the historical aspects of construction and operation of train ferry routes. The article deals with the analysis and systematization of the data on the historical development of train ferry routes and describes the background for the construction of train ferry routes and their advantages over other combined transport types. It also deals with the basic features of the train ferries operating on the main international train ferry routes. The study is concerned with both sea routes and routes across rivers and lakes. The article shows the role of train ferry routes in the improvement of a national economy, and in the provision of the military defense. An analysis of numerous artefacts of the first third of the 20th century suggests that the production of many varieties of art-and-industrial ceramics developed in Halychyna, in particular architectural ceramic plastics, a variety of functional ceramics, decorative tiles, ceramic tiles, facing tiles, etc. The artistic features of Halychyna art ceramics, the richness of methods for decorating and shaping it, stylistic features, as well as numerous art societies, scientific and professional associations, groups, plants and factories specializing in the production of ceramics reflect the general development of this industry in the first half of the century and represent the prerequisites the emergence of the school of professional ceramics in Halychyna at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the next paper is to analyze the formation and development of scientific and professional schools of art-and-industrial ceramics of Halychyna in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. During the environmental crisis, electric transport (e-transport) is becoming a matter for scientific inquiry, a subject of discussion in politics and among public figures. In the program for developing the municipal services of Ukraine, priorities are given to the development of the infrastructure of ecological transport: trolleybuses, electric buses, electric cars. The increased attention to e-transport on the part of the scientific community, politicians, and the public actualizes the study of its history, development, features of operation, etc. The aim of the next study is to highlight little-known facts of the history of production and operation of MAN trolleybuses in Ukrainian cities, as well as to introduce their technical characteristics into scientific circulation. The types, specific design solutions of the first MAN trolleybus generation and the prerequisites for their appearance in Chernivtsi have been determined. Particular attention has been paid to trolleybuses that were in operation in Germany and other Western European countries from the first half of the 1930s to the early 1950s. The paper traces the stages of operation of the MAN trolleybuses in Chernivtsi, where they worked during 1939–1944 and after the end of the Second World War, they were transferred to Kyiv. After two years of operation in the Ukrainian capital, the trolleybuses entered the routes in Dnipropetrovsk during 1947–1951. The purpose of the article by authors from the State University of Infrastructure and Technologies of Ukraine is to thoroughly analyze unpaved roads of the late 18th – early 19th century, as well as the project of the first wooden trackway as the forerunner of the Bukovyna railways. To achieve this purpose, the authors first reviewed how railways were constructed in the Austrian Empire during 1830s – 1850s. Then, in contrast with the first railway networks that emerged and developed in the Austrian Empire, the authors made an analysis of the condition and characteristics of unpaved roads in Bukovyna. In addition, the authors considered the first attempt to create a wooden trackway as a prototype and predecessor of the Bukovyna railway.
14
Pstrocki-Sehovic, Sabina, and Sabina Pstrocki-Sehovic. "Fiction as a Medium of Social Communication in 19th Century France." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 2, no. 1 (October 12, 2014): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v2i1.104.
Full textAbstract:
This article will present the extent to which literature could be viewed as means of social communication – i.e. informing and influencing society – in 19thcentury France, by analysing the appearance of three authors at different points: the beginning, the middle and the end of the century. The first is the case of Balzac at the beginning of the 19th Century who becomes the most successful novelist of the century in France and who, in his prolific expression and rich vocabulary, portrays society from various angles in a huge opus of almost 100 works, 93 of them making his Comédie humaine. The second is the case of Gustave Flaubert whose famous novel Madame Bovary, which depicts a female character in a realist but also in a psychologically conscious manner, around the mid-19th century reaches French courts together with Les Fleurs du Mal by Charles Baudelaire and is exposed as being socially judged for its alleged immorality. The last is the political affair of Dreyfus and its defender Emile Zola, the father of naturalism. This case confirms the establishment of more intense relations between writer and politics and builds a solid way for a more conscious and everyday political engagement in the literary world from the end of the 19th century onwards. These three are the most important cases which illustrate how fiction functioned in relation to society, state and readership in 19th century France.
15
Firdaus, Yelmi Eri, Elfia Elfia, and Meirison Meirison. "RISE AND FALL OF MAMLUK SULTANATE: The Struggle Against Mongols and Crusaders in Holy War." Al-Adyan: Journal of Religious Studies 1, no. 1 (August 6, 2020): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/al-adyan.v1i1.1713.
Full textAbstract:
For 300 years, precisely from 1250 to 1517, the Mamluk Dynasty ruled in Egypt and Syria. Their power ended after the conquest of the Ottoman Turks, who later built a new empire. The writer wants to describe how the slave nation could become a ruler who gained legitimacy from Muslims. Mamluk is a soldier who comes from slaves who have converted to Islam. "The mamluk phenomenon," as David Ayalon called it, was an extremely large and long-lived important politic, which lasted from the 9th century to the 19th century AD. Over time, Mamluk became a robust military caste in various Muslim societies. Especially in Egypt, but also the Levant, Iraq, and India, mamluks hold political and military power. In some cases, they gained the position of the Sultan, while in other cases, they held regional power as amir or beys. The historical method starts with collecting literature, sorting, and analyzing and interpreting the writer doing historiography on the dynamics of this mamluk dynasty government. A dynasty filled with phenomenon, which originated from slaves and then turned into the ruler of a vast territory. Not only that, but the slaves were also able to defeat big countries like France, Portugal, and Italy. The Mamluk Sultanate was famous for repelling the Mongols and fighting with the Crusaders. They are descended from various variations, but the most frequent is Kipchak Turks, depending on the period and region in question. When a mamluk is bought, their status is above ordinary slaves, who are not permitted to carry weapons or carry out specific tasks. In places like Egypt, from the Ayyubid dynasty to the era of Muhammad Ali of Egypt, Mamluk is considered as "real rulers" with social status over those born as Muslims.Selama 300 tahun, tepatnya dari tahun 1250 hingga 1517, Dinasti Mamluk memerintah di Mesir dan Suriah. Kekuatan mereka berakhir setelah penaklukan Turki Ottoman, yang kemudian membangun sebuah kerajaan baru. Penulis ingin menggambarkan bagaimana negara budak bisa menjadi penguasa yang mendapatkan legitimasi dari umat Islam. Mamluk adalah seorang prajurit yang berasal dari para budak yang telah memeluk Islam. "Fenomena mamluk," sebagaimana David Ayalon menyebutnya, adalah politik penting yang sangat besar dan berumur panjang, yang berlangsung dari abad ke-9 hingga abad ke-19. Seiring waktu, Mamluk menjadi kasta militer yang kuat di berbagai masyarakat Muslim. Terutama di Mesir, tetapi juga Levant, Irak, dan India, mamluk memegang kekuasaan politik dan militer. Dalam beberapa kasus, mereka mendapatkan posisi Sultan, sementara dalam kasus lain, mereka memegang kekuasaan regional sebagai amir atau lebah. Metode historis dimulai dengan mengumpulkan literatur, menyortir, dan menganalisis dan menafsirkan penulis melakukan historiografi pada dinamika pemerintahan dinasti mamluk ini. Sebuah dinasti penuh dengan fenomena, yang berasal dari budak dan kemudian berubah menjadi penguasa wilayah yang luas. Bukan hanya itu, tetapi para budak juga mampu mengalahkan negara-negara besar seperti Perancis, Portugal, dan Italia. Kesultanan Mamluk terkenal karena memukul mundur bangsa Mongol dan bertarung dengan Tentara Salib. Mereka diturunkan dari berbagai variasi, tetapi yang paling sering adalah Kipchak Turki, tergantung pada periode dan wilayah yang dimaksud. Ketika mamluk dibeli, status mereka di atas budak biasa, yang tidak diizinkan membawa senjata atau melakukan tugas tertentu. Di tempat-tempat seperti Mesir, dari dinasti Ayyubiyah ke era Muhammad Ali dari Mesir, Mamluk dianggap sebagai "penguasa nyata" dengan status sosial atas mereka yang terlahir sebagai Muslim.
16
Mullenix, Elizabeth Reitz. "Private Women/Public Acts: Petticoat Government and the Performance of Resistance." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 1 (March 2002): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402753555886.
Full textAbstract:
Feminists in 19th-century America performed their politics by storming taverns, holding mock elections at polling sites, and lecturing in public. These performances exacerbated fears concerning the “Woman Question” as antebellum feminists exposed gender as ritualized acts and employed performativity as a way to enact their resistance.
17
Zhao, Jialin, and Rainer Feldbacher. "Reflection of Sexual Morality in Literature and Art." Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature 1, no. 3 (August 21, 2020): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v1i3.32.
Full textAbstract:
Tocqueville, in his book “Democracy in America”, talked about the concept of sexual morality, introduced it into his newpolitical science, and reflected on the situation of social morality before and after the French Revolution with the help of hisinvestigation of American social morality. From the end of the 19th century to late 20th century, the development of sexualmorality in the US and France has undergone different changes. In France before and after the Revolution, sexual ethicsshowed a very different picture, from palace porn culture and pornography before the Revolution to revolutionary moralethics during the revolutionary period and to sexual ethics after the revolution. The US turned from the Puritans' sexualmorality in the early 18th century to the sexual liberation movement in the 19th and 20th centuries. From the historicalexperience of the US and France, we can see three basic forms of sexual morality: the state of greed, the state of politics, andthe state of holy love. The revolutions were not only initiating the construction of democracy, but also changed the definitionof its most basic figure that is the individual. This paper places sexual morality in the three dimensions of reality, politics andreligion. Taking The United States and France as examples, with the help of textual analysis and comparison, thedevelopment course, different forms and contemporary values of sexual morality will be explored.
18
Stinchcombe, Arthur L. "Class Conflict and Diplomacy: Haitian Isolation in the 19th-Century World System." Sociological Perspectives 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389407.
Full textAbstract:
The article argues that Haiti's diplomatic isolation after its revolution and independence was due to two different processes, its place in the symbolic system of domestic politics in the United States, and its place in the lives and experience of people intensely concerned with Haiti in France, Britain, and Spain. The result was that the diplomatic isolation was ended first in the 1830s by Europe, by the countries materially damaged by the Hatian Revolution. It was ended later by the United States and its Spanish-American client states, who were only symbolically damaged by Haiti as an antislavery black power symbol after the Emancipation Proclamation in the 1860s. A theory of the politics of diplomacy with two parts, the role of a foreign country as a symbol in the domestic politics of other countries, and the role of people with extensive contact and interest in particular parts of another country in the diplomatic milieux of other countries, is developed to explain this case.
19
Mazé, Camille, Frédéric Poulard, and Christelle Ventura. "Dismantling, Reorganization, and Creation: The Introduction to Ethnology Museums: Culture, Politics, and Institutional Change." Museum Anthropology Review 9, no. 1-2 (September 3, 2015): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/mar.v9i1-2.19966.
Full textAbstract:
This contribution originally appeared in French as the introduction to the edited volume Les musées d’ethnologie: culture, politique et changement institutionnel. It offers a historical and contemporary account of cultural, political, and institutional factors that have reshaped museum anthropology and museums of anthropology in France since the rise of the field and its institutions in the 19th century.
20
Nikolarea, Ekaterini. "Oedipus the King: A Greek Tragedy, Philosophy, Politics and Philology." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 7, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 219–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037174ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Oedipus the King: A Greek Tragedy, Philosophy, Politics and Philology — This study tries to show that the abundance of translations, imitations and radical re-interpretations of a genre like tragedy is due to various social discourses of target societies. Taking as an example Sophocles' Oedipus the King, the acclaimed tragedy par excellence, this essay discusses how the discourses of philosophy, politics and philology influenced the reception of this classical Greek tragedy by the French and British target systems (TSs) during the late 17th and early 18th century and the late 19th and early 20th century. The first section shows how, by offering Sophocles' Oedipus the King as a Greek model of tragedy, Aristotle's Poetics has formed the Western literary criticism and playwriting. The second section attempts to demonstrate why three imitations of Oedipus by Corneille (Oedipe), Dryden {Oedipus) and Voltaire {Oedipe) became more popular than any other contemporary "real" translation of the Sophoclean Oedipus. The third and final part holds that the observed revival of Oedipus the King in late 19th- and early 20th-century France and England was due to the different degrees of influence of three conflicting but overlapping discourses: philosophy, philology and politics. It illustrates how these discourses resulted in different reception of the Greek play by the French and British TSs.
21
Nesterova, T. P. "‘Tunisian Question’ in Franco-Italian Relations (1922—1928)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 8 (October 30, 2022): 386–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-386-402.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the development of relations between France and Italy in the context of the status of the Italian population of Tunisia issue. Thanks to the agreements reached by the Italian states and the government of Tunisia, in the first half of the 19th century mass emigration of Italians began to Tunisia, as a result, by the end of the 19th century, a significant Italian diaspora had formed in Tunisia. The establishment of a French protectorate over Tunisia led to the question of the status of the Italian population of Tunisia, which was eventually settled by the Franco-Italian convention of 1896. After the First World War, France refused to comply with the decisions of 1896. The French government set itself the goal of naturalizing Italians in Tunisia. The Italian government strongly opposed such a policy. The negotiations did not lead to a settlement of the conflict. The place of the ‘Tunisian question’ in relations between Italy and France in the 1920s is analyzed, the numerous discussions of the problem of the status of Italians in Tunisia and Italy’s attempts at least to maintain the situation, that existed in accordance with the 1896 convention, are considered in the article. It is proved that Tunisia, with its large Italian diaspora, occupied a significant place in the African policy of Italy during the period of fascism. It is substantiated that the period of the 1920s was essentially the preparatory work for a more serious discussion of the colonial problems that arose between France and Italy, which resulted in the Laval-Mussolini agreement of 1935.
22
Merriman, John. "Urban space and the power of language: the stigmatization of the faubourg in 19th-century France." Social Science Information 38, no. 2 (June 1999): 329–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901899038002007.
Full textAbstract:
With the growth of French cities in the 19th century, a discourse of stigmatization developed in response to the economic and social evolution of the urban periphery. The faubourgs, which had already for some time made urban elites uneasy, were stigmatized as the locus of people (and activities) unwanted in the center city. They were expelled to the periphery (with the Haussmannization of Paris providing the classic case). At the same time, the social fear of the people of the faubourgs became increasingly linked with political fear, indeed well before the end of the century, when the faubourgs (not all of them, of course, as Versailles and some others were quite different) were evolving into “the suburbs”, those of Paris, above all, but in many provincial towns and cities as well, and especially when certain faubourgs and suburbs began to mount a challenge to the politics of the center city. Here we are joining the effort to establish the historical origins of a true discourse and vocabulary of the stigmatization of the urban periphery of French cities, so marked today, and place them in the middle decades of the 19th century.
23
Ircha, M. C. "The Chignecto ship railway: a 19th century engineering innovation." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 19, no. 1 (February 1, 1992): 164–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l92-016.
Full textAbstract:
Just over a century ago, work commenced on the Chignecto Marine Transport Railway across the Isthmus of Chignecto. The ship railway involved the use of a hydraulic lift to raise large ships on a wheeled cradle. The cradle and the ship were to be towed across the Isthmus by two locomotives and then hydraulically lowered into the receiving waters. The project would transfer ships quicker and be less expensive than building a canal. A private company built the ship railway with the promise of an operating subsidy from the federal government. Financial problems brought the work to a standstill in August 1891. Despite what appeared to be a temporary setback, international economic and national political events prevented completion of the project. Today, the remains of the railbed, an arch culvert, and the foundations of the pump house are all that are left of this 19th century engineering innovation.The contemporary technical literature detailed many of the engineering feats at Chignecto. In 1891, Henry Ketchum, the New Brunswick engineer responsible for the concept and design, presented two concurrent papers on the ship railway to the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers. This paper documents the development of Chignecto Marine Transport Railway. Key words: history, civil engineering, Canadian, shipping, canals, marine railway, and politics.
24
Shahmuhametova, Elena, Malika Yusupova, Natali Solovyova, and Olga Borisova. "Governor in the system of state administration at the beginning of the 19th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi07.
Full textAbstract:
Provincial politics in the Russian Empire depended on the personality of the emperor, his views and worldview. During the years of Paul’s Government an extreme form of centralization has been established in the activities of the State apparatus. With the arrival of Emperor Alexander I, there was, in our opinion, a symbolic removal of the distance between the supreme power and its military support, which, in fact, removed obstacles to the spontaneous inclusion of the military in political activity in the next fluctuations of this monarch’s line.
25
Capotosti, Piero Alberto. "Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
Full textAbstract:
1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
26
Karpik, Lucien. "Lawyers and Politics in France, 1814–1950: The State, the Market, and the Public." Law & Social Inquiry 13, no. 04 (1988): 707–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1988.tb01133.x.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the 19th century, lawyers in France were deeply involved in political action to pursue an overriding goal–to become recognized as spokesmen for the public. This strategy governed their history; it explains their brilliant social ascent and their subsequent slow decline. As long as the conflict between state and civil society raged, lawyers were able to we assets–political mobilization, the power of the word, the esteem enjoyed by law–which had allowed them faithfully to embody public opinion in its struggle to limit state powers. From this embodiment of public ideals they derived independence, prestige, and a dominant position in the state. But when the nature of the political regime ceased to be a bone of contention and when public life became organized around other cleavages, lawyers were gradually deprived of their representative function. This marked the beginning of a social decline that became visible between the two world wars and lasted until the 1950s.
27
Carney, Richard. "Corporate governance and firm financing: The role of politics." Corporate Ownership and Control 2, no. 1 (2004): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv2i1p4.
Full textAbstract:
This paper offers an explanation for why firms in different countries rely more heavily on bank lending or securities markets. I argue that market financing is more common when the firm is competitive with its foreign counterparts, and when a right-wing political party controls government. If the firm is uncompetitive with foreign rivals, or if a left-wing political party controls government, then bank lending will be more common. Evidences across OECD countries as well as analysis of France and Japan across the twentieth century support the argument. There are clear implications for the kinds of technological innovation pursued by firms across different countries, as well as for international mergers and acquisitions.
28
Girard, Chris. "Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics." Open Access Government 36, no. 1 (October 17, 2022): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-036-9829.
Full textAbstract:
Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics Chris Girard, an Associate Professor from the Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies at Florida International University explores education, gender rights and the freedoms of women in Norway. Only one of Norway’s 70 monarchs was a woman over the last thousand years, and now, after great change when universal suffrage was first extended to women in 1913, since 1981, two women have become prime ministers in Norway, serving as heads of state for over 40 per cent of the subsequent four decades. Now, the Norwegian parliament comprises 45 per cent of women legislators, which can partially be attributed to the development of a digital-age layer of information flow, which allowed more Norwegian women to overcome the spatial barriers to government careers that arise from childcare at home. In the present day, there is now a growing demand for educated women counteracts an enduring historical trend extending from the 12th century to the final quarter of the 19th century, when women in Norway had been blocked from higher levels of education.
29
Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran." Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (October 17, 2015): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340008.
Full textAbstract:
Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.
30
Juvan, Marko. "The Aesthetics and Politics of Belonging: National Poets between “Vernacularism” and “Cosmopolitanism”." arcadia 52, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2017-0002.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractJameson’s concept of modern third-world literature as national allegory is also pertinent for the 19th-century peripheries of the first-world literature. Aware of their dependence on imperial powers, the protagonists of (semi)peripheral national movements longed for the recognition of their nascent collective identity by the lawgiving Other – the symbolic order of ‘universal’ tradition. The figures of “national poets” (Nemoianu) were invented to represent their respective nations to the gaze of the Other, symbolized by the emerging world literature and empowered through the inter-state system dominated by the core countries. In a secular parallel to the canonization of saints in the Catholic Church, “worlding” (Kadir) a national poet was crucial in the (unfulfilled) longing for his/her universal acknowledgment as belonging to the hyper-canon. While several national poets involved in national movements showed a “vernacular” tendency (Terian), Schiller and Goethe represented the more “cosmopolitan” model of a national classic. Such ‘affiliation’ to the universal aesthetic canon is also characteristic of the politics of Slovenian romantic movement and its poet, France Prešeren. Although Prešeren’s poetry, which was exposed to Austrian censorship, only sparsely employs an explicit political discourse, his imaginary worlding and intertextual transfer of universal aesthetic repertoires from the established literatures into a Habsburg periphery fashioned a cosmopolitan strategy of cultural nationalism. Prešeren has been venerated in Slovenia since the late 19th-century as the singular national classic whose oeuvre compensates for the apparent lack of classical and modern traditions in Slovenian and deserves to be recognized worldwide.
31
Volosyuk, Olga. "Inter Arma Silent Musae: the Role of Public Diplomacy in Relations between Russia and Spain." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023487-4.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the role of public diplomacy in Russian-Spanish relations; puts forward a hypothesis, that public diplomacy plays an independent role, sometimes even replacing traditional diplomacy, in the “political vacuum”, when political ties between the two countries were frozen or even broken off. The author points out that some examples of public diplomacy can be traced in Russian-Spanish relations in the 18—19th centuries, but they transferred into state policy only in the 20th century. It was at that time that the Soviet government started to maintain a purposeful public policy aimed at “creating a positive image of the country” through the development of cultural and scientific contacts. This is demonstrated in the article on a number of examples: The October Revolution, which divided the world into two opposing blocs, in which there was no place for political relations; the period of Francoism, when both states publicly declared their irreconcilable ideological confrontation, but in fact were pragmatically building economic relations and strengthened scientific and cultural contacts. In those years, the personal support of prominent scientists and public figures played a huge role in building official diplomatic relations after the death of Franco. The author pays special attention to the role of the diplomacy of science and education, the importance of which. increased noticeably in the 21st century. From this point of view, the evolution of relations between Russia and Spain in the first quarter of this century is considered, especially during the period of cooling of relations as a result of the Ukrainian crisis.
32
Puzovic, Vladislav. "Jefrem Bojovic’s letters addressed to Nil Alexandrovich Popov." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 179 (2021): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2179347p.
Full textAbstract:
There are 19 unpublished letters written by latter bishop of Zica Jefrem Bojovic, preserved in The Manuscripts Department of The Russian State Library of Moscow. These letters, addressed to Nil Alexandrovich Popov, are part of a personal collection of this famous Russian scholar in the field of history and Slavic literature. Letters from this collection were written from 1874 until 1886, while Bojovic was a student at The Moscow Spiritual Academy and a professor in the Seminary of Belgrade. These letters are a great source for Bishop Jefrem?s biography, especially for understanding his relationships with Russia. They witness a sincere friendship with Popov, one of the most prominent people in relations between Serbs and Russians, during the second half of the 19th century. These letters are important in order to understand Bojovic?s point of view, regarding the issues of Serbian social, political and church life in the 9th decade of the 19th century. Serbian Government led Pro-Austrian politics during that period of time, which affected relationships within Serbian Church and society. The most significant consequence was an uncanonical replacement of the Serbian Metropolitan Mihailo (Jovanovic) and his hierarchy. Bojovic was the first source witness of these events, who was actively supporting Metropolitan Mihailo. During his studies in Russia, Jefrem Bojovic became a true lover of Slavs, which formed his further views. The mentioned documents were analyzed in this study for the first time, and they will hopefully enrich the biography of Jefrem Bojovic. This study should help us to understand better the occasions within the church, society and politics in Serbia during the ninth decade of the 19th century.
33
Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
Full textAbstract:
This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
34
Pugačiauskas, Virgilijus, and Olga Mastianica-Stankevič. "The Historical Memory of the 1812 War in Lithuania in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries: A Complex Process." Lithuanian Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (November 30, 2021): 59–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02501003.
Full textAbstract:
In historiography, significant attention to the memory culture of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe focuses on issues relating to the memory culture of the Franco-Russian War of 1812; however, the case of Lithuania is not commonly analysed separately, thus this article discusses how assessments of the 1812 war were maintained in the historical memory in Lithuania. The Russian government offered the population in the lands of the former GDL its official version of the historical memory of the 1812 war (of a heroic battle against an invader), which contradicted the version this population considered as ‘its own’, experienced as their support for Napoleon and the new political and social prospects they believed he would bring. The Russian government’s censorship of written literature suppressed the spread of the people’s ‘own’ local historical memory, yet it did not prove to be so effective due to the population’s very limited opportunities to use the printed word. Communicative memory dominated in the land in the first half of the 19th century, becoming the main source testifying to and passing on to subsequent generations the actual multifaceted experiences of the 1812 war, including the chance of liberation from the yoke of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, representatives of local Russian imperial government structures and the local Russian intelligentsia, responding to the 1812 war as a Polish struggle for freedom and a symbol of political independence, explained in academic, educational and popular literature that the hopes of the Poles related to Napoleon were actually unfounded: the French emperor had no intentions of restoring the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its historical boundaries, but simply wanted to fill his army units with Polish forces. It was highlighted that this expression of Polish support for Napoleon stopped the Russian imperial government’s potential plans to restore the Poles’ former statehood. This so-called regional narrative which appeared in history textbooks and was used by exacting emotional and visual impact in order to influence the political and cultural provisions of the younger generation had a dual purpose. First, to justify the discriminatory policies against individuals of ‘Polish origins’. Second, to ‘block’ the path for using the 1812 war as a historical argument testifying not just to the common historical past and struggle of Poles and Lithuanians but also their possible political future, which was openly expressed in the Polish national discourse of the early 20th century. Over the course of a hundred years, despite the government’s actions, Poles managed to uphold ‘their own’ historical memory about the 1812 war; its meanings were spread in various forms of media such as fictional literature, museum exhibitions and history textbooks, and were used to shape the political and cultural position of the younger generation. In the Lithuanian national discourse on the other hand, the 1812 war, along with the 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 uprisings, was viewed as a matter concerning the Poles and the Polonised nobility, and it was thus a foreign place of historical memory. The 1812 war and assessments of its potential importance to Lithuanians in the Lithuanian national discourse of the early 20th century were one-off cases and fragmented, while their spread among broader layers of society was limited.
35
Root, Hilton L. "The Redistributive Role of Government: Economic Regulation in Old Régime France and England." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 2 (April 1991): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017059.
Full textAbstract:
The lobbying activities of private groups had an important redistributive influence on national economic policies in both England and France; however, the different organization of government in the two nations gave a particular shape and structure to the redistributive character of national politics. In England, Parliament's role in the legislative process made gaining economic concessions from the government long and difficult. During the eighteenth century, the English government's role was increasingly limited to adjudicating the claims of influential but conflicting groups. In France, by contrast, the government's economic decisions were neither subject to parliamentary scrutiny nor to open public discussion. Whereas the rules of the redistributional game in eighteenth-century England were increasingly public knowledge, the administrative and political process that allowed the French government to pursue its mercantilist programs was private. Furthermore, the rules changed according to ministerial whim. As one historian put it, public law was a forbidden domain, “a mystery reserved to the king and his ministers,” permitting select members of privileged clans, rather than broadly defined interest groups, to enjoy the benefits of government patronage. Although the creation of sophisticated interests and competitive lobbies allowed the English Parliament to provide special favors to particular industries during the eighteenth century, unlike the French executive, neither Parliament nor the English executive had the discretionary authority to distribute monopoly rents to particular ministerial or royal favorites. In England the government's distribution of spoils followed procedures more open to the English political elite as a whole; still, corruption was more pervasive in English public administration than in France, where executive supervision of central government agents was more comprehensive.
36
Massoc, Elsa. "Taxing stock transfers in the first golden age of financial capitalism: political salience and the limits on the power of finance." Socio-Economic Review 17, no. 3 (October 30, 2017): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwx039.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The current debate about taxing financial transactions is often presented as a brand new one. It is not. At the turn of the 19th century, a similar tax was debated in France and the US Financial actors fought the tax mightily. Those actors were very powerful. Yet, they lost. A tax on stock transfers (STT) was established. Why? Through a comparative analysis of France and the State of New York, this article argues that the tax was adopted because politicians interested in capitalizing on public discontent endeavored to publicize and frame the STT in simple and antagonizing terms. Strong but heterogeneous public hostility against finance got focused on the explicitly politicized issue of the tax. Political salience disrupted the logics of ‘quiet politics’ and momentarily undermined the privileged position of finance. Despite intense lobbying and threats to relocate from financiers, elected officials chose to vote for the STT.
37
Forbath, William E. "Courts, Constitutions, and Labor Politics in England and America: A Study of the Constitutive Power of Law." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 01 (1991): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00282.x.
Full textAbstract:
For most of the 19th century, the labor movements of England and America seemed to be developing along similar lines. Then, in the decades around the turn of the century, both movements were embroiled in a common battle over the political soul of trade unionism. In England, the champions of broad, class-based social and industrial reforms prevailed. In the United States, they lost, and the winners were the voluntarists, who held that labor should steer clear of politics as much as possible. This article suggests that the key reasons for the divergence lie not in the sociology of the working class or labor movement, so much as in the character of the state and polity and the lessons trade unionists drew from experiences in those arenas. The difference between judicial supremacy in the United States and parliamentary supremacy in England combined with other differences in the two nations’ forms of government to produce sharply contrasting lessons about the value of state-based reforms.
38
Postnikova, A. A. "Russian Campaign in the Memory of France in the Second Half of the XIX Century: between "Memory-Victory" and "Memory-Injury"." Tempus et Memoria 3, no. 2 (2022): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/tetm.2022.3.037.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the process of transforming the image of Napoleon's Russian campaign in the historical memory of the French in the second half of the 19th century. The author, having analyzed the image of war in the space of historical politics, art, periodicals, historical science, came to the conclusion that excessive state intervention in the process of constructing the past leads to the destruction of "heroic myths." So, with the fall of the regime of the Second Empire in the consciousness of society, a trip to Russia began to be perceived as the result of the fatal mistake of the emperor. During the years of the Third Republic, the image of war continued to develop in public discourse, demonstrating a kind of historical pattern when imperial ambitions inevitably lead the nation to tragedy.
39
Shen, Huifen. "Qiaojuan Politics: Government Policies toward the Left-Behind Family Members of Chinese Overseas, 1880s-1990s." Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, no. 1 (2010): 43–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x491464.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSince the late 19th century, the emigration of Chinese has left large numbers of their family members (Qiaojuan) behind in China. These “left-behind relatives” were seen as a channel through which the government could influence the attitudes and behaviors of the Chinese overseas especially in relation to overseas remittances to families remaining in China; the Qiaojuan thus became a group that successive Chinese governments treated with special consideration in their policy-making. Before 1949, some Qiaojuan received favorable treatment and a degree of protection from extortion and theft, and these were extended to the whole group of Qiaojuan regarding their property and legitimate rights in the post-1949 era, with the exception of the period when the “ultra-Left” policy was implemented. Many Qiaojuan actively used their privileged status to pursue their interests through the transnational protection networks. This article examines the changing perceptions of and policies toward the Qiaojuan on the part of various Chinese governments between the 1880s and the 1990s. It demonstrates that the changing socio-political status of the Qiaojuan is contingent upon the government’s perceived importance of the Chinese overseas and the Qiaojuan in an era of rapid national development.
40
Romney, Paul. "A Conservative Reformer in Upper Canada: Charles Fothergill, Responsible Government and the “British Party”, 1824‑1840." Historical Papers 19, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030917ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Whig treatments of the politics of early 19th century Upper Canada have tended to treat the reformers as a group unified behind the concept of "responsible government". As Graeme Patterson has pointed out, though, the concept of responsible government, which lay at the heart of much debate during the 1830s and 1840s, had a variety of meanings, ranging from the traditional Baldwinite view of ministerial responsibility for policy to an elected chamber of a sovereign legislature to the much simpler concept cf effective accountability of the colonial administration to imperial authorities. The author explores a distinctive variant upon the theme cf "responsible government" - that posited by the English-born reformer, Charles Fothergill. After a short, and not par- ticularly distinguished, career as a placeman, Fothergill was dismissed in 1826 for his activities in the House of Assembly. After three years in the mainstream cf reform politics, he broke with W.W. Baldwin, John Rolph and their adherents over the meaning cf responsible government, and proclaimed himself a "conservative reformer." Afterthe Rebellion, he became a tribune of the so-called "British Party" - a group of loyal, conservative, middle-class British immigrants who resented the dominance of the Family Compact. Though Fothergill shared the social conservatism which underlay the Bald- winite view of responsible government, he posited a less radical, more legalistic - and, to the author, more logical - alternative to ministerial responsibility.
41
FORRESTAL, ALISON. "Making Bishops in Tridentine France: The Episcopal Ideal of Jean-Pierre Camus." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 2 (April 2003): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690200564x.
Full textAbstract:
The experience of Jean-Pierre Camus, a reforming bishop in seventeenth-century France, highlights the problematic ambivalences present within French Catholic reform after the Council of Trent: the persistent tensions between bishops, the papacy and lower clergy over the most effective means of achieving renewal and the most appropriate forms of ecclesiastical government, as well as the growing emphasis upon episcopal perfection within an episcopate that was, paradoxically, closely linked to politics and secular society. His publications on episcopacy provide an insight into the motivations and beliefs of a prominent episcopal reformer and into the ecclesiastical culture of seventeenth-century France. This article seeks to demonstrate that Camus' episcopal ideal was a coherent adaptation of traditional and contemporary views produced in response to post-Trent circumstances and that the bishop's published views had a significant impact upon his fellow prelates and their relationship with the papacy.
42
Bikulčius, Vytautas. "Michel Houellebecq’s Submission – a novel of decadence." Literatūra 61, no. 4 (December 20, 2019): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2019.4.7.
Full textAbstract:
Michel Houellebecq’s Submission has been analysed as a novel of decadence in this paper. Referring to the works of Michel Winock, François Livi and Michel Onfray, it has been found that a decadent novel can be associated not only with the works of Joris-Karl Huysmans, Pierre Loűys, Jean Lorrain and others produced at the end of the 19th century but also at subsequent periods. Such characteristics of decadent writing as the threat of catastrophe, fundamental changes in society, nostalgia can be found in the analysed novel.François, the main character of the novel, an expert on Huysmans and a professor at Sorbonne University, supports Huysmans’ ideas to some extent trying to find the link between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 21st century by comparing processes in society. Huysmans sought an ideal in the Middle Ages, while François travels to Rocamadour, famous for the statue of the Black Madonna, with a hope to find a spiritual revelation but becomes aware that the world of the past has gone forever. Changes in society made Huysmans leave the monastery, similarly, François gets frustrated as he loses his job when the Muslim Fraternity comes into power.Using the dystopian genre, Houellebecq depicts unbelievable changes in society – the new government proclaims Islam an official religion of France. Society is governed by new rules, the authority is concerned about two things – demography and education. Those, who refuse to convert to Islam, lose their jobs. Changes in society are even linked with geopolitical changes. Meanwhile Houellebecq reveals significant differences between the decadence of the end of the 19th and of the 21st century. Huysmans’ decadence results in neuroses, a desire to seal himself off from the world in alcohol, drugs, etc., to surround himself with works of art, while François in Submission enjoys erotic pleasures, gradually becomes an alcoholic, he does not suffer like Huysmans’ protagonist Des Esseintes. It can be stated that Submission is a decadent novel only at thematic level since aesthetic values, characteristic of the decadence of the 19th century, are left in the background. The only justification of François is that he speaks about his conversion to Islam hypothetically, it shows that he has not made up his mind to take this step.
43
Engels, Jens Ivo. "Corruption as a Political Issue in Modern Societies: France, Great Britain and the United States in the Long 19th Century." Public Voices 10, no. 2 (December 8, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.149.
Full textAbstract:
The so-called “long 19th century”, from the French Revolution to the First World War, ranks as the crucial phase in the genesis of the modern world. In the Western countries this period was characterized by the differentiation of the public and the private spheres, the birth of the modern bureaucratic state and the delegitimation of early modern practices such as clientelism and patronage. All these fundamental changes are, among other things, usually considered important preconditions for the modern perception of corruption.This paper will concentrate on this crucial phase by means of a comparative analysis of debates in France, Great Britain and the United States, with the aim to elucidate the motives for major anti-corruption movements. The questions are: who fights against corruption and what are the reasons for doing so? I will argue that these concerns were often very different and sometimes accidental. Furthermore, an analysis of political corruption may reveal differences between the political cultures in the countries in question. Thus, the history of corruption serves as a sensor which enables a specific perspective on politics. By taking this question as a starting point the focus is narrowed to political corruption and the debates about corruption, while petty bribery on the part of minor civilservants, as well as the actual practice in the case of extensive political corruption, is left aside.
44
Trifunovic, Branislava. "Fin-de-siccle in Russia: Politics and culture." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 174 (2020): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2074185t.
Full textAbstract:
In this research paper, author discusses artistic responses to political turmoil from 1850 to 1917. This period in the Russian Empire was marked by a gradual striving for a radical and total social transformation initiated by, sometimes even violent, social reactions to the existing autocratic form of government in the mid-19th century, and completed by the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. The article dwells upon historical problems of social and cultural transformations of the Russian society and highlights artistic contribution in strive for modernization. In exploring the mode of adaptation of Russian society to the challenges of modernity, the possibility arose for the setting of three chronologically conditioned, but complex, cause-effect correlations of art and socio-political change: national-imperial, then (paradoxically named) larpurlartist-democratic and avant-garde-socialist correlation. These political and, at the same time, cultural platforms, are recognized as suitable for creating and strengthening a revolutionary climate in imperial Russia. Referring to the revolutionary nature of the artistic movements that preceded the Russian avant-garde, we insist that pluralism of styles and aesthetics in the socio-cultural sphere, as well as social engagement of artists, are factors that are of utmost importance in the preparation of the October Revolution in 1917.
45
Howard, Dick. "The French Strikes of 1995 and their Political Aftermath." Government and Opposition 33, no. 2 (April 1998): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00790.x.
Full textAbstract:
LIKE MANY OF HIS APHORISMS, MARX'S DESIGNATION OF THE FRENCH as the model political nation (leaving the economy to the English and philosophy for the Germans) contained enough of a grain of truth to remain relevant for over a century. Since 1989, the idea of politics based on the revolutionary experience begun in 1789 and pursued by a unified and international working-class subject has lost its utility for understanding the political choices facing modern industrial democracies. Nowhere is the need for a new understanding of the political more clear than in France itself, as illustrated by the strikes that paralysed the country for more than three weeks in November and December of 1995 and forced the government to retreat. While some saw the birth of a ‘social movement’, cheered the victory of society against the state, or imagined that class struggle had begun anew, the more pessimistic argued that the French had once again proven themselves incapable of political reform. The former presuppose a model of politics from the nineteenth century, the latter look forward to a globalized twenty-first century. For those of us still living in the twentieth, analysis of the French strikes can help us to understand how politics can make the shape of the twentyfirst century less inevitable.
46
Verbora, Antonio Robert. "The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada." Society & Animals 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
Full textAbstract:
In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
47
Abeywardana, Nuwan, Wiebke Bebermeier, and Brigitta Schütt. "Ancient Water Management and Governance in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka Until Abandonment, and the Influence of Colonial Politics during Reclamation." Water 10, no. 12 (November 27, 2018): 1746. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w10121746.
Full textAbstract:
The dry-zone water-harvesting and management system in Sri Lanka is one of the oldest historically recorded systems in the world. A substantial number of ancient sources mention the management and governance structure of this system suggesting it was initiated in the 4th century BCE (Before Common Era) and abandoned in the middle of the 13th century CE (Common Era). In the 19th century CE, it was reused under the British colonial government. This research aims to identify the ancient water management and governance structure in the dry zone of Sri Lanka through a systematic analysis of ancient sources. Furthermore, colonial politics and interventions during reclamation have been critically analyzed. Information was captured from 222 text passages containing 560 different records. 201 of these text passages were captured from lithic inscriptions and 21 text passages originate from the chronicles. The spatial and temporal distribution of the records and the qualitative information they contain reflect the evolution of the water management and governance systems in Sri Lanka. Vast multitudes of small tanks were developed and managed by the local communities. Due to the sustainable management structure set up within society, the small tank systems have remained intact for more than two millennia.
48
Timofeev, Dmitry V. "THE CONCEPT OF “REPUBLIC” IN PUBLIC SPACE OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE OF THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE 19TH CENTURY." Ural Historical Journal 76, no. 3 (2022): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2022-3(76)-93-102.
Full textAbstract:
On the basis of the comparative and contextual analysis of publications in the Russian periodicals of the first quarter of the 19th century the article reconstructs the methods of argumentation used in the course of public discussion of ideals and practice of republicanism. Theoretical approaches of the modern history of concepts are used as methodological tools to reveal the ideas of contemporaries about the essence of the republic, the reasons for its emergence and decline, the nature of the relationship between citizens and the state. The intellectual context of Russia’s republican discourse was built on the basis of combination of two space-time prospects — historical experience of the republics of the ancient world and the description of options of the embodiment of the republican idea in France, the modern small states, and “the Republic of the Connected American Areas”. In public space of Russia of the first quarter of the 19th century the republicanism remained an important element of a discourse “about the best form of communal life” which starting point was a statement about the paramount importance of moral qualities of subjects/citizens and the monarch for steady functioning of power institutes. Such interpretation of the republican idea in Russia caused a shift from a question of the institutional embodiment of the republic to reflections about a possibility of combination of republicanism as the ideas of joint action of patriotic citizens, their partnership in “common cause” with historically developed monarchic form of government.
49
Wardęga, Joanna. "Chinese Heritage with European Characteristics: International and Domestic Dimensions of the China’s Cultural Heritage Politics." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.01.
Full textAbstract:
The discussion on Chinese cultural heritage started to emerge as a result of inspiration coming from foreign travels of Chinese scholars-officials and as protective measures against looting of artifacts in the 19th and 20th centuries. The most spectacular robberies were carried out by Anglo-French forces in the Old Summer Palace (Yuanming Yuan) during the Second Opium War in 1860. That event became one of the cornerstones of the “century of humiliation” (bainian guochi) in the Chinese historical narrative. Even though the Communist Revolution classified historical sites as remnants of feudalism, today the Communist Party of China has assumed the role of a defender of the Chinese heritage. In contemporary China, its cultural heritage is a phenomenon of both domestic and international significance. The Chinese emphasize the antiquity of the Chinese nation, pointing to the origins of Chinese civilization as early as five thousand years ago. In contemporary China, recovering cultural treasures is important for the political legitimacy of a government and for erasing the national humiliation.
50
Çirakman, Asli. "FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.