Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'France – Politics and government – 19th century'
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Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Middleton, Alexander James. "British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
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Thompson, Stephen John. "Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.
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Smith, Bruce H., and n/a. "Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.
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In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government.
While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
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Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. "Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.
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By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.
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Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. "The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.
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Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.
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Palmowski, Jan. "Liberalism and the city : the case of Frankfurt am Main, 1866-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e1b5618-6038-42d2-98b7-ecec90ea7805.
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Although in the German Empire the cities were major strongholds of political liberalism, this fact has until very recently attracted little attention from scholars preoccupied with the history of 'high politics' leading up to the two World Wars. This thesis is one of the first analyses of German liberalism at city level, and proceeds from the assumption that in a country with such a regionally and locally diverse political culture as Germany, this type of 'history from below' is a necessary precondition for any satisfactory understanding of the nature of German liberalism in general. Following the introduction, chapter two demonstrates that in Frankfurt, local government became politicised as early as the 1870s. Indeed, chapter three shows how the early experience of Frankfurt liberals in municipal politics was crucial as they defended themselves against emerging political groups during the following decades, particularly the Mittelstand and the SPD. The fourth chapter analyses the development of liberal attitudes towards municipal finance as a background to chapter five which uses the example of Frankfurt to demonstrate how crucial the issue of municipal finance was to the viability of local liberalism not just in theory, but also in practice. Chapter six considers the importance of education to local liberalism as it touched on a number of themes which were central to urban liberals' understanding of themselves, in particular the issues of local self-government and religion. The final chapter looks at the crucial area of social policy, to see to what extent local liberals were merely reactive, and to what extent they were innovative as they faced the new problems of urbanisation and industrialisation. The sophistication of liberal politics in local government, the only level of government where liberals were in the position of carrying out their policies, underlines the gravity of the problem which the lack of parliamentary government posed for liberals at the state and national level. Furthermore, the thesis points to a central dilemma, because, to be successful in Frankfurt and other regions, liberals had to respond to the particular culture at the local level, a requirement that was in direct contrast to the necessity of finding a coherent political consensus at the level of national and state politics. Even though at the local level the liberal capacity of responding to the social and political challenges of their rapidly changing environment has been proved beyond doubt, their policies, their rhetoric and their organisational lead could have only a very limited effect on German liberalism in general. The urban liberals' ideal of creating a more liberal society from 'the bottom up', through the cities, was undermined by the fact that the political future of German liberalism at the state and national level came to rest increasingly on its electoral appeal in the countryside, just at a time when urban liberal self-consciousness reached its peak.
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Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
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Ali, Shara. "The 'pronunciamiento' in Yucatán : from independence to independence (1821-1840)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1693.
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Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of “chaos”, and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.
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Song, Lin Feng. "The neutral policies of the Portuguese government of Macao during the Opium Wars." Thesis, University of Macau, 2000. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636592.
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Doyle, Charles James. "The judicial reaction in south-eastern France, 1794-1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59cc347e-6a12-4540-8d81-65018e2170da.
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The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.
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Beaton, Belinda. "The cult of the First Duke of Wellington." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491583.
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Wasserman, Justin. "Democracy and disorder: Electoral violence and political modernisation in England and Wales, 1857-1880." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2002. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1642.
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The thesis analyses mid-nineteenth century electoral violence in England and Wales in order to contribute to our understanding of the character of Victorian electoral politics, and to assess the pace of political modernization as it has recently been defined. Historians have long acknowledged the presence of physical violence, rioting and intimidation during British elections from at least the Middle Ages to the turn of the twentieth-century, and yet the precise nature, frequency and scale of this phenomenon has remained somewhat obscured by a lack of statistical data on the subject. Therefore, by compiling a numerical sample of violence, based on strict definitional parameters, this research corrects the quantitative void in which discussions of English and Welsh election violence have largely been conducted.
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Hathcock, James A. "The Role of Violence in Hunt County, Texas, during Reconstruction." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4659/.
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The post Civil War period known as Reconstruction remains a topic of interest for historians. Having avoided the experience of invasion by Northern troops during the Civil War, the people living in the interior of the state of Texas accepted Confederate defeat at first. However, with the instituting of Northern efforts at Reconstruction, such as the installation of Republican interim government officials, the arrival of Freedmen's Bureau agents, and in some parts the stationing of federal troops, conservative whites throughout the state became defiant toward the federal government and its policies. Some white southerners even went so far as to take up arms and become embroiled in open conflict with the federal government and its local institutions. As a result, Unionist whites and freedmen found themselves to be the targets of groups of desperados committed to upholding the Southern Cause and ensuring the return of the conservative Democratic party to power in Texas politics. This study focuses on Hunt County from the years 1860 - 1873 to determine to what extent violence played a role in the era of Reconstruction. An analysis of data primarily from county, state, and federal records forms the basis of this study. The information obtained through research suggests that violence played a major role in Hunt County during Reconstruction as a political weapon used to eradicate Republican institutions and efforts.
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Cook, Christopher Joseph. "Agency, Consolidation, and Consequence: Evaluating Social and Political Change in New Orleans, 1868-1900." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/535.
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In the last twenty years, recent scholarship has opened up fresh inquiry into several aspects of New Orleans society during the late nineteenth century. Much work has been done to reassess the political and cultural involvement, as well as perspective of, the black Creoles of the city; the successful reordering of society under the direction of the Anglo-Protestant elite; and the evolution of New Orleans's social conditions and cultural institutions during the period initiating Jim Crow segregation. Further exploration, however, is necessary to make connections between each of these avenues of study. This thesis relies on a variety of secondary sources, primary legal documents, and contemporary newspaper articles and publications, to provide connections between the above topics, giving each greater context and allowing for the exploration of several themes. These include the direction of black Creole public ambition after the end of that community's last civil rights crusade, the effects of Democratic Party strategy and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy movement on younger generations of white residents, and the effects of changing social expectations and increasing segregation on the city's diverse ethnic immigrant community. In doing so, this thesis will contribute to enhancing the current understanding of New Orleans's complex and changing social order, as well as provide future researchers with a broad based work which will effectively introduce the exploration of a variety of key topics and serve as a bridge to connect them with specific lines of inquiry while highlighting the above themes in order to make new connections between various facets of the city's troubled racial history.
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Claveau, Cylvie. "L'autre dans les Cahiers des droits de l'homme, 1920-1940 : une sélection universaliste de l'altérité à la Ligue des droits de l'homme et du Citoyen en France." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37604.
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This doctoral dissertation examines the position of the Other with regard to the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (LDH) in France during the interwar period of the twentieth century. A key institution of French political and intellectual life, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen exemplified the confrontation and contradiction between theory, discourse, and reality. The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first part introduces Them, the members of the Ligue; while the second part describes (or identifies) the Other, the colonized migrants, the foreigners, the political and ethnic refugees of the interwar period. This research demonstrates that, although in theory these groups were considered equal in the name of universalism, in practice the discourse of the Ligue discriminated against them. The evidence shows that the members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen despised all foreigners, and established the level of discrimination according to a hierarchy of contempt.
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McDonald, Kerry. "The experience of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí, 1821-1849." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1965.
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The Hispanic phenomenon of the pronunciamiento, particularly prominent in nineteenth-century Mexico, is just one example of an insurrectionary political act that has contributed to the traditional portrait of chaos and disorder that has tainted much of our interpretation of the country‟s socio-political history. Once considered to be a violent, non-ideological, praetorian military act, recent studies reveal that the pronunciamiento was primarily a written petition that sought to further political proposals or address particular grievances through negotiation (albeit often backed by the threat of force). Although the military were largely the most visible leaders of the pronunciamiento, a plethora of political and civilian actors and interest groups partook in the practice with the intention of having their grievances/demands attended to by the national government. As well as being viewed as one of the causes of chronic instability, the pronunciamiento was also the primary mechanism employed to bring about tangible political changes throughout the country. At the local level of San Luis Potosí, the pronunciamiento seed also germinated and was used by all political groups and factions in their negotiations with local and national authorities alike. Local interests were often at the heart of these negotiations and so dictated the nature of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí. This dissertation will explore and analyse the pronunciamiento practice, its origins, dynamics and nature, from the regional perspective of San Luis Potosí. Bearing in mind that the pronunciamiento was borne out of, and operated in a specific socio-political-economic context of constitutional disarray and transition, its analysis will also further our understanding of the broader socio-political culture not only of San Luis Potosí, but of Mexico in general. This in turn will contribute to the acknowledged need for reinterpretation and revaluation of the tumultuous period of early nineteenth-century Mexico. It will expose the period as an age of democratic revolutions; of intense political debate between emergent political groups and factions, who increasingly used the pronunciamiento to further an ideological stance, represent a spectrum of interests and force some kind of political change both at a national and regional level when all other constitutional options had been exhausted.
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Bédard, Éric. "Le moment réformiste : la pensée d'une élite canadienne-française au milieu du XIXe siècle." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85126.
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Between 1840 and the end of the 1850s, the French-Canadian elite dominating the political landscape was calling for "reformism". Besides belonging to the same generation, the members of this elite shared several features: they had accepted the Union, campaigned for responsible government and opposed annexation to the United States. This thesis aims to put forward some of the main ideas of this elite, and thereby of the reformist period. In the historiography of Canada and Quebec, the reformists are generally portrayed as founders, be it of a nation, a political regime or a bourgeois social order. To avoid teleological pitfalls, this thesis attempts to bring back, in context, the flavour of the thought of a particular time.Reformist thinking was reconstituted from three kinds of sources: the reconstruction of debates in the legislative assembly, the French-Canadian "ministerial press" of the mid-nineteenth century, and the many reformist writings left by the figures under study, including government reports, personal diaries, public discussions and two novels. Attentive study of these sources reveals five main axes of thought, revolving around the time, politics, the economy, the social fabric and religious concerns. A chapter is devoted to each of these themes.
I argue that reformist thought has its own consistency, that is to say that it is distinct from the reactionary ultramontanism of Mgr Bourget and from the doctrinaire liberalism of "les rouges" and the "Institut canadien". It seeks to show that the reformists believed in the virtues of progress, of responsible government and of the free market, but that at the same time they were anxious about the future of their nationality. Their constant concern for the unity of their nationality and their will to establish, with the clergy, a more rigorous morality, able to "make people better", bears witness to this uneasiness about the future and a concern for preservation which typifies the conservative.
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Dunn, Nicholas Roger. "The castle, the custom house and the cabinet : administration and policy in famine Ireland, 1845-1849." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2df9d8d-27b3-4785-afce-453ec8984d21.
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It is the contention of this thesis that the activities of, and the influences on, the senior administrators based in the Castle and the Custom House in Dublin during the Great Irish Famine are an essential element to understanding the formulation and execution of Irish Famine relief policy. The principal aim of the study is to articulate the role played by these administrators in the formulation of relief policy. Emphasis is also given to the debates in the Cabinet over Irish relief policy and the influence of the administrators on those debates. The subject of the first chapter is the Science Commission. It examines in turn Peel's motivations for establishing the Science Commission, the chronology of events leading up to its establishment and the activities of the Commissioners both in England and Ireland. The second chapter concerns the Scarcity Commission established by Peel and Graham. It explores the motivations behind the selection of individual Commissioners and the relationships between the Commissioners. It also considers and contrasts the tasks that were officially assigned to the Commissioners and the limited use to which their conclusions were put by the Government. Chapters three and four deal with the Board of Works and in particular its influence on the formulation and administration of relief policy of Richard Griffith, Thomas Larcom, and Harry Jones. The activities of the Commissioners after the reconfiguration of the Board of Works by Act of Parliament in 1846 are examined and the fourth chapter seeks to establish in detail the political context surrounding-the decision to abandon relief by public employment as revealed in the Cabinet discussions at the time. The final chapter examines the actions of Edward Twisleton in Ireland during the Famine and his influence, or lack of it, on the formulation of relief policy. A detailed account is offered of the political context of the Poor Law Extension Act. Twisleton's relationships with both the Treasury and Clarendon, and the motives underlying his resignation in March 1849, are investigated.
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. "La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
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The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
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Leahy, Christopher J. "Rockbridge County unionism and the secession crisis." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063203/.
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
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Moran, Arik. "Permutations of Rajput identity in the West Himalayas, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5436935-3a87-4702-8b0a-471643633c46.
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The sustained interaction of local elites and British administrators in the West Himalayas over the decades that surrounded the early colonial encounter (c. 1790-1840) saw the emergence of a distinctly new understanding of communal identity among the leaders of the region. This eventful period saw the mountain ('Pahari') kingdoms transform from fragmented, autonomous polities on the fringes of the Indian subcontinent to subjects of indigenous (Nepali, Sikh) and, ultimately, foreign (British) empires, and dramatically altered the ways Pahari leaders chose to remember and represent themselves. Using a wide array of sources from different locales in the hills (e.g., oral epics, archival records and local histories), this thesis traces the Pahari elite's transition from a nebulous group of lineage-based leaders to a cohesive unitary milieu modelled after contemporary interpretations of Hindu kingship. This nascent ideal of kingship is shown to have fed into concurrent understandings of Rajput society in the West Himalayas and ultimately to have sustained the alliance between indigenous rulers and British administrators.
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Filipovich, Jean 1947. "The Office du Niger under colonial rule : its origin, evolution, and character, 1920-1960." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67462.
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The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr
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Pitts, Stanley Thomas. "An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/.
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In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.
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Madsen, Michael. "The Mormon Influence on the Political Geography of the West." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1999. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33224.
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Finn, Sarah. "'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Larbi, Kninah. "L'évolution des structures économiques, sociales et politiques de la ville de Fès au XIXe siècle "1820-1912": l'ouverture au marché mondial et ses conséquences." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212107.
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Orr, Kirsten School of Architecture UNSW. "A force for Federation: international exhibitions and the formation of Australian ethos (1851-1901)." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Architecture, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23987.
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In 1879 the British Colony of New South Wales hosted the first international exhibition in the Southern Hemisphere. This was immediately followed by the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880 in the colony of Victoria and the success of these exhibitions inspired the Melbourne Centennial Exhibition, which was held in 1888 to celebrate the centenary of white settlement in Australia. My thesis is that these international exhibitions had a profound impact on the development of our cities, the evolution of an Australian ethos and the gaining of nationhood. The immense popularity and comprehensive nature of the exhibitions made them the only major events in late nineteenth-century Australia that brought the people together in an almost universally shared experience. The exhibitions conveyed official ideologies from the organising elites to ordinary people and encouraged the dissemination of new cultural sentiments, political aspirations, and moral and educational ideals. Many exhibition commissioners, official observers and ideologues were also predominantly involved in the Federation movement and the wider cultural sphere. The international exhibitions assisted the development of an Australian urban ethos, which to a large extent replaced the older pastoral / frontier image. Many of the more enduring ideas emanating from the exhibitions were physically expressed in the consequent development of our cities ??? particularly Sydney and Melbourne, both of which had achieved metropolitan status and global significance by the end of the nineteenth century. The new urban ethos, dramatically triggered by Sydney 1879, combined with and strengthened the national aspirations and sentiments of the Federation movement. Thus the exhibitions created an immediate connection between colonial pride in urban development and European and American ideals of nation building. They also created an increasing cultural sophistication and a growing involvement in social movements and political associations at the national level. The international exhibitions, more than any other single event, convinced the colonials that they were all Australians together and that their destiny was to be united as one nation. At that time, Australians began to think about national objectives. The exhibitions not only promulgated national sentiment and a new ethos, but also provided opportunities for independent colonial initiatives, inter-colonial cooperation and a more equal position in the imperial alliance. Thus they became a powerful impetus, hitherto unrecognised, for the complex of social, political and economic developments that made Federation possible.
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Caernarven-Smith, Patricia. "Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3696/.
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The topic of this thesis is the confrontations between William Gladstone and the Bank of England. These confrontations have remained a mystery to authors who noted them, but have generally been ignored by others. This thesis demonstrates that Gladstone's measures taken against the Bank were reasonable, intelligent, and important for the development of nineteenth-century British government finance. To accomplish this task, this thesis refutes the opinions of three twentieth-century authors who have claimed that many of Gladstone's measures, as well as his reading, were irrational, ridiculous, and impolitic. My primary sources include the Gladstone Diaries, with special attention to a little-used source, Volume 14, the indexes to the Diaries. The day-to-day Diaries and the indexes show how much Gladstone read about financial matters, and suggest that his actions were based to a large extent upon his reading. In addition, I have used Hansard's Parliamentary Debates and nineteenth-century periodicals and books on banking and finance to understand the political and economic debates of the time.
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Knels, Eva Maria. "Le Salon et la scène artistique à Paris sous Napoléon I. Politique artistique – Stratégies d’artistes – Échos internationaux." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040065.
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Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’étudier les Salons sous l’ère napoléonienne, connus surtout pour le rôle important qu’ils jouèrent dans le cadre de l’instrumentalisation politique de l’art contemporain. Ainsi, après 1799, le Salon devint rapidement un important outil de la vaste politique culturelle du Consulat et de l’Empire, qui servit à représenter de manière symbolique le système politique. Face à ce changement radical du Salon et de sa politique artistique, les artistes, eux aussi, ont dû se positionner et s’adapter aux nouvelles structures politiques et administratives, tout en réagissant aux nouvelles tendances artistiques et à l’évolution du milieu artistique, afin de s’imposer au Salon. Le succès rencontré par les Salons en ces années-là ne se manifeste pas seulement par le chiffre croissant des exposants et des visiteurs : les diverses formes de la réception du Salon – journaux, brochures, récits de voyage, lettres et œuvres graphiques - témoignent également de l’écho rencontré par l’exposition, et ceci bien au-delà des frontières nationales. Jouxtant les salles du fameux Musée Napoléon qui regroupe les chefs-d’œuvre artistiques les plus importants, saisis par les armées françaises dans des collections de l’Europe, le Salon profite de la forte fréquentation du Louvre entre 1800 et 1815, de la part de visiteurs aussi bien français qu’étrangers. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser l’organisation de l’exposition, le paysage des artistes exposants ainsi que l’écho rencontré par cet évènement sur la scène internationale en tenant compte de cette mutation complexe de la vie artistique parisienne au début du XIXème siècle. Dans cette perspective, le présent travail s’interroge sur les rapports entre la politique artistique, les pratiques artistiques et culturelles ainsi que leur réceptionThis doctoral thesis examines the Salons of living artists under the reign of Napoleon I, which are primarily known for the prominent role they played in the context of cultural politics of that time. After 1799, the Salon rapidly became an important instrument of art and cultural politics used by the ruling government to symbolically legitimise and support the political system. Given the major changes to the exhibition in these years, artists had also had to adapt to the new political and administrative structures whilst, at the same time, reacting to new artistic trends in order to stand up to the strong competition at the Salon. The exhibition's success in these years is not only reflected by the rising numbers of exhibiting artists and visitors. Also its wide-ranging coverage in the media, such as newspaper articles, letters, travelogues and graphic anthologies, is further proof of the exhibition's relevance and reach, sometimes even beyond national frontiers. Indeed, the exhibition's close locality to the famous Musée Napoléon, with its large collection of master pieces confiscated from European collections by the French armies, added further attention paid by European travellers to the Salon and the French contemporary art on display there. The aim of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the organisation of the exhibition, the range of participating artists as well as the international response it created whilst taking into consideration the complex transformation of art and the French art scene at the beginning of 19th century. By doing so, the dissertation focuses on the reciprocal relationship between art politics, artistic production and their reception
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Montgomery, Alison Skye. "Imagined families : Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern identity, 1830-1890." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bbfb161e-513d-4c2c-9325-4e60d17b4fba.
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Anglo-American kinship, as a set of historical continuities linking the United States to Great Britain and as a reckoning of relatedness, constituted a valuable cultural resource for Southerners as they contemplated their place within the American nation and outside in the nineteenth century. Like the more conventional calculations of consanguinity and familial belonging it referenced, the Anglo-American kinship was contingent, convoluted, and, not infrequently, contested. Articulated at various times by masters and former slaves, ministers and merchants, plantation mistresses and politicians, this sense of belonging to an imagined transatlantic family transcended the boundaries of gender, race, and class as readily as it traversed national borders. Though grounded in biogenetic factors, the language of Anglo-American kinship encompassed claims of belonging predicated on confessional faith, language, and institutions as well as blood. This thesis considers the interaction between conceptions of Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern national identity, both unionist and separatist, between 1830 and 1890 by examining institutions and social rituals that both inculcated filiopietism and constructed Southerness in the Civil War era and beyond. The subjects under consideration in this study include the role of European travel in forging Southern distinctiveness before the war, ring tournaments and the ethos of medieval chivalry they promoted, the Protestant Episcopal Church and its role in managing the sectional crisis, postbellum immigration societies and their vision of the plantation South remade in the image of British manors, and the role that state historical associations played in reunion and the entrenchment of the Lost Cause mythology as the predominant historical framework for interpreting the American Civil War.
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Marshall, Daniel Patrick. "Claiming the land : Indians, goldseekers, and the rush to British Columbia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48669.pdf.
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Jones, Benjamin Thomas. "Commonwealth of republics : the lost republican history of Australia and Canada." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150428.
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This thesis is a history of ideas and seeks to provide the first study of civic republican ideas and their impact on Britain's Australian and Canadian colonies in the mid-nineteenth century. In particular, the way in which civic republican ideas manifested themselves during the debates over responsible government is explored. The period between 1837 and 1855 is the primary focus of the thesis. Beginning with the Canadian rebellions and finishing with the Eureka rebellion, those eighteen years saw a fundamental shift in British policy towards the colonies and the birth of Lord Durham's second empire.
The principle argument here is that civic republican ideas made a significant impact on the reform leaders who petitioned for greater democracy. Australian and Canadian historiography has tended to view the granting of responsible government as a triumph of liberal politics. This thesis examines the language of reform leaders and contends that the calls to end the corruption of the ruling tory cabals and to encourage widespread political participation by virtuous citizens are reflective of the civic republican tradition which can be traced back to Sidney, Harrington, Milton, Cromwell and ultimately, Machiavelli, Cicero and Aristotle. While acknowledging the place of Lockean liberalism, this thesis concludes that for many reform leaders and papers, the emphasis was on collectivism and communalism not the advancement of personal rights and individualism. Although not a contemporary word, this thesis contends that civic republicanism was a major political ideology and one which has been missing from the historical orthodoxies of Australia and Canada.
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Taylor, Holly Zumwalt. "Neither North nor South: sectionalism, St. Louis politics, and the coming of the Civil War, 1846-1861." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2220.
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Wise, Leonard Harry. "The responsibility of a constitutional country : the politics of Australian defence during the 1880s." Master's thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150768.
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Lowery-Timmons, Patrick Weldon 1974. "The politics of punishment and war : law's violence during the Mexican Reform, circa 1840 to 1870." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/12800.
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McGregor, Hamish Alan. "Nationalism in the Islamic Republic of Iran 1979-2007." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150820.
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Chausovsky, Jonathan Jacob. "The statutory foundations of corporate capitalism, 1865-1900: states and the law in the formation of the American political economy." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1525.
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"Rethinking state-society relationships: emergence of civil society at Canton in late Qing, 1896-1911." 1999. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889827.
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by Cheng Chi-man, Francis.Thesis submitted in: December 1998.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-199).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Acknowledgments --- p.i
Abstract --- p.iii
List of Figures --- p.v
Chapter CHAPTER ONE: --- INTRODUCTION
Background of This Study --- p.1
Aims and Objectives --- p.6
Conceptual Framework --- p.7
Civil Organization --- p.12
Civil Society --- p.14
State-Society Relationship --- p.15
justification of this study --- p.20
A Methodological Note --- p.24
Chapter Outline --- p.26
Chapter CHAPTER TWO: --- CONCEPT OF CIVIL SOCIETY REVISITED
Introduction --- p.30
Western Tradition --- p.35
Political Society and Civil Society --- p.36
Economic Society and Civil Society --- p.37
Paradoxes of Civil Society --- p.39
Western Definition of Civil Society --- p.43
Eastern Europe Tradition --- p.45
Civil Society in Poland --- p.45
Chinese Tradition --- p.48
Philosophical-moral Reflection in China --- p.50
Historical-sociological Reflection in China --- p.53
Concluding Remarks --- p.56
Chapter CHAPTER THREE: --- "STATE OVERWHELMED SOCIETY: STATE- MERCHANTS RELATIONSHIP FROM EARLY TO MIDDLE QING,"
Introduction --- p.59
Autocratic Legacies of Qing Dynasty --- p.61
Merchants under Autocratic Tradition --- p.64
Co-hong System： Representation of State-Merchants Relationship --- p.69
Guilds of Merchant： A Long Haul --- p.76
Concluding Remarks --- p.80
Chapter CHAPTER FOUR: --- "GENERAL BACKGROUND OF MERCHANTS' ORGANIZATIONS AT CANTON IN THE LATE QING,1896-1911"
Introduction --- p.84
Popular Type of Merchants' Organization --- p.86
Semi-official Type of Merchants' Organization --- p.89
Concluding Remarks --- p.93
Chapter CHAPTER FIVE: --- ANALYSIS OF CANTON GENERAL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: REALIZATION OF MERCHANTS' AUTONOMY?
Introduction --- p.96
Autonomy over Election and Decision Making Process --- p.98
Autonomy over Finance --- p.103
Autonomy over Activities --- p.106
Functions of the Chamber --- p.108
Participation in Public Affairs --- p.114
Concluding Remarks --- p.120
Chapter CHAPTER SIX: --- "DISCUSSION OF POLITICAL-ECONOMIC- CULTURAL DYNAMIC: AN EXPLANATION FOR RISE OF INTERPENETRATED MODE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN CANTON IN THE LATE QING,1896-1911"
Introduction --- p.125
Decline of State --- p.128
Acceleration of Commercialization --- p.135
Integration of Merchant Culture --- p.142
Concluding Remarks --- p.149
Chapter CHAPTER SEVEN: --- CONCLUSION
Concluding Review of Study --- p.154
Suffocation of Emerged Civil Society --- p.164
Achievement of Idea of Civil Society --- p.167
Limitations of Study and Future Development --- p.169
Appendices --- p.171
Bibliography --- p.177
Chinese Bibliography --- p.193
Glossary --- p.200
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Nance, Agnieszka B. "Nation without a state: imagining Poland in the nineteenth century." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2136.
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Brent, Peter. "The rise of the returning officer : how colonial Australia developed advanced electoral institutions." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150446.
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Lawrence, Nicholas M. "Riding Waves of Dissent: Counter-Imperial Impulses in the Age of Fuller and Melville." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2009-08-2910.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the interplay between antebellum frontier literature and the counter-imperial impulses that impelled the era's political, cultural, and literary developments. Focusing on selected works by James Fenimore Cooper, Margaret Fuller, Francis Parkman, and Herman Melville, I use historicist methods to reveal how these authors drew upon and contributed to a strong and widespread, though ultimately unsuccessful, resistance to the discourse of Manifest Destiny that now identifies the age. For all their important differences, each of the frontier writings I examine reflects the presence of a culturally-pervasive anxiety over issues such as environmental depletion, slavery, Indian removal, and expansion's impact on the character of a nation ostensibly founded on republican, anti-imperialist principles. Moreover, the later works reflect an intensification of such anxiety as the United States entered into war with Mexico and the slavery debate came to increasingly dominate the political scene.
Chapter I emphasizes the ideological contestations bred by the antebellum United States' westward march, and signals a departure from recent critical tendencies to omit those contestations in order to portray a more stable narrative of American imperialism. The chapter concludes by arguing that Cooper established an initial narrative formulation that sought to suppress counter-imperial impulses within a mainline triumphalist vision. Chapter II examines Fuller's first published book, Summer on the Lakes, in 1843, in the context of hotbutton controversies over expansion that informed the 1844 presidential contest; employing the metaphor of the dance as her governing trope for engaging unfamiliar landscapes, peoples, and even modes of community, Fuller placed persistently marginalized counter-imperial impulses at the center of her western travelogue. Chapter III discusses Parkman's sub-textual engagement with controversies surrounding the Mexican War; though thoroughly invested in conquest ideologies, Oregon Trail nevertheless resonates with the war's most popular negative associations. Chapter IV explores Melville's attunement to national ambivalences towards rhetorics of Manifest Destiny from the late 1840s through the early 1850s. During this stage of his career, Melville both payed tribute to the Anglo-American triumphalism freighting the antebellum era, and enacted a powerful articulation of the era's counter-imperial impulse.
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Rahe, Julia Grace. "Protecting Argentina : lawmaking, children and sexual crimes in Buenos Aires, 1853-1921." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2706.
Full textAbstract:
"Protecting Argentina" explores how the definitions of sexual crimes (rape, seduction, abduction and the corruption of minors) changed in Argentine penal law during the process of congressional codification between 1853 and 1921. It contextualizes an in-depth analysis of legal definitions within the legislative process and the shifting ideologies of criminology that influenced it. It argues that, as nineteenth century positivist criminology replaced Enlightenment-inspired "Classical" criminology, the meaning and foundational presupposition of these crimes shifted from those of their colonial predecessors. Where in colonial times "Acts of lechery" were criminal when committed against chaste women, in the republican era, the law punished "Crimes against honesty" when the victims were children. Liberal lawmakers defined these sexual acts primarily by the age of the victim and secondarily by the violence used in their perpetration. The year 1903 was a watershed in this process, as it marked Positivism's displacement of "Classical" criminology as the guiding ideology of criminal law. These conclusions suggest there were substantive correlations between elite campaigns to ensure the future of the nation by saving children and the codification of national criminal law undertaken by Congress. As argentine elites began to witness what they perceived to be the negative effects of modernization, rapid population growth, industrialization and the accompanying increase in crime, they sought to ensure the future of the nation through "child saving" campaigns. The increasingly age-based definitions of sexual crimes, which aimed to protect young victims, fit within the broader state-led campaign to protect future citizens. "Protecting Argentina" therefore suggests that historians should consider legislative processes of state building as forming an integral part of turn-of-the-century nationalist projects in Latin America. Tying together positivist penology, nationalist discourse, and congressional codification, this report places children at the center of Argentine elites' attempts to ensure the future of the nation through the protection of children.text
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Scott, Victoria Holly Francis. "La beauté est dans la rue : art & visual culture in Paris, 1968." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10958.
Full textAbstract:
Removed from its artistic origins in the French avant-garde during the interwar
period, the European based group known as the situationist international is often
represented as being solely occupied with politics to the exclusion of all else, particularly
art and aesthetics. In what follows I argue that throughout the sixties the anti-aesthetic
position was actually the governing model in France obliging the avant-garde to adjust
their strategies accordingly. Artists and artists' collectives that placed politics before
aesthetics were the norm, enjoying widespread popularity and recognition from both the
public and the French State. These overtly partisan groups and individuals sapped art of
the power it had enjoyed in the fifties as a venue removed, or at least distanced from,
formal politics. In response, the situationists officially rejected the art world, turning to
the popular and vernacular culture of the streets in an attempt to get beyond both
classical aesthetic principals and the overt propagandistic objectives of groups such as le
Salon de la jeunePeinture. Turning to the climactic moment of 1968 I track the ways in
which these debates informed the posters and graffiti which marked the unfinished
revolution, sorting out the various aesthetic positions and political persuasions that
dominated the events. My thesis contends that the situationists were not anti-aesthetic,
that they simply advocated a different kind of aesthetics: one that rejected traditional
notions of beauty for the more active and open concept of poiesis or poetry. Beyond
words on a page, this notion implied art as a way of life, emphasizing production,
creation, formation and action and can be traced back to the groups prewar origins in the
Dada and surrealist movements. Moreover, this concept of poetry was not adverse to
issues of form being highly dependent on the materiality and physicality of the urban
centre, specifically the streets. Finally my conclusion expands upon the similarities
between this notion of poetry and the 17th century understanding of beauty, the latter
concept being associated with a subtle criticality and strategic wit. It was this
interpretation of beauty that defined and produced the art of 1968.
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"從《皇朝經世文續編》「學術」及「治體」部分看晚淸「經世思想」的內涵." 1994. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5895443.
Full textAbstract:
林國輝.論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部,1994.
參考文獻: leaves 234-238
Lin Guohui.
導論 --- p.1
Chapter 一、 --- 引言 --- p.1
Chapter 二、 --- 經世思想及「經世文編」研究回顧 --- p.3
Chapter 三、 --- 史料及硏究方法 --- p.10
Chapter 第一章： --- 葛士濬、盛康與《皇朝經世文續編》
Chapter ´ؤ、 --- 十九世紀後半期政治及學術思想概況 --- p.24
Chapter 二、 --- 葛士濬的編纂動機 --- p.33
Chapter 三、 --- 盛康的編纂動機 --- p.37
Chapter 第二章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》學術、治體部分作者背 景之分析
Chapter 一、 --- 作者背景資料之量化分析 --- p.54
Chapter 二、 --- 作者間網絡的組成與主導群體的發現 --- p.59
Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.67
Chapter 第三章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》「學術」部分內容析述
Chapter 一、 --- 對帝王學術修養的關注 --- p.91
Chapter 二、 --- 有關儒學發展及漢宋之爭的討論 --- p.95
Chapter 三、 --- 對各種學術內容的討論 --- p.103
Chapter 四、 --- 學術與政治的互動 --- p.113
Chapter 五、 --- 師友之道的探求 --- p.125
Chapter 六、 --- 小 結 --- p.130
Chapter 第四章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》「治體」內容析述
Chapter 一、 --- 施政各項原則的討論 --- p.132
Chapter 二、 --- 有關君主施政的討論 --- p.144
Chapter 三、 --- 治法的繁簡與變法的立場 --- p.153
Chapter 四、 --- 選拔賢才之道及用人之方法 --- p.159
Chapter 五、 --- 臣下的職責及賢臣應具備的條件 --- p.173
Chapter 六、 --- 各種具體的施政建議 --- p.180
Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.197
Chapter 第五章： --- 從兩種《續編》看晚清「經世思想」之內涵
Chapter 一、 --- 「經世思想」的具體內涵 --- p.200
Chapter 二、 --- 從「經世文編」看「經世思想」發展的大概 --- p.209
Chapter 三、 --- 「經世思想」在晚清的定位 --- p.214
結 論 --- p.230
參考書目 --- p.234
附件：《葛編》及《盛編》各部門總目 --- p.239