Academic literature on the topic 'France – Politics and government – 19th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "France – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.
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Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullists and other politicians participated. An examinationt of the themes of their public statements shows that references to the Third Reich, to trials of former Nazis and to the role that present leaders of the FRG played under Hitler predominated. Criticism of German domestic politics was primarily concerned with the threat to freedoms in the FRG and with the rise of politicians such as Franz Josef Strauss. Comparisons of the economic, commercial and industriel statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany and France fed concerns that prompted once again speculation with respect to German reunification and the association of nuclear weapons with the FRG. In attacking social-democracy the FCP attempted to further undercut Franco-German relations and to accentuate its split with the French Socialist Party. The anti-German campaign did not, in fact, have a great impact on public opinion or government policy. Nevertheless, both the range and persistence of these themes show that xenophobia in general and anti-German sentiment in particular are not on the point of disappearing in France.
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Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., and Sergey A. Vasyutin. "Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 6 (December 20, 2021): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
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The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.
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Kazakevych, G. "UKRAINIAN O'CONNORS: THE FAMILY OF IRISH ANCESTRY IN THE CULTURAL LIFE OF THE 19TH CENTURY UKRAINE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 132 (2017): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.03.
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The article is devoted to the O'Connor family, which played a noticeable role in the Ukrainian history of the 19 – early 20th centuries. A founder of the family Alexander O'Connor leaved Ireland in the late 18th century. The author assumes that he was a military man who had to emigrate from Ireland shortly after the Irish rebellion of 1798. After some years in France, where he had changed his surname to de Connor, he and his elder son Victor arrived in Russia where Alexander Ivanovich De-Konnor joined the army. As a cavalry regiment commander, colonel De-Konnor took part in the Napoleonic wars. He married a noble Ukrainian woman Anastasia Storozhenko and settled down in her estate in the Poltava region of Ukraine. His three sons (Victor, Alexander and Valerian) had served as army commanders and then settled in Chernihiv, Poltava and Kharkiv regions respectively. Among their descendants the most notable were two daughters of Alexander De-Konnor jr – Olga and Valeria as well as Valerian De-Konnor jr. Olga De-Konnor married a famous Ukrainian composer and public figure Mykola Lysenko. As a professional opera singer, she stood at the origins of the Ukrainian national opera. Her younger sister Valeria was a Ukrainian writer, publicist and political activist who joined the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic in 1917. Valerian De-Konnor jr. is well known for his research works and translations in the field of cynology.
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Fitzgerald, Timothy. "Japan, Religion, History, Nation." Religions 13, no. 6 (May 27, 2022): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060490.
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I connect the invention of Japanese ‘religion’ since the Meiji era (1868–1912) with the invention of other modern imaginaries, particularly the Japanese Nation State and Japanese History. The invention of these powerful fictions in Japan was a specific, localised example of a global process. The real significance of this idea that religion has always existed in all times and places is that it normalises the idea of the non-religious secular as the arena of universal reason and progress. The invention of Japanese ‘religion’ had—and still has—a significant function in the wider, global context of colonial capital and the continual search for new ‘investment’ opportunities. Meiji Japan illustrates, in fascinating detail, a process of cognitive hegemony, and the way a globalising discourse on ‘progress’ transformed the plunder of colonial sites into a civilising mission. The idea that there is a universal type of practice, belief or institution called ‘religion’ as distinct from government, ‘politics’ or ‘science’ was not only new to Japan. It hardly existed in England or more widely in Protestant Europe and North America until the eighteenth or even 19th century. The idea of a secular constitutional nation state was only emergent in the late 18th century with the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution. Most of Europe—including the colonial powers England and France—were still Christian confessional church states through most of the 19th century. The franchise was granted only to Christian men of substantial property, and denied to women, servants, wage labour, colonised subjects, and slaves. This critical, deconstructive narrative helps us to see more clearly the ideological function of the generic category of religion in the wider configuration of modern secular categories such as constitutional nation state, political economy, nature, history, and science. I also discuss the relation between History as a secular academic science, and the invention of ‘the Past’ in universal Time. I argue here that the invention of the Past by professional Historians has a significant role in transforming modern inventions such as ‘religion’ and the secular categories into the inherent and universal order of things, as though they have always been everywhere. I reveal this on-going process of ideological reproduction by close readings of some recent ‘histories of Japan’ and the way they uncritically construct ‘the Past’ in the terms of contemporary configurations.
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Zharov, Artem S. "ON THE LIMITS OF STATE AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE TAX POLICY OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT: THEORETICAL VIEWS OF A.I. VASILCHIKOV." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-140-148.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of A.I. Vasilchikov's theoretical views on the political traditions of the Zemstvo self-government regarding the definition of the limits of state and local authority in matters of taxation of local self-government, formed on the basis of understanding the experience of the Russian Empire in the post-reform period in the second half of the 19th century and in foreign countries (England, Prussia, France, Switzerland, Belgium and the USA). The urgency of the analysis of the theoretical approach of the researcher is conditioned by the need to improve the local self-government sphere, in order to increase the efficiency of tax provision for municipalities. According to the results of the study, A.I. Vasilchikov formed a system of views on political traditions and the limits of state and local authorities in matters of the tax policy of local self-government. In particular the important conclusion of the researcher is that separation of state and Zemstvo (local management) should be a division not in the subjects of departments, but in the limits of power between the state and Zemstvo. This principle finds its confirmation in distribution of power between the supreme and local authorities. The first establishes the law and the tax, the second, in turn, applies and executes the established law through the functioning of local institutions. It should be noted that A.I. Vasilchikov's theoretical deductions do not lose their significance in the context of their adaptive application to the process of transformation local self-government of contemporary Russia, and could be useful in the process of improving the tax policy of local selfgovernment.
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Baev, V. G. "Otto von Bismarck and Germany Militarization (Legislative Formalization of the Military Reform in Germany in the 80s of the 19th century)." Lex Russica, no. 9 (September 18, 2020): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.166.9.077-087.
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The history of Germany of the second half of the 19th century and the activities of Otto von Bismarck form an integral unit, provided we bear in mind the process of Germany becoming a centralized state. The author argues that the attainment of German unity could only be achieved on the paths of war with Austria and France. This implies why military reform in Germany has been given so much attention.This study is focused on the second stage of military reform — the strengthening of the German army after the establishment of a centralized state. The author poses the question: if the “German issue” was resolved, what was the need for further armament? The Bismarck Government in 1874 and 1881 successfully sought from Parliament the adoption of septennat laws (seven years of funding for the army). But in 1887 the Parliament refused to extend the septennat. The author uses Bismarck’s collection of political speeches in the Reichstag as the main source of research. It is an important source of official origin, reflecting the approaches of not only of the subject of Bismarck’s legislative initiative, but also of Germany’s ruling elite.A point of view about Bismarck as vehicle of Germanic militarism prevails in historical literature. As a result of the analysis of the debate on the draft law, the author concludes that Bismarck’s military policy was dictated not so much by the militaristic nature of his personality, but by the necessity of strengthening the military potential of Germany, surrounded by strong adversaries, to defend its sovereignty. For the further development of events, the Chancellor who had been removed from his office, cannot be held responsible. The tragedy of Bismarck-era Germany is expressed in the fact that he failed to prepare a successor capable of leading the country during a period of crisis.
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Piskunova, Elena. "Establishment of the University System in France During the Reign of Napoleon I: Goals and the Results." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (June 2020): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.2.1.
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Introduction. In the Napoleonic era, political power set itself two tasks: to continue the traditions of the revolution in the formation of a new system of people and to make these changes correlate with the requirements of the new political system associated with the formation of the Empire. Historians have not paid enough attention to Napoleon’s educational policy and the relation of these events to his political goals. Analysis. The Great French Bourgeois Revolution completely destroyed the old educational system. All universities and academies were closed. Secondary and primary schools sought to eliminate the influence of the Church. The revolutionary government proclaimed an equal right for all citizens to receive education, and the goal of education was to form a new personality in the spirit of the Republican morality. The main problems were the lack of a unified structure and the lack of teaching staff. Only during the reign of Napoleon a coherent and effective system of education was created, which included the interrelated stages of primary, secondary and higher education, the top of which was the University. All educational institutions in France were subject to it. The goal of the University was not only to train teachers, but also to establish a new imperial ideology based on the idea of national unity. Though the creation of the educational system was certainly successful for Napoleon, his main function, according to the Emperor, was ideological education, and he could not implement it. Results. The Imperial University remained ideologically independent from the political system of the Empire, since a significant part of the teaching staff held liberal views and was in hidden opposition to the Napoleonic regime. However, the structure of education created in this era lasted until the end of the 19th century, which indicates its success in terms of organizational principles and practical implementation.
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Sterkhov, Dmitry. "Between Hegemony and Federalism. The Prussian Plans to Create the North German Imperial Confederation in the Summer of 1806." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019088-5.
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The article is focused on Prussian attempts to separate the North German territories from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire during the summer months of 1806 with the aim of creating a North German Imperial Confederation under the Prussian protection. The reasons behind the possible foundation of the North German Imperial Confederation as well as the journalistic activities around this Prussian project are also in the centre of attention. The structure of the supposed North German Confederation are analyzed on the basis of plans and projects elaborated by the Prussian politicians and diplomats in July and August 1806. The deliberations over the joining to the Confederation were conducted by the Prussian government with the Electors of Hesse and Saxony as well as with the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lübeck and Bremen which were supposed to become the major members of the Prussian-dominated North German state. The analysis has shown that the Prussian government considered the possible North German Imperial Confederation as thelegal successor of the Holy Roman Empire, with Habsburgs being replaced by the Hohenzollern dynasty. The Prussian claims on the inheritance of the Holy Roman Empire and on the hegemony in the Northern Germany were met with discontent on the part of Hesse and especially Saxony, which impelled the Prussian politicians to repeatedly modify their projects, adding more elements of federalism to them. Despite all the concessions, Prussia eventually failed to unite the Northern Germany under its protection. The reasons for this lie both in the separatism of the North German principalities and cities, and in inner inconsistency and crudity of the Prussian projects. France and Great Britain also impeded the Prussian plans since neither of them was interested in a separate North German state under Prussian control. Napoleon's refusal to support Prussia's attempts to unify the Northern Germany was used by the Prussian government as a pretext to declare war on France in October 1806 which ended with dramatic Prussian defeat. Despite the fact that the Prussian plans to create a North German Imperial Confederation in the summer of 1806 were never realized, this was one of the many possible ways of the evolution of the German statehood in the early 19th century. It was finally put into practice half a century later, in the form of the North German Confederation in 1866.
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Krauze-Karpińska, Joanna. "EMIGRANT RESEARCHERS OF OLD LITERATURE." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.27-31.
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In the geopolitical area of Eastern and Central Europe 20th century was a period of unwilling and un- planned migration of huge numbers of individuals, groups of people, societies or even whole nations, and the displace- ment of borders and states. Two destructive wars, two totalitarian systems fighting against each other forced millions of human beings to change the place of living. Especially the experience of the World War II settled the fate of many people in the region and caused several waves of political emigration. The author uses the term ‘old literature’ in broad sense, including also 19th century literary output, as for the big number of young researchers this period of history seems to be a very old one. Among the Polish refugees fleeing the country in various times and circumstances there were also politicians, soldiers, artist, writers, people of culture and scholars. The article presents and reminds of some Polish researchers of literature who had to change their country of living by political reasons, but did not abandon their research. The first group of emigrants formed those who left Poland short before or during the world war II. Some of them worked as professors at west European universities, an decided not to returned into the country occupied by Germans or emigrated with Polish Government, others get in Western Europe leaving Soviet Union with the Polish army formed by general Anders. They continued scholar work abroad and took part in formation of several new generations of researchers in Slavonic litera- ture. Another wave of emigration took place after the war, in late 40. and included mainly Polish citizens of Jewish origin who in spite of surviving the holocaust and returning home decided to leave Poland for fear of communism. A numerous emigration of Polish Jews was also provoked by communist government of Poland in march 1968. The author presents briefly the silhouettes of such scholars as Stanisław Kot, Wacław Lednicki, Józef Trypućko, Wiktor Weintraub, Jadwiga Maurer, Rachmiel Brandwajn and Jan Kott. The situation of 20th century Polish emigrants seems very similar to that of 19th and also represents the common experience of many Eastern and Central European countries and societies. Losing the homeland scholars of these countries also lost the close contact with their cultural roots, but on the other hand they gained a wider glance, distanced outlook of national literature and art and common platform of dialog and confrontation. Many times the foreign Universities, where they found the possibility to provide their research and meet the representative émigrés of other nations, became for them such places as Collège de France for Adam Mickiewicz and constitute the space where they all could meet together without mutual distrust and give lectures about Slavonic literature and culture for German, British of American students, inspiring them to pursue studies in Slavonic philology.
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Crouzet, François. "Outside the walls of Europe – the pax britannica." European Review 7, no. 4 (October 1999): 447–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004373.
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This article discusses the validity for historians of the concept of a pax britannica (a reminiscence, of course, of the pax romana), which Britain would have imposed during the 19th century, when she was the only superpower. Admittedly, from 1815 to 1914, there was no general war, even though ‘small’ wars broke out in Europe and overseas. The superior economic and naval power of Britain obliged France to avoid open conflict; Russia was also constrained, but not without the Crimean war. On the other hand, the influence of Britain in Europe had its limits, and eventually the British panicked before the rise of a strong German navy and this was a significant factor in the origins of World War I. Thanks to peace in Europe, Britain could devote her energies to overseas expansion. Besides her Empire stricto sensu, which grew relentlessly, she had a vast ‘informal Empire’ where the ‘imperialism of free trade’ prevailed. Altogether, the notion of pax britannica is most legitimate within the ‘formal’ empire. To her subject peoples Britain brought law and order, honest and efficient government, some economic development and a fast demographic growth. Pax britannica was both myth and reality, but it evaporated as Britain lost her economic and naval ascendancy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Middleton, Alexander James. "British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
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Thompson, Stephen John. "Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.
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Smith, Bruce H., and n/a. "Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.
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In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government.
While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
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Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. "Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.
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By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.
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Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. "The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.
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Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.
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Palmowski, Jan. "Liberalism and the city : the case of Frankfurt am Main, 1866-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e1b5618-6038-42d2-98b7-ecec90ea7805.
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Although in the German Empire the cities were major strongholds of political liberalism, this fact has until very recently attracted little attention from scholars preoccupied with the history of 'high politics' leading up to the two World Wars. This thesis is one of the first analyses of German liberalism at city level, and proceeds from the assumption that in a country with such a regionally and locally diverse political culture as Germany, this type of 'history from below' is a necessary precondition for any satisfactory understanding of the nature of German liberalism in general. Following the introduction, chapter two demonstrates that in Frankfurt, local government became politicised as early as the 1870s. Indeed, chapter three shows how the early experience of Frankfurt liberals in municipal politics was crucial as they defended themselves against emerging political groups during the following decades, particularly the Mittelstand and the SPD. The fourth chapter analyses the development of liberal attitudes towards municipal finance as a background to chapter five which uses the example of Frankfurt to demonstrate how crucial the issue of municipal finance was to the viability of local liberalism not just in theory, but also in practice. Chapter six considers the importance of education to local liberalism as it touched on a number of themes which were central to urban liberals' understanding of themselves, in particular the issues of local self-government and religion. The final chapter looks at the crucial area of social policy, to see to what extent local liberals were merely reactive, and to what extent they were innovative as they faced the new problems of urbanisation and industrialisation. The sophistication of liberal politics in local government, the only level of government where liberals were in the position of carrying out their policies, underlines the gravity of the problem which the lack of parliamentary government posed for liberals at the state and national level. Furthermore, the thesis points to a central dilemma, because, to be successful in Frankfurt and other regions, liberals had to respond to the particular culture at the local level, a requirement that was in direct contrast to the necessity of finding a coherent political consensus at the level of national and state politics. Even though at the local level the liberal capacity of responding to the social and political challenges of their rapidly changing environment has been proved beyond doubt, their policies, their rhetoric and their organisational lead could have only a very limited effect on German liberalism in general. The urban liberals' ideal of creating a more liberal society from 'the bottom up', through the cities, was undermined by the fact that the political future of German liberalism at the state and national level came to rest increasingly on its electoral appeal in the countryside, just at a time when urban liberal self-consciousness reached its peak.
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Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
Books on the topic "France – Politics and government – 19th century"
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The Third Republic from 1870 to 1914. London: Longman, 1988.
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The Red City: Limoges and the French nineteenth century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.
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missing], [name. Assassination, politics and miracles: France and the Royalist reaction of 1820. Montreal, QC: McGill-Queens University Press, 2003.
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French revolutions, 1815-1914: An introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999.
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Starzinger, Vincent E. The politics of the center: The juste milieu in theory and practice, France and England, 1815-1848. New Brunswick, U.S.A: Transaction Publishers, 1991.
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Culture, identity and nationalism: French Flanders in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. London: Royal Historical Society, 2004.
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Black, Jeremy. From Louis XIV to Napoleon. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 2003.
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Black, Jeremy. From Louis XIV to Napoleon: The fate of a great power. London: UCL Press, 1999.
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Nye, Robert A. Crime, madness & politics in modern France: The medical concept of national decline. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Books on Demand, 1999.
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Liberalism under seige: The political thought of the French doctrinaires. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "France – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Trampus, Antonio. "Francesco Saverio Salfi and the Eulogy for Antonio Serra: Politics, Freemasonry, and the Consumption of Culture in the Early 19th Century." In Antonio Serra and the Economics of Good Government, 263–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137539960_13.
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Cropf, Robert A. "The Virtual Public Sphere." In Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 1525–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.
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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from the private sphere of family relations, the commercial sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere, which is dominated by the activities of the state. Its importance is that it contributes to the strengthening of democracy by, in effect, serving as a forum for reasoned discussion about politics and civic affairs. Furthermore, Habermas regards the public sphere as embodying such core liberal beliefs as individual rights, that is, the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights” (Cohen & Arato 1992, p. 211), which he thought were needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state. Thus, for the purposes of this article, public sphere is defined as a “territory” of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties, and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ conception of the public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe, for example, England and France, as well as early America, and which went into decline in the 19th century as a result of the increasing domination of the mass media, which transformed a reading public that debated matters of culture into disengaged consumers (Keane, 1998, p. 160). Along the way, active deliberation and participation were replaced by passive consumption of mass culture. As an ideal type, however, the public sphere represents an arena, absent of class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical deliberation and reasoned dialogue about important matters regarding politics and culture. The emergence of IT, particularly in the form of computer networks, as a progressive social force coincides with the apex of mass media’s domination of the public sphere in liberal democracies. Since the creation of the World Wide Web (WWW) in the early 1990s, various observers have touted IT’s potential to strengthen democratic institutions (e.g., Barber 2003; Becker & Slaton, 2000; Benkler, 2006; Cleveland, 1985; Cropf & Casaregola, 1998; Davis, Elin, & Reeher, 2002). The WWW, it is thought, provides citizens with numerous opportunities to engage in the political process as well as to take a more active role in the governance process. Benkler (2006), for example, asserts the WWW encourages a more open, participatory, and activist approach because it enables users to communicate directly with potentially many other users in a way that is outside the control of the media owners and is less corruptible by money than are the mass media (p. 11). Fulfilling the promise of the virtual public sphere, however, depends on political will; governments must commit the resources needed to facilitate public access to the technology and remove legal and economic barriers to the free flow of information inside and outside national boundaries.
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"Re-Reading the Apocalypse: Millennial Politics in 19th-and 11th-Century France." In Time and the Literary, 189–216. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315023915-16.
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Kroenig, Matthew. "Great Britain and France." In The Return of Great Power Rivalry, 113–25. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190080242.003.0009.
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This chapter examines Great Britain’s rise to global ascendancy and its world-spanning rivalry with France. Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, Britain adopted a more democratic form of government and this contributed to economic growth, including the industrial revolution, and diplomatic and military success. Its path to the top was not easy, however, as Britain confronted the challenge from autocratic France on the European continent. It fought major wars against Louis XIV and Napoleon, but emerged victorious in the end, setting the stage for Britain’s global empire and the Pax Britannica of the 19th century.
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Llewellyn-Smith, Michael. "Crete in the Nineteenth Century." In Venizelos, 11–20. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586495.003.0002.
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Venizelos was born and brought up in Crete under Ottoman rule, and the island shaped his early career. The author gives an account of Ottoman government of Crete in the 19th century, and how Greek independence attracted the Cretans. Crete's mixed populations of Christians and Muslims developed at different speeds. Uprisings by Christians in 1821, 1866 and later aimed at securing Crete's union (enosis) with Greece. The Great Powers, especially Britain, France, and Russia, had helped secure Greek independence, while delaying Cretan union, so as to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman empire. This was the Cretan Question, part of the wider Eastern Question. The 19th century saw the development of the Great Idea (megali idea) of incorporating in the Greek kingdom as many Greek communities from outside as possible. Civil society was developing in Crete in the second half of the19th century, and as the Cretan Christians increased in wealth and population, the Muslims were largely left behind.
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Taylor, Ian. "2. Pre-colonial political systems and colonialism." In African Politics: A Very Short Introduction, 11–24. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198806578.003.0002.
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Pre-colonial Africa had a wide diversity of politics and government, all related to the type of economic systems practised. Hunter-gatherers practised a form of primitive communism, while elsewhere three broad systems may be identified: large centralized kingdoms and empires; centralized mid-sized kingdoms; and widely scattered chiefdoms. ‘Pre-colonial political systems and colonialism’ explains that political and social identities were generally more related to affiliations, such as sharing a common language, than to being an inhabitant of a particular territory. It also outlines the impact of the slave trade, which began in the 15th century, and the different types of late-19th-century colonial rule on the African people and their politics.
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Levy, Daniel S. "Firemen and Politics." In Manhattan Phoenix, 192–204. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195382372.003.0013.
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This chapter examines politics in New York. Nationally, the early 19th century witnessed a series of major shifts in political control. All the jostling for power resonated in New York, where Tammany Hall developed into the most powerful political organization. But while it had become an important presence in the governing of the city, Tammany was far from monolithic. There was constant infighting, and the group struggled to keep its disparate factions in check. One obvious place of Tammany strength was the firehouse. That was where so many had their first taste of power and took their hesitant initial steps up the social and political rungs of society and politics. The chapter follows William Tweed's departure from the firehouse and into the world of New York politics with his election as an alderman in the early 1850s. It also considers the reign of the “Forty Thieves,” a nickname given to Tweed and many of the other Common Council members who abused their position in government to profit from their offices. While not everyone in Tweed's class of 1852 qualified as a grifter, the group ushered in the most corrupt council the city had ever seen.
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O'Connor, Adrian. "Conclusion." In In Pursuit of Politics. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526120564.003.0010.
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The conclusion discusses how re-examining the ‘education question’ in Ancien Régime and Revolutionary France offers new insight to the cultural dynamics at work in the political upheavals of late-eighteenth century France. It argues that recognizing the practical nature of many of the debates over education – even into the radical period of the Revolution – helps us to situate revolutionary politics within its historical moment and to better understand how participatory and representative politics were pursued after 1789. The conclusion situates the pursuit of both public instruction and representative government within the broader legacy of the Revolution, a legacy that has shaped modern political culture in lasting and fundamental ways. It also argues that approaching the political and cultural history of revolutionary France through the interplay of ideas about education and practical efforts to establish new institutions (political and pedagogical alike) suggests new ways to think about the relationship between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution and about the legacy of the Revolution for the theory and practice of democratic politics ever since.
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O'Connor, Adrian. "Public instruction: a new pedagogy for a new politics." In In Pursuit of Politics. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526120564.003.0005.
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The coming of the French Revolution led to a dramatic reconsideration of what was possible and what was practical in eighteenth-century France and, with that, a rejuvenation of the debates over education. Intertwined with debates about the nature, legitimacy, and efficacy of representative government, the revolutionary debates over education gave rise to the ideal of “public instruction.” Public instruction transcended the Ancien Régime’s distinction between moral education and technical instruction, aiming instead to integrate the acquisition of skills, the cultivation of habits, and the development of politically-virtuous sentiments. This ideal underwrote ideas about active and contributory citizenship and reflected the ambitions and expectations of the constitutional regime being designed by the National Assembly.
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Forró, Lajos, and Srđan Cvetković. "The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
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This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
Conference papers on the topic "France – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Marinković, Milica. "RAZVITAK FRANCUSKE ADVOKATURE U XIX VEKU." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.1067m.
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The paper is dedicated to the development of advocacy in France throughout history, and special attention is paid to the struggle of lawyers to repair the damage caused to their position by the Bourgeois Revolution. The goals of the legal struggle were fully achieved in the period of the Third Republic, rightly called the "Republic of Lawyers", when they took over the legislative and executive power. French lawyers, especially in the 19th century, were often real political dissidents. With their work as a politival opposition, they redefined the relationship between the state and society and set a clear border of state power, all of which enabled the easier emergence of a liberal constitutional monarchy, and then a republic. Due to the constant opposition activities in the courtroom, the lawyers demonstrated in the best possible way how closely law and politics stand in each state. In the introductory chapter of the paper, the author gives an overview of the historical development of advocacy from the Frankish period to the Revolution itself. During the Old Regime, lawyers enjoyed the status of "secular clergy" and, although members of the Third Class, were an unavoidable political factor in absolutist France. The second chapter contains an analysis of the devastating impact of the Revolution on the legal profession and timid attempts to improve the position of the legal profession with the advent of the Restoration. The third chapter provides an overview of the period from 1830 to 1870, which was characterized by the increasingly serious interference of lawyers in politics in order to fight for the advancement of the profession. The chapter on the Third Republic talks about the successful outcome of the lawyer's fight for their own rights, and the final chapter talks about the tendencies in the French legal profession in the 20th century.
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Themelis, Nickolas J. "Changes in Public Perception of Role of Waste-to-Energy for Sustainable Waste Management of MSW." In 19th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec19-5439.
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In the last ten years, public and government perceptions of waste-to-energy have changed considerably. Most people who bothered to visit waste management facilities recognize that landfilling can only be replaced by a combination of recycling and thermal treatment with energy recovery. During the same period, the Earth Engineering Center (EEC) of Columbia University research and public information programs have concentrated on advancing all means of sustainable waste management in the U.S. and abroad. The results of EEC research are exemplified in the graphs of the Hierarchy of Waste Management and the Ladder of Sustainable Waste Management of nations; in this paper, the latter has also been used to compare the waste management status of the fifty states of the Union. This paper also describes how the European Union has directed that thermally efficient treatment of MSW is equivalent to recycling. The rapid growth of WTE in this century is exemplified by the hundreds of new WTE plants that have been built or are under construction, most with, government assistance as in the case of other essential infrastucture. The need for concerted action by concerned scientists and engineers around the world has led to the formation of the Global WTERT Council. By now there are sister organizations of EEC and WTERT in Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, Greece (SYNERGIA) and Japan. Others are being formed in other countries.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.