Academic literature on the topic 'France - Napoleon I, 1804-1815'
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Journal articles on the topic "France - Napoleon I, 1804-1815"
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Gutman, Sanford. "Broers, Europe Under Napolean, 1799-1815." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 25, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.25.1.43-44.
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Do we need yet another book on Napoleon? Michael Broers answers, not exactly. According to Broers, what we need, and indeed what he has given us, is a sophisticated historical analysis of the impact of Napoleonic rule on conquered Europe from the point of view of the ruled. So, if you are looking for a book primarily on Napoleon the man and ruler, or one on France under Napoleon, you will need to look elsewhere.
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Sultana, Zakia. "Napoleon Bonaparte: His Successes and Failures." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 6, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i2.p189-197.
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Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), also known as Napoleon I, was a French military leader and emperor who conquered much of Europe in the early 19th century. Born on the island of Corsica, Napoleon rapidly rose through the ranks of the military during the French Revolution (1789-1799). After seizing political power in France in a 1799 coup d’état, he crowned himself emperor in 1804. Shrewd, ambitious and a skilled military strategist, Napoleon successfully waged war against various coalitions of European nations and expanded his empire. However, after a disastrous French invasion of Russia in 1812, Napoleon abdicated the throne two years later and was exiled to the island of Elba. In 1815, he briefly returned to power in his Hundred Days campaign. After a crushing defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, he abdicated once again and was exiled to the remote island of Saint Helena, where he died at 51.Napoleon was responsible for spreading the values of the French Revolution to other countries, especially in legal reform and the abolition of serfdom. After the fall of Napoleon, not only was the Napoleonic Code retained by conquered countries including the Netherlands, Belgium, parts of Italy and Germany, but has been used as the basis of certain parts of law outside Europe including the Dominican Republic, the US state of Louisiana and the Canadian province of Quebec. The memory of Napoleon in Poland is favorable, for his support for independence and opposition to Russia, his legal code, the abolition of serfdom, and the introduction of modern middle class bureaucracies. The social structure of France changed little under the First Empire. It remained roughly what the Revolution had made it: a great mass of peasants comprising three-fourths of the population—about half of them works owners of their farms or sharecroppers and the other half with too little land for their own subsistence and hiring themselves out as laborers. Industry, stimulated by the war and the blockade of English goods, made remarkable progress in northern and eastern France, whence exports could be sent to central Europe; but it declined in the south and west because of the closing of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The great migrations from rural areas toward industry in the towns began only after 1815. The nobility would probably have declined more swiftly if Napoleon had not restored it, but it could never recover its former privileges. Finally we can say that many of the territories occupied by Napoleon during his Empire began to feel a new sense of nationalism.
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Alexander, Robert. "The Fédérés of Dijon in 1815." Historical Journal 30, no. 2 (June 1987): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021488.
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When Napoleon returned from exile on the island of Elba, he immediately set about gathering the support that he hoped would re-establish him as ruler of France. No sooner had he disembarked at Antibes on 1 March 1815 than he began issuing proclamations in which he portrayed himself as the leading soldier of the Republic and a man of the Revolution. His appeals found a welcome response in the French populace that astonished his opponents and perhaps surprised the emperor as well. Napoleon had changed the very nature of Bonapartism by allying himself with the tradition of the Revolution, and the federation movement which swept across France during the six weeks prior to Waterloo was a direct response to his new appeal.
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Horel, Catherine. "France and the Austrian Empire 1815-1918." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738065h.
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Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and, more importantly, the arrival of the Russian armies in Central Europe and the subsequent strengthening of Prussia, conferred a new importance to the role of the Habsburg Monarchy as a bulwark against the advancement of Russia and a vital counterweight to Prussia. With the defeat of Napoleon III and the creation of Germany with Alsace and Lorraine Franco-Austrian relations entered a new phase. The destiny of the two provinces alienated the Habsburgs from the French Republic, especially after the reorganization of Europe into two confronting blocs. The logic of alliances led to their being adversaries in the world conflict, although Napoleon III's geo-strategic analyses remained present almost to its very end, when Clemenceau's government gave support to the nationality principle thereby crucially contributing to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy.
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Kennedy, W. Benjamin. "Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte And The Legacy Of The French Revolution." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 20, no. 2 (September 1, 1995): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.20.2.85.
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In this clear and compact book Martyn Lyons demonstrates how Napoleon tamed, reshaped, reformed, and preserved the achievements of the French Revolution and created the centralized administrative system that has persisted in France to this day. Here we learn why after Waterloo people referred to revolution and Napoleon almost in the same breath. In the world after 1815 the remnants of the first had been submerged into the stunning accomplishments of the second.
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Hebdon, Brontë. "Embroidered Hierarchies: French Civil Uniforms and the décret du 29 messidor in Napoleonic Paris and Milan." Costume 57, no. 2 (September 2023): 173–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cost.2023.0263.
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In the days following Napoleon Bonaparte's nomination as Emperor of the French in May 1804, two decrees were introduced to French society: the décret du 24 messidor an XII and the décret du 29 messidor an XII. The first organized the French court into a hierarchy of privilege, placing Napoleon and his closest friends and advisors at the top of a complex pyramid of social capital. The second decree reoriented the court away from the sartorial egalitarianism of the French Revolution by legislating court costumes of varying colours and embroidery designs to correspond with each newly created governmental and courtly rank. Many histories of this period connect Napoleon's court costumes to his desire to strengthen the French silk industry, but less is understood about how Napoleon used these court costumes at his courts outside of France as organizational and imperialistic tools of social control. This article will consider how the décret du 24 messidor and the décret du 29 messidor were implemented in Paris and in the Kingdom of Italy in Milan in 1805, revealing that even as Napoleon's government attempted to structure French courtly society through codes of sartorial display, personal expression for men was still possible, especially through embroidery.
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DOYLE, WILLIAM. "THE FRENCH REVOLUTION BETWEEN BICENTENARIES." Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 1123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007589.
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The revolution in provincial France. Aquitaine, 1789–1799. By A. Forrest. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Pp. vi+377. £45.Fair shares for all. Jacobin egalitarianism in practice. By J.-P. Gross. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xv+255. £30.Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815. By M. Broers. London: Edward Arnold, 1996. Pp. xii+291. £15.99.
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Isaikova, Oleksandra. "«We don’t believe you, Nicolas»: royalist publicism as a source of French anti-Napoleonic caricature." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2020): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2020.2.06.
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The article refers to the connection between royalist publicism and anti-Napoleonic caricature through the example of two etchings from the Khanenko Museum collection. The task of royalist propaganda was to undermine the authority of Napoleon Bonaparte and, at the same time, to set society in favor of the Bourbon restoration. This causes the specifics of the anti-Napoleonic pamphlets and caricatures, which were usually focused on creating of the repulsive images of the emperor. At the same time, it is easy to notice that the authors of texts and images operated with a common set of motifs, images, as well as they used similar techniques. Therefore, the analysis of pamphlets provides better understanding of the subject of studied etchings and helps to clarify the meaning of certain details. Furthermore, taking into account that caricature was often secondary to the texts, author strived to find the literary sources of the studied caricatures and came to the conclusion that Charon’s famous engraving “The Height of Cannibalism” was strongly influenced by the François-René Chateaubriand’s “Report on the State of France” (1815). The matching texts, as well as the general consonance of the caricature “Arrival of Nicolas Buonaparte in Tuileries on January 20, 1815” with Rougemaitre’s popular anti-Napoleonic pamphlet “Life of Nicolas” (1815) suggests that the latter was among the caricaturist’s sources of inspiration at least.
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SUNDASARI, Witakania, and Ferli HASANAH. "LITTLE BONEY, GROSSE MENACE : UNE ANALYSE DE L’IMAGE." FRANCISOLA 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/francisola.v2i2.9412.
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RÉSUMÉ. Exprimant un message, une image est utilisée comme moyens de communication. Malgré son effet comique, une caricature politique construit indispensablement un discours politique. En 1804 James Gillray a lancé un dessin satirique qui dénonce Napoléon Bonaparte ainsi que les idées républicaines de la Révolution de 1789 pour sensibiliser le public Britannique par ses regards royalistes contre la France révolutionnaire et napoléonienne. La présente recherche s’insère sur l’étude sémiologique de l’image publiée pendant cette période turbulente et l’analyse s’effectue en appliquant les lectures dénotative et connotative sur les signes linguistiques, iconiques et plastiques. Cette analyse a pour but de montrer comment cette caricature communique ses messages et comment l’artiste communique son engagement politique. Les résultats montrent que l’artiste a transmis son message par les parallélismes ainsi que par les oppositions que tous les signes reposent sur l’image. Mots-clés : analyse d’image, angleterre, caricature, révolution française. ABSTRACT. Expressing a message, an image is used as a tool of communication. Despite its comic effects, a political caricature unavoidably constructs a political discourse. In 1804, James Gillray launched a satirical drawing that denounced Napoleon Bonaparte and the Republican ideas of the Revolution of 1789 to alert the British public through his royalist point of view against revolutionary and Napoleonic France. This research is based on the semiological study of the image which was published during this turbulent period and the analysis is carried out by applying the denotative and connotative readings on linguistic, iconic and plastic signs. This research aims to show how this caricature transfers its messages and how the artist declared communicate his political commitments. The results show that the artist sent his message through the parallelism as well as the oppositions that all the signs rest on the image.Keywords: caricature, caricature analysis, England, French revolution.
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Batiuk, S. "Administrative reform of Napoleon Bonaparte. Its content and meaning." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 77 (July 13, 2023): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.77.2.3.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of historical aspects, the reasons for the reform and its consequences. An analysis of the factors that influenced the development of events was carried out, namely: not the ability of the then state and local authorities to create and implement an effective system of public administration at all levels; a political crisis, which was caused by the struggle of various political parties and groups, which subsequently led to chaos in the highest echelons of power and was characterized by constant changes among political forces, which ultimately paralyzed the work of the entire state-management apparatus, and expectedly covered local authorities. The features of the person of Napoleon Bonaparte as the ideologist and implementer of this administrative reform are considered, which was based on the principles of centralization of power and worked effectively for two centuries, practically without significant transformations, and will continue to be the basis for today's administrative system of the French Republic. The specifics of the formation and functioning of state authorities during the consulate period (1799-1804) were clarified, and the issue of the possibility of coexistence and interaction of centralization and decentralization was also considered. Scientific attention is focused on the constitutional powers of legislative and executive institutions, their interaction and work efficiency. The main features of the political regime in France in the period 1799-1815 were determined, namely: the dominance of the executive over the legislative; reliance on the authority of the head of the executive power; control by the central executive power of the local self-government system; suppression of the opposition. It turned out that as a result of the above, the Bonapartist regime ensured political stability, centralized the entire state system of power, and created the archetype of the historical authoritarian regime. It was analyzed the possibility of using certain elements and ideas, as well as taking into account the shortcomings of this reform, when carrying out administrative reform in Ukraine.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France - Napoleon I, 1804-1815"
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Housset, Georges. "La garde d'honneur de 1813-1814 : histoire du corps et de ses soldats." Paris, EPHE, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EPHE4048.
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Insérée dans le sénatus-consulte du 3 avril 1813 qui fait appel à 180 000 hommes destinés à compléter les effectifs de l'armée, l'opération qui nous intéresse est une conscription obligatoire et exceptionnelle : la Garde d'honneur doit fournir quatre régiments de 2 500 sabres chacun, spécialement recrutés dans les classes aisées de l'empire. Entre cette formation au caractère national et militaire et les gardes d' honneur des villes mises sur pied dès 1802, purement locales et volontaires, il n'existe d'autre ressemblance que celle du titre. Cette institution extraordinaire, puisqu'elle a pour vocation de motiver l'enrôlement des fils de notables dans les armées impériales alors que ces derniers, grâce au recours du remplacement, font tout pour se soustraire au service, ne pouvait trouver son origine que dans des circonstances équivalentes. C'est effectivement le cas au lendemain de l'aventure Russe au cours de laquelle non seulement les effectifs de l'armée ont fondu, mais encore, l'affaire MALET a montré la fragilité du régime. Mais la promesse de sous-lieutenant après douze mois de présence au corps ne semble pas avoir été suffisante pour attirer la jeunesse dorée des départements. On peut affirmer par ailleurs qu'entre les notables et les préfets, chargés de cette organisation, s'est installée une certaine connivence dont les résultats ne répondent que de loin à l'attente de l'Empereur quant à la valeur des hommes et au mode de financement opéré. Cette levée apporte néanmoins à Napoléon quatre régiments supplémentaires et gratuits qui font en 1813 et 1814 très honorablement leur devoir en dépit de multiples difficultés d'organisation dues aux problèmes de l'heureComing within the senatus-consulte of the 3d of april 1813 that requires 180. 000 men meant to bring the army at full strength, the operation that interests us is compulsory and exceptional conscription : the guard of honour must provide four regiments of 2. 500 sabres each, with soldiers recruited from the upper classes of the empire. Apart from the name, there is nothing in common between this corps, endowed with pronounced national and military characteristics and the guard of honour of the towns set up as soon as 1802, made up of local volunteers. This extraordinary institution, since it is especially designed to motivate the enlistment of the sons of notables whereas thanks to the replacement system they usually do their best to shirk military service could only originate in extraordinary circumstances. And this is precisely the case just after the Russian adventure during which the army numbers melted away and the MALET's matter that demonstrated the frailty of the regime. Even the promise to become second lieutenant after twelve months of presence in the corps does not seem to has been sufficient to attract the sons of the well-off of the counties. Moreover we can assert that the connivance established between the gentility and the prefect in charge of the organization of the guard of honour produced results that did not meet the emperor's expectations as for the men's worth and the financial plan used. However this raising provided Napoleon with four additional regiments at no cost that performed their duty very honourably in 1813 and 1814 in spite of the many difficulties of organization due to the problems of the time
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Vial, Charles-Eloi. "Les chasses des souverains en France (1804-1830)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040222.
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Activité prisée des rois de France depuis l'époque médiévale, la chasse était devenue pour les derniers Bourbons plus une passion dévorante qu'une simple distraction. Louis XV et Louis XVI furent critiqués par l'opinion publique naissante, qui considérait que leurs chasses onéreuses les éloignaient du gouvernement. Après la chute de la monarchie, les chasses royales disparurent. Elles furent remises au goût du jour par Napoléon Ier, soucieux de s'approprier les apparences de la légitimité monarchique. Le maréchal Berthier fut ainsi nommé Grand veneur en 1804. Grâce à lui, Napoléon put faire de ses chasses un instrument politique puissant, une distraction de Cour prisée, le tout avec une économie substantielle de moyens. La Restauration, au lieu de revenir à l'organisation d'Ancien Régime, choisit de conserver l'équipage de chasse et l'administration mise en place pour Napoléon, qui fonctionnèrent jusqu'en 1830. Naquit ainsi le paradoxe d'une Restauration affichant, à la suite de l'Empire, la volonté de renouer avec la tradition monarchique, mais cela grâce à un équipage formé pour Napoléon. C'est cette continuité, humaine, budgétaire, mais aussi politique et symbolique qu'il convient d'étudier au travers des éléments constitutifs des chasses : une implantation autour de Paris permettant une circulation de la Cour autour de différentes résidences de chasse, une pratique régulière destinée à la distraction du souverain et de ses proches, des invitations de personnages politiquement importants, qui donnent à certains jours de chasse bien précis une résonance particulière. Autant d'aspects qui se retrouvent dans les sources : archives, journaux, mémoires, œuvres d'artHunting had always been the privileged activity of kings since the mediaeval period, and for the later Bourbons it became a consuming passion. Indeed Louis XV and Louis XVI were to be criticized by a proto public opinion ; it was thought that hunts were expensive and that they distracted the rulers from the duties of government. The royal hunts disappeared with the fall of the monarchy. But Napoleon, with his desire to appropriate the outward show of monarchical legitimacy, brought it back. Marshal Berthier was appointed Grand veneur and given the task of organizing the imperial hunt in exactly the same way as it had been done under Louis XVI. Napoleon made the hunts a powerful political instrument and a Court indulgence whilst at the same time making considerable savings. The Restoration in fact chose not to revive Ancien Régime customs but preserved the Napoleonic hunting administration. This gave rise to the paradox of a Restoration attempting to reinvigorate monarchical traditions but using structures created by Napoleon. This is that strong continuity, human, budgetary, but also political and symbolic, inside a geographical field concentrated around Paris that made it possible for the Court to circulate around the different imperial hunting residences, to dedicate certain days to the hunts, and to invite some important political figures. All of these aspects are to be found in the sources : archives, newspapers, autobiographies, artworks
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Vial, Charles-Eloi. "Les chasses des souverains en France (1804-1830)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040222.
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Activité prisée des rois de France depuis l'époque médiévale, la chasse était devenue pour les derniers Bourbons plus une passion dévorante qu'une simple distraction. Louis XV et Louis XVI furent critiqués par l'opinion publique naissante, qui considérait que leurs chasses onéreuses les éloignaient du gouvernement. Après la chute de la monarchie, les chasses royales disparurent. Elles furent remises au goût du jour par Napoléon Ier, soucieux de s'approprier les apparences de la légitimité monarchique. Le maréchal Berthier fut ainsi nommé Grand veneur en 1804. Grâce à lui, Napoléon put faire de ses chasses un instrument politique puissant, une distraction de Cour prisée, le tout avec une économie substantielle de moyens. La Restauration, au lieu de revenir à l'organisation d'Ancien Régime, choisit de conserver l'équipage de chasse et l'administration mise en place pour Napoléon, qui fonctionnèrent jusqu'en 1830. Naquit ainsi le paradoxe d'une Restauration affichant, à la suite de l'Empire, la volonté de renouer avec la tradition monarchique, mais cela grâce à un équipage formé pour Napoléon. C'est cette continuité, humaine, budgétaire, mais aussi politique et symbolique qu'il convient d'étudier au travers des éléments constitutifs des chasses : une implantation autour de Paris permettant une circulation de la Cour autour de différentes résidences de chasse, une pratique régulière destinée à la distraction du souverain et de ses proches, des invitations de personnages politiquement importants, qui donnent à certains jours de chasse bien précis une résonance particulière. Autant d'aspects qui se retrouvent dans les sources : archives, journaux, mémoires, œuvres d'artHunting had always been the privileged activity of kings since the mediaeval period, and for the later Bourbons it became a consuming passion. Indeed Louis XV and Louis XVI were to be criticized by a proto public opinion ; it was thought that hunts were expensive and that they distracted the rulers from the duties of government. The royal hunts disappeared with the fall of the monarchy. But Napoleon, with his desire to appropriate the outward show of monarchical legitimacy, brought it back. Marshal Berthier was appointed Grand veneur and given the task of organizing the imperial hunt in exactly the same way as it had been done under Louis XVI. Napoleon made the hunts a powerful political instrument and a Court indulgence whilst at the same time making considerable savings. The Restoration in fact chose not to revive Ancien Régime customs but preserved the Napoleonic hunting administration. This gave rise to the paradox of a Restoration attempting to reinvigorate monarchical traditions but using structures created by Napoleon. This is that strong continuity, human, budgetary, but also political and symbolic, inside a geographical field concentrated around Paris that made it possible for the Court to circulate around the different imperial hunting residences, to dedicate certain days to the hunts, and to invite some important political figures. All of these aspects are to be found in the sources : archives, newspapers, autobiographies, artworks
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Smith, Eric C. "A Pre-professional Institution: Napoleon’s Marshalate and the Defeat of 1813." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699890/.
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Napoleon’s defeat in 1813 generates a number of explanations from historians regarding why he lost this epic campaign which ultimately resulted in France losing control over the German states. Scholars discussing the French marshalate of the Napoleonic era frequently assert that these generals could not win battles without the emperor present. Accustomed to assuming a subordinate role under Bonaparte’s direct supervision, these commanders faltered when deprived of the strong hand of the master. This thesis contributes to this historiographical argument by positing that the pre-professional nature of Napoleon’s marshalate precluded them from adapting to the evolving nature of warfare during the First French Empire. Emerging from non-military backgrounds and deriving their capabilities solely from practical experience, the marshals failed to succeed at endeavors outside of their capacity. An examination of the military administration of the Old Regime, the effects of the French Revolution on the French generalate, and the circumstances under which Bonaparte labored when creating the imperial marshalate demonstrates that issues systemic to the French high command contributed to French defeat in 1813. This thesis also provides evidence that Napoleon understood this problem and attempted to better prepare his marshals for independent command by instructing them in his way of war during the 1813 campaign.
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Menant, Fabien. "Les députés du Corps législatifs sous le Consulat et l'Empire (1799-1815)." Paris 4, 2009. http://www.numeriquepremium.com/content/books/9782847366402.
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Le Corps législatif du Premier Empire reste aujourd’hui l’une des institutions les moins étudiées et les moins connues de l’histoire parlementaire française. Or elle présente un double intérêt, à la fois juridique et social. Cette réunion chaque année de trois cents « notables » censés représenter la Nation dans son ensemble est essentielle à la compréhension de la création d’une notabilité impériale. Nous avons, avec les mille quatre cent soixante et un députés qui ont siégé au Corps législatif, un excellent échantillon permettant de décrire la société impériale et, bien plus encore, la composition des élites dont le développement était souhaité par l’Empereur. Les notables ont vu dans cette assemblée la reconnaissance de leur pouvoir économique et social. Ce Corps annonce par beaucoup de points les assemblées du début du XIXe siècle : en voulant réduire l’influence des assemblées, Napoléon avait involontairement contribué à l’émergence du personnel politique de la Monarchie parlementaire. Dernière des Assemblées révolutionnaires, le Corps législatif fut ainsi la première Assemblée de la France des notablesThe Legislative Body of the First Empire remains one of the least studied and most poorly understood institutions of the French parliamentarian history. Yet, it is of significant interest from both juridical and social points of view. The proceedings of the annual meetings of the three hundred “notables”, who were supposed to represent the entire Nation, are essential to the understanding of the creation of the imperial notability. The cohort of the one-thousand-four-hundred and sixty-one individuals who sat in the Legislative Body during its existence, constitute an excellent illustration of the imperial society and it also illustrates the composition of the elites whose development was desired by the Emperor. For the notables this assembly was important because it showcased the recognition of their economic and social power. The Legislative Body may be considered in many ways, as the forerunner of the various assemblies of the beginning of the 19th century: by attempting to diminish the influence of these assemblies, Napoleon inadvertently contributed to the emergence of the political elite of the Parliamentary Monarchy. The Legislative Body was the last of the Revolutionary Assemblies, and as such, was also the first Assembly of the notables’ France
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Fujihara, Shota. "Le système de gouvernement local dans le département des Hautes-Pyrénées sous le Régime napoléonien." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU20088.
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Pendant longtemps, l’histoire de l’époque napoléonienne s’est presque toujours centrée autour de Napoléon lui-même. Cependant, depuis une trentaine d’années, plusieurs études importantes sur le Consulat et l’Empire ont vu le jour et sont en passe de renouveler l’histoire socio-politique de cette époque. Dans cette thèse, nous réexaminons la structure administrative centralisatrice instaurée pendant l’époque napoléonienne, qui représente un moment propice pour aborder les questions sur la première période de formation de l’État-Nation. Dans la première partie L’État-Nation et les notables, nous examinons la réalité du pouvoir local établi à l’époque napoléonienne. Pour cela, nous traitons de la sociologie des administrateurs et des notables qui composent le pouvoir local, puis nous analysons les relations entre ces notables et l’administration préfectorale en définissant le fonctionnement effectif des conseils et des municipalités communales. Dans la deuxième partie L’État-Nation et l’ordre local, l’époque napoléonienne se situant au début de la formation de l’État-Nation, nous abordons plusieurs domaines administratifs concernant directement la « sécurité », qui est une composante essentielle de l’État-Nation. En nous référant à ces domaines administratifs, nous examinons quel type de relation de pouvoir à triple niveau, pouvoir central, pouvoir local et peuple, a été construit et comment il a donné naissance au système du gouvernement local sous le régime napoléonien. Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons choisi le département des Hautes-Pyrénées. En effet, pour relativiser l’évidence territoriale de la France d’un point de vue géographique et psychologique, la zone frontalière des Pyrénées est un cas intéressant pour notre étudeFor the longest time, Napoleon was the centerpiece of studies concerning the Napoleonic age. However, over the past thirty years, several important studies about the Consulate and the Empire have been shedding a new light on the socio-political history of this era. In this thesis, we review the administrative and centralizing structure established during the Napoleonic era, which represents a key period to discuss and observe the issues about the onset of the Nation-State. In the first part, The Nation-State and the notables, the reality of the local power established during the Napoleonic age is discussed. Initially, we explain the sociology of the local administrators and notables who compose the local power, then we analyse the relations between these notables and the prefectural administration by clearly defining the effective functioning of the councils instituted in each local administrative ward, and of the communal municipalities. In the second part, The Nation-State and the local order, we approach several administrative domains concerning the “security”, matters during the onset of the Nation-State. This thesis will set to define how these administrative domains have led to a three tier exerted power, central power, local power and people, which in turn constructed and gave birth to the local government system under the Napoleonic regime. To answer these questions, we choose the Hautes-Pyrenees department. Indeed, to relativize the territorial evidence of France geographically and psychologically, the border area of the Pyrenees is an interesting case for our study
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Buscemi, Francesco. ""Io giuro". Storia della fedeltà politica dai Lumi a Napoleone." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H045.
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Le recours fréquent aux serments pendant la décennie révolutionnaire a déjà attiré l’attention de nombre d’historiens. Le serment civique a été surtout considéré en tant qu’acte significatif autour duquel semble s’être joué la légitimité révolutionnaire. Effectivement, du serment du roi et des députés de février 1790, à celui des prêtres adhérents à la Constitution civile du clergé, ou encore à celui que la troupe doit prêter après la fuite du roi, des formules constitutionnelles de 1791 et 1792 à celles de haine à la royauté de l’âge du Directoire, jusqu’aux variations apportées par Napoléon, le serment est un élément fondamental de la grammaire politique révolutionnaire. Mon projet de recherche se propose de considérer le serment dans une perspective plus vaste, en comparant la situation française aux expériences des Républiques Sœurs, en élargissant mon propos jusqu’à l’âge de la Restauration pour révéler l’importance du serment dans la culture politique contemporaineThis thesis aims to study the characteristics of political trust and loyalty during the eighteenth century and the French Revolution. These characteristics are essential to understand the revolutionary culture, as they involve one of the most divisive issues of that time : civic oath. My thesis is aimed to clarify how the experience of oaths shaped the relationship between citizens and power during the revolutionary decade (1789-1799) in France and in Italy, and how this relationship is empowered by narratives taken from religion, the culture of honor, and ideology. From a wider, transnational viewpoint, my primary goal was to provide a deeper look into this key topic of the historiography of French Revolution
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Morales, Maria Angélica Beghini. "O circuito das artes pelas letras de Vivant Denon: um nobre patrono para uma nova França (1778-1815)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-11122015-144626/.
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O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os elementos contraditórios - ou seja, tanto as características aristocráticas quanto as modernizantes - próprios do período de transição em que a sociedade francesa se encontrava na virada do século XVIII para o XIX, presentes nos escritos de Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), Directeur Général des Musées durante o Consulado e o Império. Buscaremos compreender como uma figura oriunda da nobreza provinciana francesa conseguiu se equilibrar no jogo de forças políticas que se desenrolou na França com o advento da Revolução e como se tornou uma personagem fundamental na constituição de um dos grandes projetos políticos e culturais do período: a reformulação do Museu do Louvre. Em uma perspectiva mais ampla, pretenderemos investigar, através da produção de Vivant Denon, o fenômeno de reapropriação e ressignificação de uma tradição cultural associada ao Antigo Regime na construção do Império Napoleônico.The object of this research is to study the contradictory elements - both aristocratic features as the modernizing ones - in the transition period from the eighteenth century to the nineteenth, present in the writings of Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), Directeur Général des Musées during the Consulate and the Empire. We seek to understand how a figure derived from the French provincial nobility managed to balance the game of political forces that unfolded in France with the Revolution and how he became a fundamental character in the consolidation of a major cultural and political projects of the period: the reformulation of Louvre Museum. In a broader perspective, the present study seeks to understand and investigate, through the writings of Vivant Denon, the phenomenon of reinterpretation of a cultural tradition associated with the Old Regime in the construction of the Napoleonic Empire.
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Haegele, Vincent. "La famille Bonaparte et la gestion de l’héritage révolutionnaire : enjeux politiques et économiques au sein de l’espace européen." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021SORUL029.
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La Révolution française s’inscrit dès ses débuts dans un cadre international : tout au long des années 1780, les réformes entreprises dans les pays voisins de la France, mais aussi les crises politiques comme celle vécue par les Provinces-Unies, ont eu un large écho dans le débat politique intérieur. La signature du traité de commerce franco-anglais de 1786 est considérée comme une erreur politique dans un contexte qui voit l’opinion publique française s’alarmer du décrochage subi par l’économie du pays face au rival britannique. La Révolution remet en cause les bases fondamentales de la société française mais aussi ses rapports avec les puissances voisines, dont le langage diplomatique n’est plus compréhensible. L’entrée en guerre, en 1792, est inéluctable. Victorieuse sur le terrain militaire, la France n’est cependant pas pour autant épargnée par les crises politiques engendrées par les expérimentations constitutionnelles successives mises en place. En 1800, Napoléon Bonaparte s’empare du pouvoir et entreprend de consolider l’héritage révolutionnaire, à l’intérieur des frontières, mais aussi à l’extérieur. Bien qu’il prétende fermer le cycle commencé en 1789, Napoléon lui donne une nouvelle dimension dont la finalité est bien de construire un Empire. Cela sous-entend de reconstruire l’appareil diplomatique et de doter les États alliés ou satellites d’institutions inspirées du modèle qu’il incarne en reprenant à son profit les codes et symboles de la monarchie. Pourtant ce modèle n’est pas sans faiblesse. Le présent travail cherche à présenter le rôle de la famille Bonaparte dans l’appropriation des idées révolutionnaires et dans leur transmission à travers l’EuropeFrom its beginning, the French Revolution was the part of an international framework: throughout the 1780s, reforms and crisis in the foreign countries had a large echo in the internal political debate. The conclusion of the Franco-British commercial treaty in 1786 has been seen as a major political error by a growing part of the French public opinion. People were alarmed by the capability of the country’s economy to face the weight of British rival. The Revolution soon questions the fundamental bases of French society but also its relations with foreign powers, whose diplomatic language is no longer understandable. In 1792, the entry into the war was inevitable. Glorious in the military field, France was not however spared by the political crises engendered by the successive constitutional experiments. In 1800, the general Napoleon Bonaparte seized power and consolidated the revolutionary legacy, within the borders, but also abroad. Although he claimed to close the cycle started in 1789, Napoleon gave it a new dimension whose purpose was to build an Empire beyond natural borders. This implied a new diplomatic organisation and endowing allied or satellite states with institutions inspired by the model he personally embodied by using the codes and symbols of the monarchy for his own benefits. Yet this model was not without weakness. This work aims to present the role of the Bonaparte family in the appropriation of revolutionary ideas and in their transmission across Europe
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Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2013. http://ezproxy.normandie-univ.fr/login?url=https://www.numeriquepremium.com/doi/10.14375/NP.9782369426998.
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Officier de cavalerie originaire de la noblesse picarde, Armand de Caulaincourt (1773-1827) gravit rapidement tous les échelons de la cour consulaire puis impériale, devenant en 1804 grand-écuyer de l’Empire. Mais, malgré l’importance de ses fonctions curiales, Napoléon le destine à une carrière de diplomate. Après différentes missions, il le nomme ambassadeur de France en Russie, à la fin de l’année 1807. Fervent partisan de l’alliance de Tilsit, Caulaincourt participe à toutes les grandes négociations franco-russes mais doit assister à la lente dégradation des relations entre les deux empires. À son retour à Paris en 1811, son bilan politique est maigre. Sa défense opiniâtre du tsar Alexandre, mais surtout son opposition à la campagne militaire qui se prépare, irritent Napoléon. Elles lui permettent toutefois d’acquérir une nouvelle stature après le désastre de Russie : pour ses contemporains Caulaincourt devient l’« homme de la paix ». Une image que Napoléon réutilise lorsqu’il le charge de le représenter aux congrès de Prague (1813) et de Châtillon (1814). Le duc de Vicence, devenu ministre des Relations extérieures, ne parvient pas à faire accepter la paix ; il lui faut finalement négocier l’abdication de Napoléon et renoncer, après les Cent-Jours, à toute carrière politique. Cette étude, qui s’appuie sur les archives personnelles de Caulaincourt et ses célèbres Mémoires, entend redonner toute son importance à cette figure majeure du Premier Empire, en insistant sur son action et sa pensée dans le domaine de la diplomatie. L’exemple de ce parcours devant permettre de contribuer à reconsidérer et réévaluer le rôle du personnel diplomatique napoléonienA cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel
Books on the topic "France - Napoleon I, 1804-1815"
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Pigeard, Alain. La garde impériale: 1804-1815. Paris: Tallandier, 2005.
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Pigeard, Alain. La garde impériale: 1804-1815. Paris: Tallandier, 2005.
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A.H. Baldwin & Sons Ltd and Baldwin’s Auctions Ltd. The military sale: Wellington, Napoleon and the Napoleonic wars. London: Baldwin's, 2015.
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Uffindell, Andrew. Napoleon's immortals: The Imperial Guard and its battles, 1804-1815. Staplehurst: Spellmount, 2007.
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G, Dwyer Philip, and Forrest Alan I, eds. Napoleon and his empire: Europe, 1804-1814. Basingstoke [England]: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
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Andrina, Stiles, ed. Napoleon, France, and Europe. 3rd ed. London: Hodder Education, 2009.
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Stiles, Andrina. Napoleon, France and Europe. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1993.
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Broers, Michael. Europe under Napoleon 1799-1815. London: Arnold, 1996.
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Paul, Johnson. Napoleon. New York: Viking, 2002.
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Lapray, Olivier. A dictionary of the cuirassier officers of the First Empire, 1804-1815. Paris: Histoire & Collections, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "France - Napoleon I, 1804-1815"
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Jorgensen, Christer. "The Road to War: The Creation of the Common Cause against Napoleon, March 1804–October 1805." In The Anglo-Swedish Alliance Against Napoleonic France, 18–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287747_2.
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Bell, David A. "3. The First Consul, 1799–1804." In Napoleon, 45–67. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199321667.003.0004.
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Napoleon Bonaparte is mostly admired for his domestic achievements from 1799–1804. This Consulate period was one of authoritarian rule, but also of energetic state-building, during which Napoleon established institutions and principles by which the French still govern themselves today. ‘The First Consul, 1799–1804’ explains how during this time, Napoleon negotiated diplomatic agreements with many of his foreign enemies, including Austria and Great Britiain. His new regime also installed a new, streamlined law code, overhauled the education system, and created France’s first successful national bank and stabilized the currency. In 1804, Napoleon was crowned Emperor of the French. However, peace was not long-lasting and France was soon at war again.
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Bell, David A. "5. Downfall, 1812–1815." In Napoleon, 88–108. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199321667.003.0006.
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‘Downfall, 1812–1815’ describes Napoleon’s catastrophic attempt to destroy Russia’s army in 1812. Despite failing to win the latest Russian war, Napoleon still controlled vast territories with unmatched human resources. The 1813 campaigns, which Napoleon fought in Germany against the Sixth Coalition came close to reversing his fortunes. But why did Napoleon and the allies not make peace? In 1814, the allies entered France forcing Napoleon to abdicate. He retired to Elba and was replaced by the Bourbon pretender, Louis XVIII. Less than a year later, Napoleon returned to seize power for a second time. Only after his defeat at Waterloo in June 1815 by Lord Wellington would his fall from power become permanent.
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Davis, Paul K. "Waterloo 18 June 1815." In 100 Decisive Battles, 297–301. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143669.003.0069.
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Abstract Although Napoleon fought brilliantly in defense of France after his defeat at Leipzig in 1814, he was too badly outnumbered to stay in power. The victorious allied powers of Austria, Britain, Prussia, and Russia restored the French monarchy by placing Louis XVIII on the throne and removed Napoleon from the scene by exiling him to the small island of Elba in the Mediterranean. Louis immediately began to undo many of the reforms instituted by the French Revolution and Napoleon, and that made him immediately unpopular with the French population.
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Mikaberidze, Alexander. "Confronting Napoleon, 1805." In Kutuzov, 183—C12.P54. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197546734.003.0012.
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Abstract This chapter traces Napoleon Bonaparte’s quick move to consolidate his power in France and to strengthen French positions in western Europe after seizing power in a coup in November 1799. It cites the Treaty of Lunéville, which ended the war between France and Austria in 1801 and extended the French frontiers to the Rhine River. The discovery of a royalist conspiracy against Napoleon led to the arrest of Louis-Antoine-Henri de Bourbon-Condé, a prince of the Bourbon royal house who resided in the neighboring Principality of Baden. The chapter highlights Russian efforts to challenge Napoleon. These were heartily welcomed in Britain, where Prime Minister William Pitt returned to office in the spring of 1804. The Russian emperor considered Mikhail Kutuzov to be the only Russian general who possessed sufficient practical experience, acute military judgment, and keen understanding of diplomatic subtleties.
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Crook, Malcolm. "The French Revolution and Napoleon, 1788–1814." In Revolutionary France 1788–1880, 8–35. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198731863.003.0002.
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Abstract Revolutions only occur when regimes disintegrate. The French monarchy was not overthrown in 1789; it had already begun to collapse a year earlier when it proved incapable of reform. The revolutionaries thus occupied as much as created a political vacuum, which they sought to fill with a new order. Yet it was far more difficult to build than to destroy and 1789 merely marked the beginning of a decade of upheaval that was only brought to a temporary halt with the advent of the Napoleonic dictatorship at the turn of the new century. Although it profoundly shaped the nature of nineteenth-century France, even the Bonapartist regime turned out to be something of a stopgap. In political terms Napoleon created another option, rather than a definitive solution. The events of 1815, when he staged his famous, but short-lived, Hundred-Day return, only served to restart the revolutionary cycle that would dominate French political history during the decades to come.
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"Facing Napoleonic France: Prussian responses to the French threat, 1804–1806." In The Impact of Napoleon, 269–303. Cambridge University Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511583032.011.
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Bond, Brian. "Napoleon and the Decisive Battle." In The Pursuit Of Victory, 28–43. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198204978.003.0003.
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Abstract The battle of Valmy in 1792 marked the dawn of a new era in military history. Between that date and 1815 Europe witnessed almost uninterrupted warfare between France and virtually all the other powers of a scale and intensity not experienced for centuries. This transformation in the direction of ‘total war’ made the ‘temperate and indecisive contests’ of the era of the Enlightenment appear as absurd anachronisms.
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"Chapter 7 THE ERA OF NAPOLEON (1799–1815)." In The Bourgeois Revolution in France 1789-1815, 125–46. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780857455697-010.
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"In Defence of Great Britain: Henry Addington, the Duke of York and Military Preparations against Invasion by Napoleonic France, 1803–1804." In Resisting Napoleon, 105–24. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315244372-13.
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