Journal articles on the topic 'France Militia History'

Abstract French Revolutionaries shared many of the same beliefs as their American counterparts about the relationship between citizenship and bearing arms. Both nations’ leaders viewed standing armies as a threat to freedom, and both nations required militia participation from a portion of the citizenry. Yet the right to bear arms is a legacy only of the American Revolution. The right to bear arms came up several times in debates in France’s National Assembly. The deputies never approved that right, but they never denied it either. During the first years of the Revolution, the leading politicians were wary of arming poor citizens, a concern that was in tension with the egalitarian language of the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Moreover, militias thrived during the early years of the French Revolution and became instruments—albeit unstable ones—for maintaining a social domination that played out along class lines. In response to the contradictions in their positions, French revolutionary leaders remained silent on the issue. In France as in the United States, the question of whether or not there was a right to bear arms was less important than the question of who had the right to bear arms.

The massive efforts of the Bourbon monarchs of the late colonial period to give their Spanish-American empire a modern state apparatus, extract more revenues from it, and defend it effectively from foreign interlopers involved an unprecedented assertion of royal authority at all levels of government, including the local one. Municipal government throughout the Americas became both an object of reform and one of the chief instruments of Bourbon reorganization at ground level. All the major activities and changes that required direct contact with the general population, from the taking of censuses and the establishment of militia units to the imposition of new taxes and the reorganization of the colonial financial structure, depended on municipal governments for their effective implementation. When the world wars for empires among Britain, France, and Spain reached a crisis stage for the Bourbons with Napoleon's invasion of Spain in 1808, the municipal governments became even more vital to the maintenance of the viceroyalties and the survival of the Spanish monarchy.

William III's military and political career was marked by a sustained tension between his obsessive struggle against France and the fear caused by his accession to enhanced titles of power. Crucial to William's shift from stadholderate to kingship was his assumption of emergency powers in 1672 to defend his country against French invasion. Throughout his stadholderate (1672–1702), he came to be seen by his Dutch republican opponents as a Roman dictator intent on using military power to break the harmony of the constitution, while Orangist propaganda tried to present the rule of the One as the best remedy to the recurrent danger of civil war and anarchy. Spurred by the Ryswick treaty of September 1697 and fuelled by a deeply engrained tradition of resistance to any expanded military establishment, the standing army debates of 1697–9 came as an effort to understand a major political controversy in the light of the history of republican Rome. The political theorists of the New Country Party strove to reassert the superiority of civil over military power by showing how the decay of the Roman Republic had been caused by a departure from the civic militia paradigm and a drift towards military monarchy which fostered the growth of tyranny. It was thought that England's commitment to a prolonged war effort would entail a similar process and imperil the age-old balance between king and parliament. The contention of this article is that the standing army debates of 1697–9 can be construed as an encounter between Dutch and English neo-Romanism, crystallizing in the controversial figure of William. An overall view of William's military and political career and the search for elements of continuity in his supporters' and his opponents' arguments will serve to look at the role of historicism in the construction of a late seventeenth-century Anglo-Dutch ideological space.

The First Crusade was such an important event with such amazing consequences that it is hardly surprising that an enormous amount of ink has been spent on discovering the reasons why enthusiasm for it was so widespread. Much effort has been spent on examining factors which preconditioned the men of the eleventh century to welcome Urban's appeal in 1095–6. Broadly speaking it has been supposed that the wars against Islam in Spain accustomed men to the notion of Holy War, while the growing authority of the Church in the age of reform predisposed them to obey their spiritual directors – early evidence of this was the Peace and Truce of God first proclaimed by the bishops and clergy of France. Papal initiative in supporting the reconquest of Islamic Sicily and ‘corrupt’ England, and the influence of papal ideas about the militia Christi refined and developed by Anselm of Lucca reinforced the point. The Church threw its authority behind pilgrimage, the great manifestation of the popular piety of the age which was intimately allied to devotion to relics of saints and the cult of their sacred places. The most sacred of all places, and therefore the greatest of pilgrimages, was that to Jerusalem. It was the spiritual reward for this journey to Jerusalem which Urban 11 offered for those going on the expedition of 1095. These factors have always been the substance of discussion and were systematically analysed by Erdmann in a book which remains the basis of scholarly discussion to this day.

The story of freedom fighter Jean Djonteu provides a new approach to the history of Union des populations du Cameroun (UPC) nationalism in the Grassfields and Mungo regions of Cameroon. Within the context of Baham, his village of origin, Djonteu's actions and tracts reveal his politico-spiritual reasons for joining the UPC militia in its revolutionary fight against Franco-Cameroonian state administration. UPC nationalism and village political culture formed a hybrid of political ideologies, or a ‘village nationalism’ articulating UPC anti-colonialism with Grassfields political concepts of nation and sovereignty that pre-dated European occupation. As this articulation disintegrated, Grassfields populations disengaged from state politics and turned inwards towards village political culture and spirituality rekindled by popular involvement in the UPC nationalist movement.

The world is now undergoing a transformation as profound as that experienced with the rise of the territorial state system after the religious wars of Europe’s feudal period. Modern technology in defense and communications and “emerging trans-state patterns of commerce, politics, and cultural life” are rendering traditional notions of “frontier” obsolete. Dispersed transnational communities—Sikhs in Canada, Muslims in Britain, Germany, France, and the U.S.—sectarian and ethnic militias sustained by emigré and foreign funds, and transnational banking, commercial, religious, and intellectual links often opaque to state authorities may not threaten the existence of the nation-state everywhere, but they serve as a poignant reminder that nation-states are not the only significant political actors in the late twentieth century.

Neste texto, revisitamos o processo político espanhol recente, enfatizando as questões relativas às Forças Armadas (FFAA), buscando compreender desde a formação destas Forças antes da ditadura de Francisco Franco, passando por esta e chegando aos dias de hoje, quando parece que as reformas promovidas ao longo dos últimos 30 anos, resultaram na incorporação definitiva das FFAA à democracia.

Under the French Directory the line army was called into many parts of France to protect law and order and to shore up the regime. The authors of regional studies in the period have alluded to military presence but have failed to draw general inferences about the importance of military policing. The political ambitions of commanders-in-chief of fighting armies after the fall of Robespierre and the nature and history of operations have long been the subject of historical research, but no-one has yet investigated the nature of relations between civil and military authorities in any part of the interior that was not a war zone. The line army had been used in a policing role during the old regime and the early years of the revolution, but the advent of war in 1792 removed it to the frontiers. This suited revolutionary governments which were uncertain of its loyalty and uneasy about the reduction of discipline. In 1793 and 1794 revolutionary order was imposed instead by an increasingly centralized network of civilian elites and militias – revolutionary armies, committees, tribunals and representatives on mission – which operated by means of intimidation and civic denunciation. The dismantling of this apparatus of Terror in the year III (late 1794/5) in favour of a liberal constitution which breathed new life into the elective institutions of local government unleashed an anarchy of frustrated aspirations and hatreds born out of the turbulence of the revolutionary experience. Individuals and factions vied for control of local judicial and executive positions in order to make up revolutionary losses and to keep out their enemies.

En este articulo se analizan los origenes ideologicos del regimen franquista desde la perspectiva de un ≪estado deportivo≫, en el sentido que la cultura fisica, no solo la educacion fisica sino tambien la deportiva, debia preparar a la juventud para los tiempos de paz despues de la Guerra Civil (1936-1939). A partir de la concepcion de la vida como milicia, se revisan los presupuestos ideologicos y las disposiciones legales que pusieron las bases de este ≪estado deportivo≫, dependiente de la Falange, que encontro a partir de 1943 una esplendida caja de resonancia en las imagenes del NO-DO, coincidiendo con la celebracion del primer Congreso Nacional de Educacion Fisica (octubre de 1943) que diseno un programa de actuacion que no se plasmo legalmente hasta 1961 con la aprobacion de la ley de Educacion Fisica. Si bien en un principio, este estatalismo deportivo, inspirado en los modelos clasicos (espartano, revolucionario frances), encontro un ejemplo en el totalitarismo europeo, especialmente en la organizacion de los Juegos Olimpicos de Berlin (1936) por parte del nazismo, con el paso del tiempo esta carga ideological fue cediendo protagonismo en favor de un ideario inspirado en la pedagogia deportiva de Pierre de Coubertin. En esta direccion, la participacion olimpica, la organizacion de los Segundos Juegos del Mediterraneo (Barcelona, 1955) y los Juegos Olimpicos de Roma (1960), con el beneplacito de la Iglesia catolica, fueron acicates para que el ≪estado deportivo≫, siempre bajo el control de la Falange, asumiese los valores del olimpismo.

El texto aborda la evolución del análisis historiográfico que se ha llevado a cabo sobre la Cataluña moderna entre finales del siglo XVI y principios del XVIII. Aunque la frontera moderna de Cataluña puede ser múltiple, nos centramos esencialmente en aquella que va desde el Valle de Arán hasta el Mediterráneo. El texto abre con una primera reflexión sobre el camino hacia el cambio de modelo, luego evoca los efectos de las guerras con Francia, con algunos ejemplos concretos, como el de Cerdaña, y, por último, expone la realidad percibida y llevada a cabo con la nueva “fortificación” de la frontera catalana a finales del siglo XVII, cuando el control de Francia se hace evidente. Palabras clave: Frontera, fronterización, fortificaciónTopónimos: Francia, España, Cataluña,Período: época moderna ABSTRACTThe text addresses the evolution of the historiographical analysis that of modern Catalonia between the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 18th century. Although the modern border of Catalonia may be multiple, the focus will essentially be upon the border that runs from the Arán Valley to the Mediterranean. The text opens with an initial reflection on the path towards a change of model, before evoking the effects of the wars with France, with some specific examples, such as that of Cerdanya, and finally presenting the reality perceived and manifested with the new “fortification” of the Catalan border at the end of the 17th century, when French control became evident. Keywords: Border, bordering, fortificationPlace names: France, Spain, CataloniaPeriod: modern era REFERENCIASAyats, A., Louis XIV et les Pyrénées catalanes de 1659 à 1681. Frontière politique et frontières militaires, Trabucaire, Canet, 2002.Bély, L., “La representación de la frontera en las diplomacias durante la Época Moderna”, Manuscrits, 26, (2008), pp. 35-51.— “Westphalie, Pyrénées, Utrecht: trois traités pour redessiner l'Europe”, en O. Jané (ed.), Del Tractat dels Pirineus a l'Europa del segle XXI: un model en construcció, Museu d'Història de Catalunya-Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona, 2010, pp. 13-21.Bourret, C., Les Pyrénées centrales du ixe au xixe siècle. La formation progressive d’une frontière, Pyrégraph, Aspet, 1995.Brunet, S., Les prêtres des montagnes. La vie, la mort, la foi dans les Pyrénées centrales sous l'Ancien Régime (Val d'Aran et diocèse de Comminges), PyréGraph, Aspet, 2001.Cámara, A., Fortificación y ciudad en los reinos de Felipe II, ed. NEREA, Madrid, 1998.Camiade, M., Genís, M.T. y Lacombe-Massot, J.-P., “Les mirades en el territori: les fortificacions al massís de l’Albera, el vessant més oriental dels Pirineus”, en Fronteres: una visió des de l'Empordà, Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos, 2011, pp. 491-502.Caner, P. y Vilar, L., “Castells i cases fortificades de Calonge”, Annals de l'Institut d'Estudis Gironins, 23, (1976), pp. 279-320.Capponi, N., “Le strade dell’ invasore. 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Las denominadas casas de la encomienda constituyen uno de los ejemplos más representativos de la arquitectura vinculada a las órdenes militares. Herederos del castillo, estos inmuebles característicos del período bajomedieval actuaron como las sedes de las encomiendas, las células básicas de administración señorial de las milicias. Como tales, debían servir como residencia a los comendadores, lo que les confirió cierto carácter palatino y una notable entidad en el entramado urbano de las villas. Pero al mismo tiempo actuaban como lugar de percepción y almacenamiento de rentas, para lo que necesitaron de espacios como bodegas o graneros. Finalmente, también aglutinaban toda una serie de dependencias para el servicio de la casa.En este estudio ponemos el foco sobre un conjunto de casas de la encomienda vinculadas a la Orden Militar de Santiago y situadas en sus señoríos de La Mancha. A partir de la información extraída de los Libros de Visita, en conjunción con otro tipo de fuentes y con una metodología interdisciplinar, analizaremos la evolución de estos inmuebles entre la segunda mitad del siglo XV y las primeras décadas del siglo XVI. Seguidamente, trataremos sobre diversas cuestiones comunes a estos singulares edificios como su localización, disposición o los distintos espacios que respondían a las funciones residencial, económica y de servicios. Palabras clave: Órdenes Militares, Orden de Santiago, Cultura Material, Arquitectura, EncomiendasTopónimos: La ManchaPeríodo: Baja Edad Media ABSTRACTThe so-called commandery houses are one of the most representative examples of architecture associated with military orders. Heirs to the castle, these buildings, characteristic of the late medieval period, served as the headquarters of the commanderies, the basic units of seigneurial administration of the militias. As such, they functioned as the residence of the commanders, which lent them a certain palatial character and considerable prominence within the urban structure of the villages. At the same time, they also served as a place for collecting and storing revenue, for which they needed spaces such as cellars or granaries. Finally, they also included a whole series of outbuildings to serve the house.This study focuses on a group of commandery houses linked to the Military Order of Santiago and located in their seigneuries in La Mancha. On the basis of information obtained from the Libros de Visita in conjunction with other types of sources, and employing an interdisciplinary methodology, there is analysis of the evolution of these buildings between the second half of the 15th and the early decades of the 16th century. This is followed by discussion of various issues common to these singular buildings, such as their location, layout and the different spaces that fulfilled residential, economic and service function. Keywords: Military Orders, Order of Santiago, Material Culture, Architecture, CommanderiesPlace names: La ManchaPeriod: Late Middle Ages REFERENCIASArcos Franco, J. M. (2002), “Tipologías de la arquitectura civil de la Orden de Alcántara: la casa de encomienda en el partido de la Serena”, Norba: revista de arte, 22, pp. 101-118.Ayala Martínez, C. (2003), Las órdenes militares hispánicas en la Edad Media (siglos XII-XV), Madrid, La Torre Literaria.Carrero Pérez, L. M. (1990), El castillo y la villa de Fuentidueña de Tajo (Crónica de un asentamiento Santiaguista), Madrid, Comunidad de Madrid.Eiroa Rodríguez, J. A. (2005), “La interpretación arqueológica de los Libros de Visita de la Orden de Santiago: el complejo fortificado medieval de Socovos (Albacete)”, II Congreso de Castellología Ibérica Alcalá de la Selva (Teruel), 8-11 noviembre 2001, Asociación Española de Amigos de los Castillos, pp. 543-562.Ferreras Fincias, F. J. (1996), “Castrotorafe (Zamora): conservación y ruina de la fortaleza santiaguista, 1494-1736”, Actas del I Congreso Nacional de Historia de la Construcción, Madrid, Ministerio de Fomento, pp. 203-209.García Carpintero López de Mota, J. (2020), “La historia de la construcción a través de los Libros de Visita de la Orden de Santiago”, La construcción fortificada medieval: historia, conservación y gestión: Jornadas Técnicas sobre Historia de la Construcción Medieval Montiel (Ciudad Real), 20-22 de septiembre de 2017, Madrid, Instituto Juan de Herrera, Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, Fundación Cárdenas, Fundación Castillo de la Estrella de Montiel, pp. 113-132.García Carpintero López de Mota, J. y Gallego Valle, D. (2018), “La arqueología de órdenes militares en Castilla-La Mancha y la reconstrucción virtual de su patrimonio”, Virtual Archaeology Review, 9.19, pp. 76-88.Garrido Santiago, M. (1989), Arquitectura Militar de la Orden de Santiago en Extremadura, Mérida, Junta de Extremadura.Gómez de Terreros Guardiola, M. V. (ed.) (2011), La arquitectura de las órdenes militares en Andalucía: conservación y restauración, Huelva, Universidad de Huelva.Gómez de Terreros Guardiola, M. V. y Gómez de Terreros Guardiola M. G. (2010), “Casas tercias o de bastimento de la Orden de Santiago en Andalucía: La Almona de Guadalcanal (Sevilla)”, Temas de estética y arte, 24, pp. 113-142.Josserand, P. (2004), Église et pouvoir dans la Péninsule ibérique. Les ordres militaires dans le royaume de Castille (1252-1369), Madrid, Casa de Velázquez.Matellanes Merchán, J. V. (2000), “Estructuración orgánica del espacio santiaguista en la submeseta sur (1170-1350)”, Las órdenes militares en la Península Ibérica, Cuenca, Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 1, pp. 723-738.Molero García, J. (2006), “Castillos-casas de la Encomienda en el Campo de Calatrava”, Actas del III Congreso de Castellología Ibérica, Madrid, Asociación Española de Amigos de los Castillos; Diputación Provincial de Guadalajara, pp. 657-680.— (2014), “El binomio castillo-casa de la encomienda en la administración señorial de la Orden de Calatrava (siglos XII-XV)”, Castelos das Ordens Militares. Encontro Internacional, Lisboa, Direção-Geral do Património Cultural, 1, pp. 229-250.Molero García J. y García Carpintero López de Mota, J. (2020), “La reconstrucción del castillo y casa de la encomienda de la Orden de Calatrava en Daimiel a finales de la Edad Media”, V Jornadas de Historia de Daimiel, Museo Comarcal de Daimiel, pp. 15-30.Moya García, C. y Fernández-Pacheco Sánchez-Gil, C. (2016), “Las casas de Bastimento y Encomienda del Campo de Montiel en los siglos XV y XVI”, II Congreso Nacional Ciudad Real y su provincia, Ciudad Real: Instituto de Estudios Manchegos, pp. 158-175.Navareño Mateos, A. (1987), Arquitectura Militar de la Orden de Alcántara en Extremadura, Mérida, Dirección General de Patrimonio Cultural, 1987.Oliveira, L. F. (2014), “Dos castelos às Ordens Militares: Os espaços da vida religiosa e comunitária”, Castelos das Ordens Militares. Encontro Internacional, Lisboa, Direção-Geral do Património Cultural, 2, pp. 389-407.Ortiz Rico, I. M. 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AbstractA century ago the Rijksprentenkabinet in Amsterdam acquired a 19th-century album containing 56 rapid sketches in black chalk after 17th-century, mostly Dutch paintings (Note 1). The sketches, which are numberd, have the names of the painters wrillen on them in the artist's own hand. They were first published in 1895 (Note 2) by E. W. Moes, who concluded that they were by a Delft artist, and C. Hofstede de Groot, who convincingly attributed them to Leonaert Bramer (1596-1674) and identified two of the paintings in question. Since then various other paintings have been identified (Notes 5, 7, 8, 11 and 12), notably by A. Blankert, who has made his findings available for the present publication, and other drawings belonging to the series have been found, Frits Lugt leading the way here (Notes 9 and 10). The present study, the first to be undertaken in depth since 1895, has brought to light three more sketches after paintings by Bramer himself (cat. nos.9-11) and one probably after Wouwerman (cat. no.65), while seven more paintings have been identified and one of the sketches without a name has proved to be after a painting by Antonio Maria Viani. Two lists of the sketches so far found are given here: that of State I reproduces the original order, that of State II gives the artists in alphabetical order as they appear in the catalogue published here. These sketches are of exceptional documentary value, since they have not only given us the names of some previously unknown painters, such as M. de Berch, J. Garbaal, P. Monincx and A. Pick, but they have also revealed unexpected aspects of some well-known ones, e.g. a still life by P. van Groenewegen, a Dutch landscape by J.B. Weenix and a genre piece of a very Utrecht character by L. de Jongh. Moreover, the sketches afford a fine glimpse of collecting in Holland in the 17th century, a subject otherwise known uirtually only from non-visual documents. On the back of one of the drawings (cat. no.6) appears a list of the owners of the pictures sketched (Fig. I), possibly written by Bramer himself. This is reproduced here in an amplified version of Moes' transcription, with one completely new name yielded by the present study. The styles given in the list suggest that the men concerned appear in it in order of their social standing. The first, Simon Graswinckel (c.1611-71), was a member of a wealthy Delft family of brewers and regents. He owned a great deal of property in and around Delft, but is reported by his brothers-in-law to have spent his time in gaming-houses and taverns (Note 30). His will of 1663 is known, but no paintings are mentioned in it. The second man on the list was probably a Van Beresteijn, another family from the wealthy upper echelons of Delft society. His precise identity came to light in a roundabout way via the inventory of 28 February 1652 of Adriaen van Vredenburg, in which are listed a number of paintings that were very probably sketched by Bramer (Note 32), notably one of Jezebel, this mention and Bramer's sketch being virtually unique indications of this subject in Dutch 17th-century painting. Vredenburg does not appear in the list of owners of the paintings, but on his death his property went to his stepdaughter, whose guardian he had been and who married Theodorus van Beresteijn in November 1652. Antonie van Bronchorst is known only from the commission he gave Bramer in 1653 to painl frescoes in his house (Note 34), while Capitein van der Bon..., Nicolaas van der Werch and Johan Persijn have not yet been traced in the Delft archives. Willem de Langue (1599-1666), on the other hand, was a lawyer and a connoisseur of paintings unparalleled in Delft in the mid 17th century (Note 36). He himself made the inventories of the paintings in important estates and he numbered many artists among his clientele (Note 37). Portraits of him and his wife by Van Vliet are known (Note 38), while he also appears as an officer in a militia piece of 1648 by Jacob Willemsz Delff (Fig. 2). Abraham de Cooge (before 1600-after 1680) was the most versatile person in the list, being an engraver, painter, dealer in tulip bulbs, organs and paintings and pottery manufacturer (Note 39). He was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1632 and two paintings by him are known (Note 40). In 1646 Leonaerl Bramer made illustrations to the picaresque novel Lazarilo de Tormes for him (Note 17). In the 1650's De Cooge was increasingly involved in art-dealing and that on no small scale. He also had representatives in Antwerp, so was probably among the biggest art-dealers in the Northern Netherlands. Adam Pick (c. 1622-before 1666) enrolled in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1642 (Note 43) and was active in the town up to the early 1650's as a painter of landscapes, genre pieces and still lifes (Fig.3) and also as the keeper of the Toelast ( Wine Cask) inn. He probably moved to Leiden, where he is mentioned in 1654 as a vintner, in 1653, perhaps as a consequence of the death of his first wife in 1652, f or he certainly sold the inn that year. The inventory of their joint property drawn up in 1653 includes a list of paintings, which tally with nos.8(?) -98 in the State I list. Only one painting by Pick is known (Fig.3), plus the sketch by Bramer after another (cat. no.44). Reinier Jansz Vermeer (1591-1652, Note 46), the father of Johannes, started out as a silk weaver, but appears in 1629 as an innkeeper and in 1631 was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft as an art-dealer. From then on he came into frequent contact with local painters, Bramer included, but his dealing was probably only a sideline of his innkeeping. He died in October 1652. The last owner on the list is Bramer himself, who returned to Delft in 1628 after a lengthy period in France and Italy (1614-27, Note 49). He played a leading part in the Guild of St. Luke and was among the most successful painters in Delft around the middle of the 17th century. Later in life, however, he was often in financial difficulties (Note 50). He was one of the very few Dutch fresco painters (Note 51), as well as a painter of history and genre pieces and a prolific draughtsman and illustrator (Note 52), while just one document provides evidence of his dealing in paintirtgs (Note 54). The presence of works by Bramer himself among the sketches seems to rule out the theory that he made them as an aide mémoire for his own use (Note 15), while their very rapid character makes it unlikely that they were produced for one of the owners as an art-object. It also seems highly improbable that the collectors/owners would have wanted their collections of paintings sketched together in one book. The most acceptable suggestion appears to be that they were made in connection with a forthcoming sale of pictures, particularly as three of the owners listed were involved in art-dealing, while in the cases of Vermeer, Pick and Van Beresteijn there was every reason for paintings from their collections being sold around the end of 1652 or beginning of 1653: Vermeer's death left his family in dire financial straits, Pick will probably have sold his pictures (as he did his inn) before moving to Leiden and Van Beresteijn will probably have wanted to realize some money on his wife's inheritance. Thus the dates of Vermeer's burial in October 1652 and Pick's inventory of March 1653 would seem to provide crucial clues to the dating of the sketches, which were probably made in rapid succession, to judge from the unity of style, despite the great diversity of the models, and the straightforward consecutive numbering. Presumably the intention was to bring these pictures from Delft collections together for a sale (Note 18) and Bramer was commissioned to make sketches in advance (or even to make a certain selection, Note 19) possibly to give an idea of what was on offer to collectors or dealers elsewhere (which might explain the 'inking in' of the painters' names originally written in chalk on five of the drawings, cat. nos. 17, 35, 36, 47 and 64). Bramer made such chalk inscriptions on ten of the drawings (Note 20), probably while sketching them. Afterwards he inscribed and numbered all of them in ink (Note 5). Notes in another 17th-century hand appear on cat. nos.22 and 24. The sheets may all have been of the same size originally, but have since been cut down, often wholly or partly along the framing lines around the sketch. This may well have been done by Bramer himsef or the dealer he made them for. Just over half of them remained together and were stuck into the present album in the 19th century. There are no portraits among the sketches and only two stll lifes and two marine paintings, but eleven Italianate landscapes and 22 history paintings. Thus the subjects differ somewhat from the categories arrived at by Montiasfor mid 17th-century Delft from his study of inventories (Note 56). The preference for history pieces is probably to be explained by the high social standing of the owners. The majority of the pictures were very modern for that time and of the 41 artists, 28 were still alive in 1652-3 and eight of them were only 35 or younger. Bramer's material contradicts Montlas' conclusion that Delft collectors showed a preference for local painters (Note 58), whose work amounted to 40-50% of that listed in the inventories. Of Bramer's 41 painters, only thirteen were from Delft (Note 59) and only five are found in Montias' list of the most common painters in Delft inventories. Thus the pictures sketched by Bramer fall outside the 'normal Delft pattern' and evince a less provincial taste. However, the collectors were still not among the leading figures of their day in this field by comparison with, for example, Boudewijn de Man of Delft (Note 62), whose collection included works by Goltzius, Bloemaert, Rubens, Rembrandt and Ter Brugghen in 1644. The pictures sketched by Bramer were presumably to be brought together for public auction and the sketches may very probably have been made with an eye to the sale catalogue. While sale catalogues are known in the second half of the 17th century, they only relate to very important collections, which makes these sketches very unusual as a documentation of a sale of pictures from average well-to-do collectors and dealers. The collection of sketches as such certainly has no parallel at this period (Note 64).

Based on archival research, this article describes the actions taken by the city government to put Amsterdam into a state of defence during 1672, the so-called Disaster Year. Particular attention is paid to the spatial consequences of these measures. In the spring of 1672, the Dutch Republic was attacked by an alliance between France, England, Cologne and Münster. The French army’s advance was eventually halted on the border of the province of Holland by dint of flooding the polders. In 1673, the tide of the war turned in the Republic’s favour, and hostilities ceased in 1674. In 1659, Amsterdam had embarked on a series of major urban expansion works between the Leidsegracht canal and the IJ inlet. On 10 June 1672, all city works were halted except those on the fortifications. Priority was given to the restoration of the city wall, which had been weakened by subsidence. Outside the wall, a free field of fire was created, and measures were taken to defend the unfortified IJ shore. The city militia was also reorganized. From June 1672, a semi-circle of low-lying polders around Amsterdam were flooded by opening sluices and breaching dykes. This was done step by step, in a form of dynamic water management that was constantly adapted to the changing circumstances in order to maximize the defensive potential and to minimize the damage. Waterways were blocked off and defended by armed ships. Six fortifications were built on the higher access roads in the immediate vicinity of the city, often close to one of the inundation openings. These were permanently manned. The city government also arranged for the construction of outposts further away, such as in Uithoorn, which were crucial to maintaining the flooding operations. With the river Vecht acting as the first line of defence – the ‘outer wall’ of Amsterdam as it were – Muiden, Weesp, the Hinderdam and Nieuwersluis were also reinforced with fortifications. After the recapture of Naarden in 1673, the first steps were taken to return to normality and in 1674-1675 all temporary fortifications were demolished. All defensive structures disappeared from the landscape around Amsterdam. From this point of view, the spatial consequences seem to have been short-lived. However, the 1672 defence concept served as a model for all later defence lines around Amsterdam, the last one being the Stelling van Amsterdam, or Amsterdam Defence Line, in which the capital city functioned as a ‘national redoubt’. In this respect the spatial consequences of the Disaster Year cannot be underestimated.

Em outubro de 1917, após o afundamento do cargueiro brasileiro Macau, o presidente Wenceslau Braz declarou guerra à Alemanha; sem condições para levar uma grande ação bélica a Europa, optou entre outras coisas, pelo envio de uma Comissão Brasileira de Estudos, de Operação de Guerra e Compra de Material. Este artigo pretende discorrer sobre os seus antecedentes, sobre o papel da França na cooptação do Brasil para a guerra, sobre a formação da comissão, sua missão e finalmente como se deu a atuação dos seus oficiais no front francês e belga durante a campanha dos Cem Dias em 1918. Foi possível verificar que o desempenho dos militares contribuiu para a aquisição de considerável experiência, e por conclusão permitiu a adoção de um padrão militar que seria ampliado após a contratação de uma Missão Militar Francesa em 1919. Missão essa que reformaria o Exército Brasileiro ao longo de vinte anos.

Resumen: En este trabajo se analiza la detención por la Guardia Civil y la posterior investigación que sufrieron, por parte de la justicia militar franquista, el director de cine Florián Rey, el actor Miguel Ligero y otras personas relacionadas con ellos. Este episodio se produjo en 1945 durante el rodaje en Aranjuez de la película La Luna vale un millón (Florián Rey, 1945) y estuvo motivado por la denuncia de un antiguo actor, Luis Infiesta Rojas. Al parecer, los encausados habrían efectuado afirmaciones contra el ejército español y a favor del comunismo. Los implicados negaron las acusaciones y presentaron diversos testigos que avalaron su fidelidad al Régimen franquista. Después de varias semanas en prisión, los arrestados fueron liberados y el expediente judicial militar fue archivado. Parece evidente en este caso que ni siquiera una posición social elevada y una fidelidad fuera de toda duda al Régimen franquista podía evitar que la justicia militar pusiese en marcha su maquinaria ante posibles amenazas al mismo.Palabras clave: Florián Rey, Miguel Ligero, Justicia militar, Franquismo, Historia del cine.Abstract: This work analyzes the arrest by the Civil Guard and the subsequent investigation by the francoist military court, of the film director Florián Rey, the actor Miguel Ligero and others related to them. This episode occurred in 1945 during the filming in Aranjuez of the movie La Luna vale un millón (Florián Rey, 1945) and was motivated by the complaint of a former actor, Luis Infiesta Rojas. Apparently, the accused would have made affirmations against the Spanish army and in favor of communism. Those implicated denied the accusations and presented several witnesses who endorsed their fidelity to the Franco regime. After several weeks in prison, the arrested were released and the military court process was filed. It seems evident in this case that not even a high social position and a fidelity beyond doubt to the francoist Regime could prevent the military justice to start up a process originated by possible threats to it.Keywords: Florián Rey, Miguel Ligero, Military court, Francoism, Film history.