Academic literature on the topic 'France Militia History'

Abstract French Revolutionaries shared many of the same beliefs as their American counterparts about the relationship between citizenship and bearing arms. Both nations’ leaders viewed standing armies as a threat to freedom, and both nations required militia participation from a portion of the citizenry. Yet the right to bear arms is a legacy only of the American Revolution. The right to bear arms came up several times in debates in France’s National Assembly. The deputies never approved that right, but they never denied it either. During the first years of the Revolution, the leading politicians were wary of arming poor citizens, a concern that was in tension with the egalitarian language of the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Moreover, militias thrived during the early years of the French Revolution and became instruments—albeit unstable ones—for maintaining a social domination that played out along class lines. In response to the contradictions in their positions, French revolutionary leaders remained silent on the issue. In France as in the United States, the question of whether or not there was a right to bear arms was less important than the question of who had the right to bear arms.

The massive efforts of the Bourbon monarchs of the late colonial period to give their Spanish-American empire a modern state apparatus, extract more revenues from it, and defend it effectively from foreign interlopers involved an unprecedented assertion of royal authority at all levels of government, including the local one. Municipal government throughout the Americas became both an object of reform and one of the chief instruments of Bourbon reorganization at ground level. All the major activities and changes that required direct contact with the general population, from the taking of censuses and the establishment of militia units to the imposition of new taxes and the reorganization of the colonial financial structure, depended on municipal governments for their effective implementation. When the world wars for empires among Britain, France, and Spain reached a crisis stage for the Bourbons with Napoleon's invasion of Spain in 1808, the municipal governments became even more vital to the maintenance of the viceroyalties and the survival of the Spanish monarchy.

William III's military and political career was marked by a sustained tension between his obsessive struggle against France and the fear caused by his accession to enhanced titles of power. Crucial to William's shift from stadholderate to kingship was his assumption of emergency powers in 1672 to defend his country against French invasion. Throughout his stadholderate (1672–1702), he came to be seen by his Dutch republican opponents as a Roman dictator intent on using military power to break the harmony of the constitution, while Orangist propaganda tried to present the rule of the One as the best remedy to the recurrent danger of civil war and anarchy. Spurred by the Ryswick treaty of September 1697 and fuelled by a deeply engrained tradition of resistance to any expanded military establishment, the standing army debates of 1697–9 came as an effort to understand a major political controversy in the light of the history of republican Rome. The political theorists of the New Country Party strove to reassert the superiority of civil over military power by showing how the decay of the Roman Republic had been caused by a departure from the civic militia paradigm and a drift towards military monarchy which fostered the growth of tyranny. It was thought that England's commitment to a prolonged war effort would entail a similar process and imperil the age-old balance between king and parliament. The contention of this article is that the standing army debates of 1697–9 can be construed as an encounter between Dutch and English neo-Romanism, crystallizing in the controversial figure of William. An overall view of William's military and political career and the search for elements of continuity in his supporters' and his opponents' arguments will serve to look at the role of historicism in the construction of a late seventeenth-century Anglo-Dutch ideological space.

The First Crusade was such an important event with such amazing consequences that it is hardly surprising that an enormous amount of ink has been spent on discovering the reasons why enthusiasm for it was so widespread. Much effort has been spent on examining factors which preconditioned the men of the eleventh century to welcome Urban's appeal in 1095–6. Broadly speaking it has been supposed that the wars against Islam in Spain accustomed men to the notion of Holy War, while the growing authority of the Church in the age of reform predisposed them to obey their spiritual directors – early evidence of this was the Peace and Truce of God first proclaimed by the bishops and clergy of France. Papal initiative in supporting the reconquest of Islamic Sicily and ‘corrupt’ England, and the influence of papal ideas about the militia Christi refined and developed by Anselm of Lucca reinforced the point. The Church threw its authority behind pilgrimage, the great manifestation of the popular piety of the age which was intimately allied to devotion to relics of saints and the cult of their sacred places. The most sacred of all places, and therefore the greatest of pilgrimages, was that to Jerusalem. It was the spiritual reward for this journey to Jerusalem which Urban 11 offered for those going on the expedition of 1095. These factors have always been the substance of discussion and were systematically analysed by Erdmann in a book which remains the basis of scholarly discussion to this day.

The story of freedom fighter Jean Djonteu provides a new approach to the history of Union des populations du Cameroun (UPC) nationalism in the Grassfields and Mungo regions of Cameroon. Within the context of Baham, his village of origin, Djonteu's actions and tracts reveal his politico-spiritual reasons for joining the UPC militia in its revolutionary fight against Franco-Cameroonian state administration. UPC nationalism and village political culture formed a hybrid of political ideologies, or a ‘village nationalism’ articulating UPC anti-colonialism with Grassfields political concepts of nation and sovereignty that pre-dated European occupation. As this articulation disintegrated, Grassfields populations disengaged from state politics and turned inwards towards village political culture and spirituality rekindled by popular involvement in the UPC nationalist movement.

The world is now undergoing a transformation as profound as that experienced with the rise of the territorial state system after the religious wars of Europe’s feudal period. Modern technology in defense and communications and “emerging trans-state patterns of commerce, politics, and cultural life” are rendering traditional notions of “frontier” obsolete. Dispersed transnational communities—Sikhs in Canada, Muslims in Britain, Germany, France, and the U.S.—sectarian and ethnic militias sustained by emigré and foreign funds, and transnational banking, commercial, religious, and intellectual links often opaque to state authorities may not threaten the existence of the nation-state everywhere, but they serve as a poignant reminder that nation-states are not the only significant political actors in the late twentieth century.

Neste texto, revisitamos o processo político espanhol recente, enfatizando as questões relativas às Forças Armadas (FFAA), buscando compreender desde a formação destas Forças antes da ditadura de Francisco Franco, passando por esta e chegando aos dias de hoje, quando parece que as reformas promovidas ao longo dos últimos 30 anos, resultaram na incorporação definitiva das FFAA à democracia.

Under the French Directory the line army was called into many parts of France to protect law and order and to shore up the regime. The authors of regional studies in the period have alluded to military presence but have failed to draw general inferences about the importance of military policing. The political ambitions of commanders-in-chief of fighting armies after the fall of Robespierre and the nature and history of operations have long been the subject of historical research, but no-one has yet investigated the nature of relations between civil and military authorities in any part of the interior that was not a war zone. The line army had been used in a policing role during the old regime and the early years of the revolution, but the advent of war in 1792 removed it to the frontiers. This suited revolutionary governments which were uncertain of its loyalty and uneasy about the reduction of discipline. In 1793 and 1794 revolutionary order was imposed instead by an increasingly centralized network of civilian elites and militias – revolutionary armies, committees, tribunals and representatives on mission – which operated by means of intimidation and civic denunciation. The dismantling of this apparatus of Terror in the year III (late 1794/5) in favour of a liberal constitution which breathed new life into the elective institutions of local government unleashed an anarchy of frustrated aspirations and hatreds born out of the turbulence of the revolutionary experience. Individuals and factions vied for control of local judicial and executive positions in order to make up revolutionary losses and to keep out their enemies.

En este articulo se analizan los origenes ideologicos del regimen franquista desde la perspectiva de un ≪estado deportivo≫, en el sentido que la cultura fisica, no solo la educacion fisica sino tambien la deportiva, debia preparar a la juventud para los tiempos de paz despues de la Guerra Civil (1936-1939). A partir de la concepcion de la vida como milicia, se revisan los presupuestos ideologicos y las disposiciones legales que pusieron las bases de este ≪estado deportivo≫, dependiente de la Falange, que encontro a partir de 1943 una esplendida caja de resonancia en las imagenes del NO-DO, coincidiendo con la celebracion del primer Congreso Nacional de Educacion Fisica (octubre de 1943) que diseno un programa de actuacion que no se plasmo legalmente hasta 1961 con la aprobacion de la ley de Educacion Fisica. Si bien en un principio, este estatalismo deportivo, inspirado en los modelos clasicos (espartano, revolucionario frances), encontro un ejemplo en el totalitarismo europeo, especialmente en la organizacion de los Juegos Olimpicos de Berlin (1936) por parte del nazismo, con el paso del tiempo esta carga ideological fue cediendo protagonismo en favor de un ideario inspirado en la pedagogia deportiva de Pierre de Coubertin. En esta direccion, la participacion olimpica, la organizacion de los Segundos Juegos del Mediterraneo (Barcelona, 1955) y los Juegos Olimpicos de Roma (1960), con el beneplacito de la Iglesia catolica, fueron acicates para que el ≪estado deportivo≫, siempre bajo el control de la Falange, asumiese los valores del olimpismo.

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The main aim of this thesis is subsidize the comprehension of Brazilian Army s History and its modernist transformation, through the first years of operation of the French Military Mission hired by the Brazilian Government, in 1919, after tough discussion about the foreign model that the country would follow. Subsequently the choice of French instructors (instead the Germans, for example), parts of the Brazilian Army, the government and civil society, who desired modernity to the military institution, they hybridized your expectations and practices with the lessons, experiences and values from the French officers, fresh out of the Great War, as General Maurice Gamelin, first chief of the Mission . Departing from the idea that the concept of modernity, according to the Argentine anthropologist Néstor García Canclini, consists not necessarily the symmetric notions of modernism and modernization , it s discussed the process of Brazilian Army s transformation, with the French Mission, was characterized more by modernist elements that the modernizers
A presente tese tem o propósito de contribuir para a compreensão da história do Exército brasileiro e da sua transformação modernista, durante os primeiros anos de atuação da Missão Militar Francesa de Instrução contratada pelo governo brasileiro, em 1919, após intenso debate sobre o modelo estrangeiro que o país deveria seguir. Posteriormente à escolha dos instrutores franceses (em detrimento dos alemães, por exemplo), segmentos do Exército brasileiro e do governo, bem como setores da sociedade civil que desejavam a modernidade para a instituição militar hibridizaram suas expectativas e práticas com ensinamentos, experiências e valores provenientes dos oficiais franceses, recém-saídos da Primeira Guerra Mundial, como o general Maurice Gamelin, primeiro chefe da missão. Baseando-se na ideia de que o conceito de modernidade comporta as noções não necessariamente simétricas de modernismo e modernização , como entende o antropólogo argentino Néstor García Canclini, discute-se nesta tese que o processo de transformação do Exército brasileiro, influenciado pela Missão Militar Francesa de Instrução, se caracterizou por elementos modernistas em prejuízo dos elementos modernizadores

En tant que colonie romaine, capitale administrative de la province de Lyonnaise, la ville de Lugdunum tisse depuis ses origines des liens étroits avec l’exercitus romanus. Impliquée directement, et à plusieurs reprises, dans des conflits militaires de grande ampleur, elle est la seule ville de Gaule à avoir accueilli une cohorte urbaine, dont l’existence est attestée par les sources écrites comme par les inscriptions funéraires. Face à ces témoignages, et à défaut de découvertes récentes, l’archéologie, jusqu’ici peu prise en compte, apparaît comme une source complémentaire de poids pour comprendre les modalités de la présence et de l’occupation militaire de Lugdunum. Le développement récent de l’archéologie programmée et préventive a favorisé la collecte d’un mobilier toujours plus abondant. Parmi les ensembles d’instrumentum recueillis, certains objets, appelés militaria, relèvent de la sphère militaire. Le travail exposé au sein de cette thèse se propose donc de traiter de la question de la présence militaire romaine à Lugdunum à travers le prisme de ces artefacts archéologiques. L’étude proposée s’appuie sur un corpus de de 496 fragments pour 337 objets, répartis sur quarante sites disséminés sur le territoire de la colonie romaine et ses abords proches. Chaque artefact fait l’objet d’une étude exhaustive selon les catégories fonctionnelles en usage (armement offensif et défensif, ceintures/baudrier, harnachement, autres). Une discussion d’ordre technologique, typologique et chronologique est proposée pour chacun d’eux, sur la base des comparaisons observées à l’échelle du monde romain. A l’appui des données collectées, une discussion d’ordre quantitative, spatiale et contextuelle est engagée ainsi qu’une réflexion sur une éventuelle production artisanale de certaines catégories d’armement et d’équipement militaire à Lugdunum. Les résultats de l’étude servent de point d’appui pour un discours élargi sur la présence militaire romaine à Lyon entre le Ier et le IVe s. apr. J.-C. La confrontation des données archéologiques, historiques et épigraphiques permet de proposer plusieurs hypothèses sur la nature de l’occupation militaire de Lugdunum, sur son évolution et sa densité mais aussi son intégration au tissu urbain de la colonie de droit romain
As a roman colony and administrative capital of the Gaul Lyonnaise province, the city of Lugdunum entwines, since its origins, direct links with the exercitus romanus. This city was entangled directly and often in major military conflicts. Furthermore, it was the only settlement in Gaul to welcome a roman cohort, whose existence is confirmed by written sources such as funerary inscriptions. Taking into account these evidences, and lacking of recent findings, Archeology, lightly valued till now, appears as a great important source to understand the procedures of the military presence and occupation in Lugdunum. Recentdevelopments in both rescue and voluntary Archeology, favored the assemblage of a great number of collections. Among the gathered sets of instrumentum, certain objects arise mainly from the military sphere, the militaria.The work set out at the center of this thesis enables to approach the interpretation of the roman military presence in Lugdunum through the perspective of these archeological artifacts. The present study relies on a militaria corpus of 496 fragments to 337 objects, diffused over forty sites, scattered on the territory of the roman colony and its outskirts. Each artifact wassubjected to a thorough research, according to the classifications in use: defensive and offensive armament, belts, straps, harness and others. A technological, typological and chronological analysis is proposed for each one of them, based on the fieldwork observed at the scale of the roman world. After analyzing the data collected, conclusions about space, context and quantity can be established, as well as the notion of a possible craft-related production of certain types of military weaponry and equipment in Lugdunum.The results of this study provide a support for a broader discussion, as it concerns the roman military occupation in Lyon between the 1st century BC and the 4th century AD. The combination of the archaeological, historical and epigraphical data allows several hypothesis on the nature of the military establishment in Lugdunum, but also on its evolution, density andits role on the urban network of the colony of roman law

Cette thèse analyse la quête de distinction des bourgeoisies urbaines à l'époque moderne à travers le cas particulier des compagnies de chevaliers des nobles jeux de l'arc, de l'arbalète et de l'arquebuse, formes de sociabilité persistant tout au long de l'Ancien Régime. Le cadre d'étude est le royaume de France, du roi Henri IV jusqu'au 24 avril 1793, date du dernier décret mettant définitivement fin à ce qui reste de ces compagnies.Au gré du renforcement du pouvoir royal, cette thèse montre les enjeux pour les bourgeois du maintien de cette sociabilité dans l'espace public français. À l'intersection de l'histoire de la bourgeoisie, de l'histoire des sociabilités, de l'histoire des jeux et de l'histoire militaire des villes, elle permet de mettre au jour les rapports complexes des bourgeois avec les autorités municipales, royales et militaires. Elle révèle également une grande influence et une large présence de ces compagnies dans de nombreuses villes du Royaume, aspects encore trop méconnus.La première partie expose les origines diverses et amalgamées de ces compagnies, pour ensuite se consacrer à la passion de la bourgeoisie pour la sociabilité et les privilèges. Elle montre la structuration en sociétés urbaines d'élus, constituées en un ordre chevaleresque connu et reconnu à travers le Royaume, qui intéressera progressivement les habitants des faubourgs et villages. La seconde partie analyse les activités organisées par ces compagnies dans l'espace urbain, en particulier leurs exercices et concours de tir. Constitués en nobles jeux et en jeux olympiques de tir, les chevaliers renforcent et entretiennent l'idée que leurs exercices sont des jeux d'élite, réservés à l'élite. Outre la présentation des fêtes grandioses et de la théâtralité chevaleresque mises en scène, cette partie permet d'apprécier les enjeux de ces manifestations urbaines.La troisième partie permet quant à elle d'apprécier les jeux et enjeux des pouvoirs à travers la stratégie de distinction et de conservation des droits et exemptions des membres de ces compagnies. La dernière partie se concentre sur la place réservée à ces compagnies au sein de la milice bourgeoise et à leur caractère militaire volontairement affiché. L'étude des missions confiées par les villes à ces compagnies montre, à travers les siècles, un rôle militaire relativement fantasmé, accessoire et décrié. Occupant des places d'honneur et de sécurité, qui distinguent les chevaliers des nobles jeux des miliciens de quartiers, il faut attendre les turbulences de la Révolution pour observer quelques prises de risque, qui ne permettront toutefois pas d'éviter une fusion avec la Garde nationale
This thesis aims to analyze the quest for social distinction, which animated the French urban bourgeoisie all along the Modern Era, through the example of the Companies of Knights of the noble games of Archery, of the Crossbow and Arquebus – a kind of sociability that persisted over the whole Ancien Régime. The framework of our study is the Kingdom of France, from the last decade of the xvith century to April 24th 1793, the day when a decree put a definitive end to what had subsisted from the companies.Following the long rise of the French Royal power, this thesis shows how important it was – for the bourgeois – to maintain this sociability in the French public space. At the crossroad of bourgeoisie history, history of sociabilities, history of games and military history of the cities, it unveils the complex relationship between bourgeois on the one hand, and municipal, royal and military authorities on the other. It also reveals the great – yet still widely underestimated – influence and numerical importance of these companies were in many cities.Part One will be dedicated to the diverse and blended origins of these companies as well as to the passion the bourgeoisie had for sociability and privileges. This part demonstrates that the constitution of urban societies of elected members – forming a chivalric order known and acknowledged across the whole Kingdom – progressively raised interest among the inhabitants of the faubourgs and villages. Moreover, it enables us to appreciate the power games and stakes in the cities through the strategies of social distinction, exemptions and maintenance of rights deployed by the the companies’ members.Part Two turn to analyze the activities of thess companies in the urban space, aspecially the shooting exercises and competitions. Constitute in Noble games and Olympic games, the Knights reinforced and maintained the idea that their exercises where elitist games, reserved to an elite they where part of. In addition to exhibiting the magnificent feasts and the chivalric dramatization, this part highlights the social, cultural and political issues of these urban events.Part Three will focus on the place dedicated to the Companies within the urban militia and on their military aspect, which was voluntarily stressed. Studying the missions given to those companies over the centuries reveals that their military function was more ideal than actual, marginal and criticized. Confined to honour places or performing security missions – which distinguished the Knights of the Noble games from the city’s militiamen – it was not until the troubled times of the French Revolution that some risks were taken, yet it did not prevent the companies from getting merged into the Garde nationale
В этой диссертации анализируется поиск городской буржуазией самоидентификации в современный период через частный случай рыцарских обществ аристократических военных игр: «обществ стрельбы из лука, арбалета и аркебузы», которые являлись формами социализации, сохранившимися во Франции Старого порядка. Предметом изучения является Королевство Франция, начиная от короля Генриха IV и до 24 апреля 1793 года, даты последнего указа, положившего конец тому, что осталось от этих обществ.Это исследование демонстрирует проблемы и вызовы, с которыми сталкивалась буржуазия для поддержания данного социального взаимодействия в пространстве французского общества в период укрепления королевской власти. На стыке истории буржуазии, истории подобных обществ, истории игр и военной истории городов, изучение этих социальных взаимодействий позволяет выявить сложные связи между буржуазией и городскими, королевскими и военными властями. Это исследование раскрывает малоизученные аспекты огромного влияния и широкого присутствия этих обществ во многих городах Королевства.Первая часть данной диссертации представляет различные и разнородные истоки этих обществ, а также, иллюстрирует стремление буржуазии к формированию подобных сообществ и привилегиям. В дальнейшем, представляется возможность проследить интеграцию в городскую структуру выборных членов, сформировавшихся подобном в рыцарском обществе, известном и признанным во всем Королевстве, и которое постепенно вызывает интерес у жителей пригородов и деревень.Во второй части анализируются мероприятия, организуемые такими обществами в городской среде, в частности упражнения и соревнования по стрельбе. В процессе преобразования этих мероприятий в аристократические игры и олимпийские игры по стрельбе, рыцари укрепляли и поддерживали идею, что их развлечения - это привилегированные игры, предназначенные для определенной элиты. Помимо изучения процесса создания великолепной рыцарской постановки, эта часть исследования позволяет понять и другие аспекты этих городских представлений.Третья часть исследования содержит информацию об играх и влиянии властей на членов подобных обществ через стратегию разграничения и сохранения прав и свобод.Последняя часть посвящена тому месту, которое было отведено таким обществам в буржуазной милиции и их военному духу, который вставлялся напоказ. Изучение задач, возложенных городами на эти общества, демонстрирует, что на протяжении веков их военная роль была относительно выдуманной, незначительной, вспомогательной и осуждаемой. Занимая почетные места и места в охранных структурах городов, которые отличали рыцарей аристократических игр от окрестных ополченцев, эти общества встретили потрясения Революции, что не помешало, однако, их слиянию с Национальной гвардией

La création officielle du musée de l’Armée au sein de l’Hôtel des Invalides se fait en 1905 du regroupement de deux établissements préexistants, le musée historique de l’Armée et le musée d’Artillerie. Ce faisant, ce sont deux conceptions des collections d’objets militaires qui se regroupent sous une même tutelle. Alors que l’un est avant tout un musée des techniques, soucieux de retranscrire les évolutions de l’armement au fil du temps, l’autre cherche à transmettre au visiteur un sentiment de grandeur nationale intemporelle dont l’armée est le ciment et le reflet. Cette double ascendance va être au cœur des questionnements sur la muséographie et les choix relatifs à la collection durant toute la vie de l’établissement. La place de la mémoire va notamment être un enjeu permanent. Les premiers temps de mise en place de ce grand musée s’arrêtent avec la Grande Guerre qui voit à la fois le musée ralentir son activité et connaître une grande affluence avec l’exposition des trophées et des peintures réalisées sur le front. Cet épisode si particulier de la vie de l’établissement va initier la création de nouvelles salles dès 1915 et donner au musée l’ambition d’être un lieu phare de la mémoire du premier conflit mondial. Cette aspiration se heurte à la fois aux moyens limités du musée alloués par le ministère de la Guerre et à l’expression même de ces commémorations. L’obtention de l’autonomie financière du musée en 1928 va transformer l’établissement qui s’inspire alors des collections privées. Séparant nettement les parties consacrées à la mémoire de celles montrant la collection, l’établissement se donne alors une politique qui perdure au-delà du second conflit mondial
The official creation of the French Army Museum in the Hotel des Invalides occured in 1905, gathering two pre-existent establishments, the Army historic museum and the artillery museum. In so doing it is two conceptions of the collections of military objects that group together under the same administration. One was a museum of techniques, eager to retranscribe the evolutions of the armament over time, the other one tried to transmit to the visitor a feeling of timeless greatness of the french nation symbolized by its Army. This double ancestry is going to be the core of questionings on the museography and the choices relative to the collection during all the life of the establishment. The place of the memory is going to be a permanent stake. The first stages of implementation stopped with the Great War, which saw at the same time the museum slowing down its activity and knowing a big influx with the exhibition of trophies and paintings realized on the battlefield. This episode, so peculiar in the life of the establishment, is going to impulse the creation of new rooms from 1915 onward. Then the Army museum had the ambition to be a key place of the memory of the first world conflict. However this will had to cope with two major difficulties. First, the war ministry didn’t provide enough fees and furthermore the expression of these remembrances after 1918 left the Invalides for other places. In 1928, while the museum obtained its financial autonomy, all the display were changed in a way close to the private collections. Separating the parts dedicated to the memory of those showing the collection, the establishment gave itself a policy which continued beyond the second world conflict

A presente tese de doutoramento visa propor uma análise da Instituição militar do Estado-Maior em sentido comparado e diacrónico. Esta análise desenvolve-se a partir do surgimento deste órgão militar até à Primeira Guerra Mundial e aborda quatro casos, ou seja, o Estado-Maior prussiano-alemão, o francês, o britânico e o português. Finalmente, o objetivo desta investigação é oferecer uma definição deste órgão militar que seja historiograficamente alicerçada e que possa ser aplicada também aos Estados-Maiores aqui não abordados. Procura-se, na presente tese, investigar as razões que induziram as chefias políticas dos países analisados a implementar nos seus sistemas militares o órgão militar alvo de estudo. Foram analisados os fatores que determinaram a evolução dos Estados-Maiores, como se articulavam do ponto de vista organizativo, como se relacionavam com as chefias militares e políticas e que papel desempenharam no período de crise que conduziu à Primeira Guerra Mundial, para além das atividades que realizaram nas primeiras fases daquele conflito. Esta investigação apresenta elementos inovadores a respeito dos estudos histórico-militares. A escolha de princípios teórico-metodológicos que foram pouco aproveitados relativamente à análise dos Estados-Maiores permitiu oferecer um olhar novo sobre esta Instituição, sobretudo se comparado com os poucos estudos sobre este assunto encontrados na literatura científica. A abordagem diacrónica dos quatro casos analisados permite obter informações específicas sobre o surgimento e a evolução do órgão militar objeto da presente tese, informações essas que irão constituir os elementos para chegar a uma definição desta Instituição que seja sintética e historiograficamente sólida.
This PhD thesis aims to analyse the military institution of the General Staff from a comparative and diachronic perspective. This analysis spreads from the birth of this military institution until the First World War and examines four different cases, i.e., the Prussian-German, the French, the British and the Portuguese General Staffs. Finally, the main goal of this investigation is to formulate a definition of this military institution, definition that aims to be historically grounded and that can be applied also to other General Staffs not investigated in this thesis. In the present analysis, the reasons that lead to the institution of the General Staffs in the researched countries will be studied. Furthermore, the elements that determined the evolution of the General Staffs will be examined, how they were articulated from an organizational point of view, which relations they had with politics and the other military agencies, which role they played before the beginning of the First World War and which activities they performed in the first stages of that conflict. This investigation has innovative elements, when compared to other works of military history. The theoretical and methodological principles that were chosen are not usual for the studies concerning the General Staffs, and this choice allows to provide a new vision on this Institution, especially when compared to the few works on this matter. The diachronic approach in the four analysed cases allows to gather specific evidences to explain the birth and evolution of the General Staffs, and these evidences shall be considered as the main elements to formulate a definition of General Staff that is concise and historically grounded

This chapter traces the history of Pickens’s Presbyterian and Huguenot ancestors as they migrated from Scotland to France, back to Scotland, to Ireland, Pennsylvania, the Shenandoah Valley, the Waxhaws region of the Carolinas, and finally to Long Cane, near Ninety Six, South Carolina. The Pickens’ migrations were driven by the search for religious freedom and economic opportunity, and everywhere they went they participated in the establishment of churches, legal institutions, and militia companies. This chapter also describes the Calvinist religious doctrine and world view of these Scotch-Irish Presbyterians and their frontier communities.

El propósito del trabajo es dar a conocer la existencia de este campo denominado de internamiento en el Béarn, desde los años 1939 a 1945. En concreto en la población de Gurs, un pequeño pueblo, en el Pirineo Atlántico francés. Y del Memorial obra de Dani Karavan. Tras la derrota militar del ejército republicano se produce un exilio masivo - se cifra en medio millón de personas tras la caída de Barcelona el 26 de enero de 1939-, del ejército y población de la IIª República. El gobierno francés crea esta suerte de campos de internamiento. El de Gurs fue el más grande y encerró a los que consideraban indeseables: republicanos procedentes de España, brigadistas internacionales, aviadores republicanos. Refugiados de la Europa Central y sin papeles, comunistas y resistentes franceses, gitanos y judíos extranjeros. En esta landa inhóspita permanecieron encerrados 60.550 hombres, mujeres y niños. Muchos descansan en los dos cementerios adjuntos al antiguo campo (en uno los republicanos, brigadistas, otros presos y el otro es el cementerio judío). Decidí realizar esta investigación en el terreno y hablando con supervivientes del campo, residentes en pueblos cercanos, para que los jóvenes europeos puedan tener conocimiento de que la Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzó en 1936, aunque no aparezca en ningún libro de historia. El gobierno francés tras años de intentar hacer desaparecer cualquier vestigio del mismo y ante la presión de los ciudadanos del Béarn, de la “Amicale du camp de Gurs”, asociaciones judías y otras muchas organizaciones y personalidades, paralizaron la destrucción completa de los restos del antiguo campo y encargaron al artista israelí Dani Karavan - uno de los artistas de “Land Art” vivos más reconocidos -, la construcción de este Memorial (existen tres en toda Francia), se inaugura el 14 de octubre de 1994. Al estar realizando la tesis sobre la obra y persona de Dani Karavan, acudí - en octubre de 2011- , al igual que a otros países y lugares donde tiene emplazadas obras ( Alemania, España, Francia, Italia, Israel,..), para realizar fotografías, filmaciones, dibujos, apuntes, obtener información de los ayuntamientos e ir recabando información para la tesis. Descubrí el lugar y recordé las palabras del artista: “Cuando trabajo en un nuevo emplazamiento trato con aspectos visibles e invisibles, con materiales sensibles, con memorias y con mi propio estado de conciencia y conocimiento histórico” . Tal fue el impacto, que pasé unos días consternado y más conforme oía relatos de supervivientes y leía sobre el campo y el trabajo de Dani Karavan, ante el ofrecimiento de realizar la obra y descubrir la realidad de lo sucedido. En enero acudí al “atelier” de Dani en París (ahora reside en Tel Aviv, pero venía a Europa unos días por compromisos ), hablé con el maestro el día 21/01/2017 y realicé unas fotografías tipo retrato, tras la entrevista. Detrás de él , en la pared, había unos fotos de este “Memorial National de Gurs".http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ANIAV.2017.5879